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THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 

OF  CALIFORNIA 

LOS  ANGELES 


b 


THE    HISTORIANS' 

HISTORY 

OF    THE    WORLD 


W  AWL  IX  SOX 


Contributors,  and  Editorial  Revisers. 

Prof.  Adolf  Erman,  University  of  Berlin. 

Prof.  Joseph  Halevy,  College  of  France. 

Prof.  Thomas  K.  Cheyne,  Oxford  University. 

Prof.  Andrew  C.  McLaughlin,  University  of  Michigan. 
Prof.  David  H.  Miiller,  University  of  Vienna. 

Prof.  Alfred  Rambaud,  University  of  Paris. 
Capt.  F.  Brinkley,  Tokio. 

Prof.  Eduard  Meyer,  University  of  Berlin. 

Dr.  James  T.  Shotwell,  Columbia  University. 

Prof.  Theodor  Noldeke,  University  of  Strasbnrg. 
Prof.  Albert  B.  Hart,  Harvard  University. 

Dr.  Paul  Bronnle,  Royal  Asiatic  Society. 
Dr.  James  Gairdner,  C.B.,  London. 

Prof.  Ulrich  von  "Wilamowitz  Mollendorff,  University  of  Berlin. 
Prof.  H.  Marczali,   University  of  Budapest. 

Dr.  G.  W.  Botsford,  Columbia  University. 

Prof.  Julius  Wellhausen,  University  of  Gottingen. 

Prof.  Franz  R.  von  Krones,  University  of  Graz. 
Prof.  Wilhelm  Soltau,  Zabem  University. 

Prof.  R.  W.  Rogers,  Drew  Theological  Seminary. 
Prof.  A.  Vambery,  University  of  Budapest. 

Prof.  Otto  Hirschfeld,  L^niversity  of  Berlin. 

Dr.  Frederick  Robertson  Jones,  Bryn  Mawr  College. 

Baron  Bernardo  di  San  Severino  Quaranta,  London. 
Dr.  John  P.  Peters,  New  York. 

Prof.  Adolph  Harnack,  University  of  Berlin. 

Dr.  S.  Rappoport,  School  of  Oriental  Languages,  Paris. 
Prof.  Hermann  Diels,  University  of  Berlin. 

Prof.  C.  W.  C.  Oman,  Oxford  University. 

Prof.  W.  L.  Fleming,  University  of  West  Virginia. 
Prof.  L  Goldziher,  University  of  Vienna. 

Prof.  R.  Koser,  University  of  Berlin. 


Annex 

0 


I03BZ 


KEY   TO   THE   AUTHORITIES. 

The  Historians'  History  of  the  World  is  in  one  sense  of  the  word  a  compilation, 
but  it  is  a  compilation  of  unique  character.  The  main  bulk  of  the  work  is  made  up  of 
direct  quotations  from  authorities,  cited  with  scrupulous  exactness ;  but  so  novel  is 
our  method  of  handling  this  material  that  the  casual  reader  might  scan  chapter  after 
chapter  without  suspecting  that  the  whole  is  not  the  work  of  a  single  writer.  Yet 
every  quotation,  whatever  its  length,  is  explicitly  credited  to  its  source,  and  the  reader 
who  wishes  to  know  the  names  of  the  authors  and  works  quoted  may  constantly  sat- 
isfy his  curiosity  without  the  slightest  difficulty.  The  key  to  identification  of  authori- 
ties is  found  in  the  unobtrusive  reference  letters  (called  by  the  printer  "  superior  let- 
ters"), such  as  '',  ",  '',  which  are  scattered  through  the  text.  These  reference  letters 
refer  in  each  case  to  a  "Brief  Reference-List"  at  the  end  of  the  book,  where,  chapter 
by  chapter,  author,  and  work  are  named.  Should  any  work  be  quoted  more  than 
once  in  a  chapter,  the  same  reference  letter  is  used  to  identify  that  work  in  each  case. 

The  reference  letters  are  used  in  two  ways :  they  are  either  (1)  placed  at  the  end 
of  a  sentence,  in  which  case  they  designate  an  actual  quotation,  or  (2)  they  are  placed 
against  the  name  of  an  author,  in  which  case  they  designate  an  authority  cited  but 
not  necessarily  quoted.  Each  reference  letter  at  the  end  of  a  sentence  refers  to  all 
the  matter  that  precedes  it  back  to  the  last  similarly  placed  reference  letter.  The  quo- 
tation thus  designated  may  be  of  any  length,— a  few  sentences  or  many  pages.  This 
quotation  may  contain  reference  letters  of  the  second  type  just  explained,  but,  if  so, 
these  may  be  altogether  disregarded  in  determining  the  limits  of  the  quotation ;  the 
context  will  make  it  clear  that  there  is  no  change  of  authorship.  On  the  other  hand, 
however  continuous  the  narrative  may  seem,  a  reference  letter  at  the  end  of  a  sen- 
tence must  always  be  understood  to  divide  one  quotation  from  another. 

All  this  may  seem  a  trifle  complex  as  told  here,  but  it  will  be  found  admirably 
simple  and  effective  in  practice.  The  reader  has  but  to  make  the  experiment,  to  find 
that  he  can  trace  the  authorship  of  every  line  of  the  work  without  the  slightest  diffi- 
culty. It  may  be  well  to  add,  however,  that  the  reference  letter  "  is  reserved  for  edi- 
torial matter,  and  that,  very  exceptionally,  this  letter  is  used  in  combination  with 
another  letter,  as  "^  '^,  ""*,  to  give  credit  for  matter  that  has  been  editorially  adapted, 
but  not  quoted  verbatim.  It  is  perhaps  hardly  necessary  to  explain  that  direct  quota- 
tions, such  as  go  to  make  up  the  bulk  of  our  work,  are  often  given  in  an  abbreviated 
form  through  the  omission  of  matter  that  is  redundant  or,  for  any  reason,  inad- 
missible. The  necessity  for  such  change  is  obvious,  since  otherwise  the  varied  mate- 
rials could  not  possibly  be  made  to  harmonise  or  to  meet  the  needs  of  our  space.  But, 
beyond  this,  no  liberty  whatever  is  taken  with  matter  presented  as  a  direct  quotation. 
Where  editorial  modification  is  thought  necessary,  the  use  of  reference  letters  makes 
such  modification  feasible  without  introducing  the  slightest  ambiguity.  We  repeat 
that  every  line  of  the  work  is  ascribed  to  its  proper  source  with  the  utmost  fidelity. 
Any  matter  not  otherwise  accredited— as,  for  example,  various  introductions,  chro- 
nologies, bibliographies,  and  the  like— will  be  understood  to  be  editorial.  Brackets 
also  indicate  editorial  matter. 


CONTESTS 


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CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  III 

PAGE 

Cosmology  and  Geography— Ancient  and  Modern  Ideas   .        .    38 


CHAPTER  IV 
The  Antiquity  of  the  Earth  and  of  Man         .        .       .    40 

CHAPTER  V 
The  Races  of  Man  and  the  Aryan  Question      ...    43 

CHAPTER  VI 

On  Prehistoric  Culture 45 

Language,  44.  Clothing  and  housing  of  prehistoric  man,  46.  The  use  of  fire, 
46.  Implements  of  peace  and  war,  47.  The  domestication  of  animals,  47.  Agricul- 
ture, 48.  Government,  49.  The  arts  of  painting,  sculpture,  and  decorative  architec- 
ture, 50.     The  art  of  writing,  50. 

PART  11.    EGYPT 

Introductory  Essay.    Egypt  as  a  World  Influence.   By  Dr.  Adolf  Erman    57 
Egyptian  History  in  Outline  (4400-332  b.c.) 65 

CHAPTER  I 
The  Egyptian  Race  and  its  Origin       .        .       .       .77 
The  country  and  its  inhabitants,  81.     Prehistoric  Egypt,  88. 

CHAPTER  II 
The  Old  Memphis  Kingdom  (ca.  4400-2700  b.c.)     .        .        .90 

The  first  dynasty,  90.  The  second  dynasty,  92.  The  third  dynasty,  92.  The 
pyramid  dynasty,  93.  A  modern  account  of  the  pyramids,  95.  The  builders  of  the 
pyramids,  98.     The  beautiful  Nitocris,  104. 

CHAPTER  III 
The  Old  Theban  Kingdom  {ca.  2700-1635  b.c.)      .        .        .106 

The  eleventh  dynasty,  106.  Tlie  voyage  to  Punt,  108.  The  twelfth  dynasty, 
110.  Monuments  of  the  twelfth  dynasty  ;  a  classical  view,  113.  The  ruins  of  Kar- 
nak,  115.  The  fall  of  the  Theban  kingdom,  117.  The  foreign  rule,  118.  The  Hyksos 
rule  ;  the  seventeenth  dynasty,  121. 


CONTENTS  XV 

CHAPTER   III 

PAGE 

The  Rise  of  Assyria  (ca.  3000-726  B.C.)    •        •        .        .366 

Land  and  people,  369.  Assyrian  capitals:  Asshur  and  Nineveh,  371.  The  rise  of 
Assyria,  372.  The  first  great  Assyrian  conqueror,  377.  The  reign  and  cruelty  of 
Asshurnazirpal,  380.  Shalmaneser  II  and  his  successors,  387.  Tiglathpileser  III, 
391.     Shalmaneser  IV,  395. 

CHAPTER  IV 

Four  Generations  op  Assyrian  Greatness  (722-626  b.c.)     .       .  397 

Sennacherib,  403.  Esarhaddon  and  Asshurbanapal,  416.  Esarhaddon's  reign, 
419.  Asshurbanapal's  early  years,  425.  The  Brothers'  War,  431.  The  last  wars  of 
Asshurbanapal,  434. 

CHAPTER  V 
The  Decline  and  Fall  of  Assyria  (626-606  b.c.)  .       .       .438 
Last  years  and  fall  of  the  Assyrian  Empire,  440. 

CHAPTER  VI 

Renascence  and  Fall  of  Babylon  (555-538  b.c.)  .       .        .446 

Contemporary  chronology,  448.  Nabopolassar  and  Nebuchadrezzar,  449.  The 
followers  of  Nebuchadrezzar,  453.     The  reign  of  Nabonidus,  455. 

CHAPTER  VII 

Manners  and  Customs  of  Babylonia-Assyria      .        .        .  460 

War  methods,  460.  Our  sources,  461,  Assyrian  war  costumes  and  war 
methods,  468.  The  arts  of  peace  in  Babylonia- Assyria,  472.  Babylon  and  its 
customs  described  by  an  eye-witness,  473.  A  later  classical  account  of  Babylon,  479. 
The  commerce  of  the  Babylonians,  484.  Ships  among  the  Assyrians,  491.  Laws  of 
the  Babylonians  and  Assyrians,  494.  Sale  of  a  slave,  496.  Sale  of  a  house,  497. 
The  code  of  Khammurabi,  498.  The  discovery  of  the  code,  498.  Miscellaneous  reg- 
ulations, 501.  Regulations  concerning  slaves,  502.  Provisions  concerning  robbery, 
502.  Concerning  leases  and  tillage,  503.  Concerning  canals,  504.  Commerce,  debt, 
504.  Domestic  legislation,  divorce,  inheritance,  505.  Laws  concerning  adoption, 
509.  Laws  of  recompense,  509.  Regulations  concerning  physicians  and  veterinary 
surgeons,  510.  Illegal  branding  of  slaves,  510.  Regulations  concerning  builders, 
511.  Regulations  concerning  shipping,  511.  Regulations  concerning  the  hiring  of 
animals,  farming,  wages,  etc. ,  511.  Regulations  concerning  the  buying  of  slaves, 
513. 

CHAPTER  VIII 

The  Religion  of  the  Babylonians  and  Assyrians         .        .515 

The  Assyrian  story  of  the  creation,  520.  The  Babylonian  religion,  521.  The 
epic  of  Gilgamish,  525.     Ishtar's  descent  into  Hades,  530. 


x^'i  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  IX 

PAGE 

Babylonian  and  Assyrian  Culture       .        .        .        .534 

Literature  and  science,  536.  Epistolary  literature,  539.  Art,  543.  Assyrian 
art,  552.  Assyrian  sculpture  and  the  evolution  of  art,  558.  A  classical  estimate  of 
Chaldean  philosophy  and  astrology,  563.  The  Babylonian  year,  565.  The  Baby. 
Ionian  day  and  its  divLsiou  into  hours,  566.     Assyrian  science,  567. 

APPENDIX  A 
Classical  Traditions 571 

The  Creation  and  the  Flood,  described  by  Polyhistor,  573.  Other  classical  frag- 
ments :  of  the  Chaldean  kings,  575.  Of  the  Chaldean  kings  and  the  deluge,  576.  Of 
the  tower  of  Babel,  577.  Of  Abraham,  577.  Of  Nabonassar,  577.  Of  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  Jewish  Temple,  577.  Of  Nebuchadrezzar,  577.  Of  the  Chaldean  kings 
after  Nebuchadrezzar,  578.  Of  the  feast  of  Sacea,  579.  A  fragment  of  Megasthenes 
concerning  Nebuchadrezzar,  579.  Ninus  and  Semii'amis,  580.  Semiramis  builds  a 
great  city,  584.  Semiramis  begins  a  career  of  conquest,  588.  Semiramis  invades 
India,  589.  Another  view  of  Semiramis,  593.  Reign  of  Ninyas  to  Sardanapalus, 
594.    The  destruction  of  Nineveh,  598. 

APPENDIX  B 
Excavations  in  Mesopotamia  and  Their  Results  .        .        .  600 

The  ruins  of  Nineveh  and  M.  Botta's  fii*st  discovery,  600.  Layard's  discoveries 
at  Nineveh,  604.  Later  discoveries  in  Babylonia  and  Assyria,  610.  The  results  of 
the  excavations,  612.  Treasures  from  Nineveh,  613.  The  library  of  a  king  of  Nine- 
veh, 618.     How  the  Assyrian  books  were  read,  623. 

Brief  Reference-List  of  Authorities  by  Chapters 627 

A  General  Bibliography  of  Mesopotamian  History 629 


PART   I.     PROLEGOMENA 


BOOK   I.     HISTORY,   HISTORIANS,   AND   THE   WRITING 
OF  HISTORIES 

CHAPTER  I 

SOME   GENERAL   CONSIDERATIONS 

Broadly  speaking,  the  historians  of  all  recorded  ages  seem  to  have  had 
the  same  general  aims.  They  appear  always  to  seek  either  to  glorify  some- 
thing or  somebody,  or  to  entertain  and  instruct  their  readers.  The  observed 
variety  in  historical  compositions  arises  not  from  difference  in  general  mo- 
tive, but  from  varying  interpretations  of  the  relative  status  of  these  objects, 
and  from  differing  judgments  as  to  the  manner  of  thing  likely  to  produce 
these  ends,  combined,  of  course,  with  varying  skill  in  literary  composition, 
and  varying  degrees  of  freedom  of  action. 

As  to  freedom  of  selective  judgment,  the  earliest  historians  whose  records 
are  known  to  us  exercised  practically  none  at  all.  Their  task  was  to  glorify 
the  particular  monarch  who  commanded  them  to  write.  The  records  of  a 
Ramses,  a  Sennacherib,  or  a  Darius  tell  only  of  the  successful  campaigns,  in 
which  the  opponent  is  so  much  as  mentioned  only  in  contrast  with  the 
prowess  of  the  victor. 

With  these  earliest  historians,  therefore,  the  ends  of  historical  composi- 
tion were  met  in  the  simplest  way,  by  reciting  the  deeds,  real  or  alleged,  of  a 
king,  as  Ramses,  Sennacherib,  or  David ;  or  of  the  gods,  as  Osiris,  or  Ishtar, 
or  Yahveh.  As  to  entertainment  and  instruction,  the  reader  was  expected  to 
be  overawed  by  the  recital  of  mighty  deeds,  and  to  draw  the  conclusion  that 
it  would  be  well  for  him  to  do  homage  to  the  glorified  monarch,  human  or 
divine. 

A  little  later,  in  what  may  be  termed  the  classical  period,  the  historians 
had  attained  to  a  somewhat  freer  position  and  wider  vision,  and  they 
sought  to  glorify  heroes  who  were  neither  gods  nor  kings,  but  the  representa- 
tives of  the  people  in  a  more  popular  sense.  Thus  the  Iliad  dwells  upon 
the  achievements  of  Achilles  and  Ajax  and  Hector  rather  than  upon  the 
deeds  of  Menelaus  and  Priam,  the  opposing  kings.  Hitherto  the  deeds  of 
all  these  heroes  would  simply  have  been  transferred  to  the  credit  of  the 
king.  Now  the  individual  of  lesser  rank  is  to  have  a  hearing.  Moreover, 
the  state  itself  is  now  considered  apart  from  its  particular  ruler.  The  his- 
tories of  Herodotus,  of  Xenophon,  of  Thucydides,  of  Polybius,  in  effect  make 
for  the  glorification,  not  of  individuals,  but  of  peoples. 

H.  W.  —  VOL.  I.  B  1 


2  PROLEGOMENA 

This  shift  from  the  purely  egoistic  to  the  altruistic  standpoint  marks  a 
long  step.  The  writer  now  has  much  more  clearly  in  view  the  idea  of  enter- 
taining, without  frightening,  his  reader ;  and  he  thinks  to  instruct  in  matters 
pertaining  to  good  citizenship  and  communal  morality  rather  than  in  defer- 
ence to  kings  and  gods.  In  so  doing  the  historian  marks  the  progress  of 
civilisation  of  the  Greek  and  early  Roman  periods. 

In  the  mediieval  time  there  is  a  strong  reaction.  To  frighten  becomes 
again  a  method  of  attacking  the  consciousness ;  to  glorify  the  gods  and  lieroes 
a  chief  aim.  As  was  the  case  in  the  Egyptian  and  Persian  and  Indian 
periods  of  degeneration,  the  early  monotheism  has  given  way  to  polytheism. 
Hagiology  largely  takes  the  place  of  secular  history.  A  constantly  grow- 
ing company  of  saints  demands  attention  and  veneration.  To  glorify  these, 
to^how  the  futility  of  all  human  action  that  does  not  make  for  such  glorifi- 
cation became  again  an  aim  of  the  historian.  But  this  influence  is  by  no 
means' altogether  dominant;  and,  though  there  is  no  such  list  of  historians 
worthy  to  be  remembered  as  existed  in  the  classical  period,  yet  such  names 
appear  as  those  of  Einhard,  the  biographer  of  Charlemagne;  De  Joinville,  the 
panegyrist  of  Saint  Louis  ;  Villani,  Froissart,  and  Monstrelet,  the  chroniclers; 
and  Comines,  Machiavelli,  and  Guicciardini. 

In  the  modern  period  the  gods  have  been  more  or  less  disbanded,  the 
heroes  modified,  even  the  kings  subordinated.  We  hear  much  talk  of  the 
''  philosophy  "  of  history,  even  of  the  "  science  "  of  history.  Common  sense 
and  the  critical  spirit  are  supposed  to  hold  sway  everywhere.  Yet,  after 
all,  it  would  be  too  much  to  suppose  that  any  historian  even  of  the  most 
modern  school  has  written  entirely  without  prejudice  of  race,  of  station,  or  of 
religion.  And  in  any  event  the  same  ideals,  generally  stated,  are  before  the 
historian  of  to-day  that  have  actuated  his  predecessors  —  to  glorify  some- 
thing or  somebody,  though  it  be,  perhaps,  a  principle  and  not  a  person ;  and 
to  entertain  and  instruct  his  readers. 

The  Oriental  Period 

The  earliest  historians  whose  writings  have  come  down  to  us  are  the 
authors  of  the  records  on  the  monuments  of  Egypt  and  of  Mesopot;'mia. 
We  shall  see  later  on  that  these  records,  made  in  languages  a  knowledge  of 
which  has  only  been  recovered  in  the  past  century,  are  full  of  historical 
interest  because  of  the  facts  they  narrate,  and  the  insight  they  give  us  inlo 
the  life  of  their  times.  For  the  moment,  however,  we  are  only  concerned 
with  the  method  of  their  construction.  They  are  parts  of  records  dating 
from  many  centuries  before  the  beginning  of  the  Christian  era.  Their 
authors  are  utterly  unknown  by  name.  The  narrative  is,  indeed,  in  some 
cases,  couched  in  the  first  person,  but  it  is  not  to  be  supposed  from  this  that 
the  alleged  writer  —  who,  of  course,  is  the  king  whose  deeds  are  g-lorified  — 
is  the  actual  composer  of  the  narrative.  The  actual  scribes,  mere  adjuncts 
of  the  royal  mSnage,  never  dreamed  of  putting  their  own  names  on  record 
beside  those  of  their  royal  masters.  Yet  their  work  has  preserved  to  future 
generations  the  names  of  kings  that  otherwise  would  have  been  abs')lutely 
forgotten.  For  example,  Tehutimes  III  of  Egypt  and  Asshurbarapal  of 
Assyria,  two  of  the  most  powerful  monarchs  of  antiquity,  had  ceased  to 
be  remembered  even  by  name  several  centuries  before  the  dawn  o^'  our  era, 
and  for  two  thousand  years  no  human  being  knew  that  such  persons  had 
ever  existed.  Yet  now,  thanks  to  the  monuments,  their  deeds  arc  almost  as 
fully  known  to  us  as  the  deeds  of  an  Alexander  or  a  Ceesar. 


HISTORY  AND  HISTORIANS  3 

There  is,  indeed,  one  regard  in  which  these  most  ancient  historical 
records  have  an  advantage  over  more  recent  works.  They  were  for  the 
most  part  graven  in  stone  or  stamped  in  clay  that  was  burned  to  stonelike 
hardness,  and  they  have  come  down  to  us  with  the  assurances  of  authen- 
ticity which  must  always  be  lacking  in  many  compositions  of  more  recent 
periods.  The  Babylonian  and  Assyrian  records  lay  buried  with  the  ruins  of 
cities  whose  very  location  had  been  forgotten  for  ages.  The  most  recent 
of  these  records  had  been  seen  by  no  human  eye  for  more  than  two  thousand 
years.  Their  unnamed  authors  seem  thus  to  speak  to  us  directly  across  the 
centuries.  However  these  earliest  of  historians  may  have  dreamed  of  immor- 
tality for  their  work,  they  can  hardly  have  hoped  to  speak  to  eager  audiences 
in  regions  far  beyond  the  limits  of  their  world,  twenty-five  centuries  after 
the  very  nation  to  which  they  belonged  had  vanished  from  the  earth,  and 
the  language  in  which  they  wrote  had  ceased  to  be  known  to  men.  Yet 
that  unique  glory  was  reserved  for  them. 

The  Classical  Historians 

It  requires  but  a  glance  at  the  historians  of  the  classical  period  to  see 
how  altered  is  the  point  of  view  from  which  they  write.  Here  we  have  no 
longer  men  commanded  by  a  monarch,  or  impelled  by  religious  fervour  to 
glorify  a  single  person  or  epoch  or  country  to  the  utter  exclusion  of  every- 
thing else.  We  have  bounded  from  insularity  of  view  to  universality. 
Even  the  Homeric  legends  deal  with  the  events  of  two  continents  and  of 
several  countries.  Herodotus  and  Diodorus  make  the  writing  of  their  his- 
tories a  life-work.  They  travel  from  one  country  to  another,  and  familiarise 
themselves  with  their  subject  as  much  as  possible  at  first  hand.  They 
mingle  with  the  scholars  of  many  lands,  and  listen  to  their  recitals  of  the 
annals  of  their  respective  peoples.  They  weigh  and  consider,  though  in  a 
quite  different  mental  balance  from  that  which  an  historian  uses  in  our  day. 
They  spend  thirty,  forty,  years  in  composing  their  books.  From  them,  then, 
we  have,  not  simple  chronicles  of  a  single  event,  but  universal  histories. 
These  are  in  many  ways  different  from  the  universal  histories  of  our  own 
time ;  but  in  their  frank,  human  way  of  looking  out  upon  the  world,  they 
have  a  charm  that  is  quite  their  own.  In  their  interest  for  the  general 
reader,  they  have  perhaps  never  been  excelled.  And  in  their  citation  of 
fact  and  fable  they  become  a  storehouse  upon  which  succeeding  generations 
of  historians  have  drawn  to  this  day. 

There  are  other  historians  of  the  period  no  less  remarkable,  some  of  them 
even  superior,  from  some  points  of  view,  to  these  masters.  The  names  of 
Thucydides,  Xenophon,  Polybius  among  the  Greeks,  of  Tacitus,  Livy,  Caesar 
among  the  Romans,  to  go  no  farther,  are  as  familiar  to  every  cultivated  mind 
of  our  own  day  as  the  names  of  Gibbon,  Macaulay,  or  Bancroft.  Several  of 
these  were  men  who  participated  in  the  events  they  described,  and,  confining 
themselves  to  limited  periods,  treated  these  periods  in  such  masterly  fashion, 
with  such  breadth  of  view  and  discriminating  judgment,  that  their  verdicts 
have  weight  with  all  succeeding  generations  of  historians.  Thucydides, 
writing  in  the  fifth  century  B.C.,  is  regarded,  even  in  our  critical  age,  as  a 
matchless  writer  of  history.  An  oft-repeated  tale  relates  that  Macaulay 
despaired  of  ever  equalling  him,  though  feeling  that  he  might  hope  to  dupli- 
cate the  work  of  any  other  historian.  Polybius  and  Tacitus  are  mentioned 
with  respect  by  the  most  exacting  investigators.  Clearly,  then,  this  was  a 
culminating  epoch  in  the  writing  of  histories. 


PROLEGOMENA 


The  MedioEval  and  3Iodern  Histories 


We  have  seen  that  in  the  chissical  period  the  brief  space  of  half  a  dozen 
generations  saw  a  cluster  of  great  histories  written.  No  such  intellectual 
activity  in  this  direction  marked  the  mediceval  period.  Now  for  the  space 
of  more  than  a  thousand  years  there  was  no  work  produced  that  could  bear 
a  moment's  comparison  with  the  great  productions  of  the  earlier  periods. 
One  theme  was  now  dominant  in  the  Western  world,  and  the  intellects  that 
might  have  produced  histories  of  broad  scope  under  other  circumstances 
contented  themselves  with  harping  on  the  one  string.  So  we  have  ecclesi- 
astical records  in  place  of  histories. 

In  due  time  the  reaction  came,  but  it  was  long  before  the  influence  of 
the  dominant  spirit  was  made  subordinate  to  a  saner  view.  Indeed,  scarcely 
before  our  own  generation,  since  the  classical  period,  have  historians  been 
able  to  cast  a  clear  and  unbiased  glance  across  the  entire  field  of  history. 

Toward  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century  a  school  of  secular  histo- 
rians with  broad  views  and  high  aims  again  arose.  Now  once  more  men 
sought  to  write  world  histories  not  dominated  by  a  single  idea.  The  first 
great  exponents  of  the  movement  were  Gibbon  and  Hume  in  England, 
Schlozzer  and  Miiller  in  Germany.  They  have  had  a  host  of  followers,  of 
whom  the  greater  number  have  been  Germans. 

The  attitude  of  these  modern  writers  is  philosophical  ;  they  are  disposed 
to  recognise  in  the  bald  facts  of  human  existence  an  importance  com- 
mensurate solely  with  the  lessons  they  can  teach  for  the  betterment  of 
humanity.  In  this  modern  view,  each  fact  must  be  correlated  with  a  multi- 
tude of  other  facts  before  its  true  significance  can  be  perceived.  Events  are, 
in  this  view,  meaningless  unless  we  know  something  of  the  human  motives 
that  led  to  their  enactment.  The  task  of  the  historian  is  to  search  for 
causes,  to  endeavour  to  build  up  from  the  lessons  of  history  a  true  philosophy 
of  living.  It  is  really  no  different  a  task,  as  already  pointed  out,  from 
that  which  such  ancient  writers  as  Polybius  had  very  prominently  in 
view ;  but  there  is  an  emphasis  upon  this  phase  of  the  subject  in  our 
time  that  it  did  not  generally  receive  in  the  earlier  age.  In  other  words,  the 
philosophy  of  history  of  our  time  is  a  more  conscious  philosophy.  For  a  cen- 
tury past  the  phrase,  "  pliilosophy  of  history,"  has  been  current,  and  it  has 
been  the  custom  for  men  who  were  not  primarily  historians  to  discourse  on 
the  subject.  Latterly,  following  again  the  current  of  the  times,  we  have 
come  to  speak  even  of  the  "  science  "  of  history ;  indeed,  in  Germany  in  par- 
ticular, history  to-day  claims  unchallenged  position  as  a  true  science.  The 
word  "  science  "  is  a  very  flexible  term,  yet  there  are  those  who  deny  that  it 
may  be  properly  applied,  as  yet  at  any  rate,  to  our  aggregation  of  knowledge 
of  historical  facts.  The  question  resolves  itself  into  a  matter  of  definition, 
the  solution  of  which  is  not  particularly  important. 

The  essential  thing  is  that  the  modern  historical  investigator  is  fully 
actuated  by  the  spirit  of  scientific  accuracy  and  impartiality.  And  since 
impartiality  depends  very  largely  upon  breadth  of  view,  it  results  rather 
curiously  that  the  minute  investigations  of  the  specialist  make  indirectly  for 
the  comprehensive  view  of  the  World  Historian.  Professor  Freeman  well 
expressed  the  idea  when  he  said  : 

'-'  My  position  is  that  in  all  our  studies  of  history  and  language  —  and 
the  study  of  language,  besides  all  that  it  is  in  other  wa3-s,  is  one  most  impor- 
tant branch  of  the  study  of  history  —  we  must  cast  away  all  distinctions  of 
'ancient'  and  'modern,'  of  'dead'  and  'living,'  and  must  boldly  grapple 


HISTORY   AND  HISTORIANS  5 

with  the  great  fact  of  the  unity  of  history.  As  man  is  the  same  in  all  ages, 
the  history  of  man  is  one  in  all  ages.  No  language,  no  period  of  his- 
tory, can  be  understood  in  its  fullness ;  none  can  be  clothed  with  its  highest 
interest  and  its  highest  profit,  if  it  be  looked  at  wholly  in  itself,  without 
reference  to  its  bearing  on  those  other  languages,  those  other  periods  of 
history,  which  join  with  it  to  make  up  the  great  whole  of  human,  or  at  least 
of  Aryan  and  European,  being." 

Such  a  position  as  this,  assumed  by  one  of  the  most  minute  searchers 
among  modern  historians,  is  higlily  interesting  as  illustrative  of  a  reactionary 
tendency  which  will  probably  characterise  the  historical  work  of  the  near 
future.  Hair-splitting  analysis  having  been  carried  to  its  limits  of  refinement, 
there  will  probably  come  a  reaction  in  the  direction  of  a  more  comprehensive 
study  of  historical  events  in  their  wider  relations.  The  work  of  the  specialist, 
after  all,  is  really  important  only  when  it  furnishes  material  for  wider  general- 
isations. All  minute  workers  in  the  fields  of  biology,  geology,  and  the  allied 
sciences,  in  the  first  half  of  the  nineteenth  century  were  unconsciously  gather- 
ing material  which,  interesting  in  itself,  became  of  real  importance  chiefly 
in  so  far  as  it  ultimately  aided  in  elucidating  the  great  generalisation  of 
Darwin.     Perhaps  the  minute  historians  of  to-day  are  in  similar  position. 

The  special  worker,  imbued  with  enthusiasm  for  his  subject,  is  apt  to 
forget  the  real  insignificance  of  his  labours.  Entire  epochs  are  dominated  by 
the  idea  of  microscopic  research,  and  the  workers  even  come  to  suppose  that 
microscopic  analysis  is  in  itself  an  end  ;  whereas,  rightly  considered,  it  is 
only  the  means  to  an  end.  We  are  just  passing  through  such  an  epoch  as 
regards  historical  investigation.  But,  as  just  suggested,  it  seems  probable 
that  we  are  approaching  a  new  epoch  when  the  work  of  the  specialist  will  be 
subordinated  to  its  true  purpose,  while  at  the  same  time  proving  its  real 
value  as  a  means  to  the  proper  end  of  historical  studies — the  comprehension 
of  the  world-historical  relations  of  events. 


CHAPTER   II 

MATERIALS   FOR   THE   WRITING   OF   HISTORY 

It  is  obvious  that  the  materials  for  the  writing  of  history  consist  for  the 
most  part  of  written  records.  It  is  true  that  all  manner  of  monuments,  in- 
cluding the  ruins  of  buried  cities,  remains  of  ancient  walls  and  highways, 
and  all  other  traces  of  a  former  civilisation,  must  be  allotted  their  share  as 
records  to  guide  the  investigator  in  his  attempt  to  reconstruct  past  condi- 
tions. But  for  anything  like  a  definite  presentation  of  the  events  of  bygone 
days,  it  is  absolutely  essential,  as  Sir  George  Cornewall  Lewis  pointed  out  in 
great  detail,  to  have  access  to  contemporary  written  records,  either  at  first 
hand,  or  through  the  medium  of  copyists,  in  case  the  original  records  them- 
selves have  been  destroyed.  Lewis  reached  the  conclusion,  as  the  result  of 
his  exhaustive  examination  of  the  credibility  of  early  Roman  history,  that 
j.a  tradition  of  a  past  event  is  hardly  transmitted  orally  from  generation  to 
generation  with  anything  like  accuracy  of  detail  for  more  than  a  century. 

Theoretically,  then,  no  accurate  history  could  ever  be  constructed  of 
events  covering  a  longer  period  than  about  four  generations  before  the  intro- 
duction of  writing.  In  actual  practice  the  scope  of  the  strictly  historic  view 
of  man's  progress  is  confined  to  very  much  narrower  limits  than  this,  for 
the  simple  reason  that  the  earliest  written  records  that  might  otherwise  serve 


6  PROLEGOlVrENA 

to  give  us  glimpses  of  remote  history  have  very  rarely  been  preserved.  The 
destruction  of  ancient  inscriptions  with  the  lapse  of  centuries  has  led  to  a 
great  deal  of  difference  of  opinion  as  to  the  time  when  the  art  of  writing 
was  introduced  among  various  nations.  In  reference  to  the  Greeks  in  par- 
ticular, the  dispute  has  been  ardently  waged,  many  scholars  contending 
that  the  art  of  writing  was  little  practised  in  Greece  until  the  sixth  cen- 
tury B.C. 

Later  discoveries,  in  particular  a  knowledge  of  the  inscription  on  the 
statue  of  Ramses  at  Abu  Simbel,  have  made  it  clear  that  the  earlier  esti- 
mates were  much  too  conservative,  and  it  now  seems  probable  that  the  Greeks 
had  been  acquainted  with  the  art  of  writing  for  several,  or  perhaps  many, 
centuries  before  the  one  previously  fixed  upon.  It  is  not  to  be  supposed, 
however,  that  the  practice  of  the  art  of  writing  was  universal  in  that  early 
day.  On  the  other  hand,  it  was  doubtless  very  exceptional  indeed  for  the 
average  individual  to  be  able  to  write,  and  such  difficulties  as  the  lack  of 
writing  material  stood  in  the  way  of  composition  until  a  relatively  late 
period.  But  whether  the  art  of  writing  was  much  or  little  practised  in  the 
early  days  does  not  greatly  matter  so  far  as  the  present-day  historian  is  con- 
cerned, since  practically  all  specimens  of  early  writing  in  Greece  disappeared 
in  the  course  of  succeeding  ages.  No  fragment  of  any  book  proper,  no 
scrap  of  parchment  or  papyrus,  no  single  waxen  tablet,  from  the  soil  of 
classic  Greece  has  been  preserved  to  us. 

The  Greek  authors  are  known  to  us  only  through  the  efforts  of  successive 
generations  of  copyists;  and,  with  the  exception  of  a  comparatively  small 
number  of  Egyptian  papyri,  there  is  almost  nothing  in  existence  represent- 
ing the  literature  of  classical  Greece  that  is  older  than  the  middle  ages. 
There  are,  to  be  sure,  considerable  numbers  of  monumental  inscriptions  dat- 
ing from  classical  times.  These  have  the  highest  interest  for  the  archpeolo- 
gist,  but  in  the  aggregate  they  give  but  meagre  glimpses  into  the  history  of 
antiquity.  If  we  were  dependent  upon  these  records  for  all  that  we  know 
of  Greek  history,  the  entire  story  of  that  people  might  be  told,  as  far  as  we 
could  ever  hope  to  learn  it,  in  a  few  pages. 

The  case  is  somewhat  different  with  Egypt  and  with  Mesopotamia,  since 
the  climate  of  the  former  and  the  resistant  character  of  the  writing  materials 
employed  by  the  latter  have  permitted  the  modern  world  to  receive  direct 
messages  that,  under  other  circumstances,  must  inevitably  have  been  lost. 
But  even  here  the  historical  records  are  neither  so  abundant  nor  so  compre- 
hensive in  their  scope  as  might  have  been  hoped.  History-writing,  in  any- 
thing like  a  comprehensive  meaning  of  the  words,  is  a  relatively  modern  art. 
The  nearest  approach  to  it  among  the  nations  of  remote  antiquity  got  no 
farther  than  the  recording  of  the  personal  deeds  of  individual  kings.  Such 
records,  indeed,  are  excellent  materials  for  history,  but  they  hardly  constitute 
history  by  themselves.  The  entire  lists  of  Egyptian  inscriptions,  so  far  as 
known,  suffice  merely  to  give  glimpses  of  Egyptian  history;  and  if  the  Meso- 
potamian  records  are,  in  this  regard,  somewhat  more  satisfactory,  it  is  only 
in  reference  to  a  comparatively  brief  period  of  later  Assyrian  history  that 
they  can  be  said  to  have  anything  like  comprehensiveness.  As  to  the  other 
nations  of  Oriental  antiquity,  —  Indians,  Persians,  Syrians,  the  inhabitants 
of  Asia  Minor, — the  entire  sum  of  the  monumental  records  that  have  been 
transmitted  to  us  amounts  to  nothing  more  than  a  scattered  series  of  vague 
suggestions. 

In  the  classical  world  Rome  is  but  little  better  off  than  Greece  in  this 
regard.     As  to  both  these  countries,  we  depend  for  our  knowledge  almost 


HISTORY  AND  HISTORIANS  7 

exclusively  upon  the  works  of  historians  of  a  relatively  late  period.  Before 
Herodotus,  who  lived  in  the  fifth  century  B.C.,  there  is  almost  no  con- 
sftcutive  history  proper  of  Greece;  and  despite  all  the  efforts  of  archeeolo- 
gists,  records  of  Roman  progress  scarcely  suffice  to  push  back  the  prehistoric 
veil  beyond  the  time  of  the  banishment  of  the  kings.  Indeed,  even  for 
a  century  or  two  after  this  event  transpired,  the  would-be  historian  finds 
himself  still  on  very  treacherous  ground.  The  reason  for  this  is  that  there 
were  no  contemporary  historians  in  Rome  in  this  early  period ;  and  until  such 
contemporary  chroniclers  appear,  no  secure  record  of  history  is  possible. 

Once  it  became  the  fashion  to  write  chronicles  of  events,  the  custom 
rapidly  spread  and  took  a  fixed  hold  upon  the  people.  From  the  day  of 
Herodotus  there  was  no  dearth  of  Greek  historians,  and  after  Polybius  there 
is  an  unbroken  series  of  Roman  chroniclers. 

Had  all  the  writings  of  these  various  workers  been  preserved  to  us,  we 
should  have  abundant  material  for  reconstructing  the  history  of  the  entire 
later  classical  epoch  in  much  detail;  but,  unfortunately,  the  historian  worked 
with  perishable  materials.  An  individual  papyrus  or  parchment  roll  could 
hardly  be  expected  on  the  average  to  be  preserved  for  more  than  a  few  gen- 
erations, and  unless  copies  had  been  made  of  it  in  the  meantime,  the  record 
that  it  contained  must  inevitably  be  lost.  Such  has  been  the  fate  of  the 
great  mass  of  historical  writings,  no  less  than  of  productions  in  other  fields 
of  literature. 

Many  of  the  fragments  of  ancient  writers  have  come  down  to  us  through 
rather  curious  channels.  In  the  later  age  of  Rome  it  became  the  fashion  to 
make  anthologies  and  compilations,  and  it  is  through  such  collections  that 
the  majority  of  classical  authors  are  known.  One  of  the  most  curious  of 
these  anthologies  is  that  made  by  Athenseus  about  the  beginning  of  the  third 
century  A.D.  This  author  called  his  work  Beipnosophistce^  or  the  Feast  of 
the  Learned.  He  attempted  to  give  it  a  somewhat  artistic  form,  making  it 
ostensibly  a  dialogue  in  which  the  sayings  of  a  company  of  diners  were 
related  to  a  friend  who  was  not  present  at  the  banquet.  The  diners  were  sup- 
posed to  have  introduced  quotations  from  the  classical  writers,  so  that  the 
book  is  chiefly  made  up  of  such  quotations.  The  work  has  not  come  down 
to  us  quite  in  its  entirety,  but,  even  so,  no  fewer  than  eight  hundred  authors 
and  twenty-five  hundred  different  works  are  represented  in  the  anthology. 
Of  these  authors  about  seven  hundred  are  known  exclusively  through  the 
excerpts  of  Athenseus. 

Two  or  three  centuries  later  another  Greek  named  Stobaeus  compiled  a 
set  of  extracts  from  the  Greek  writers  of  all  accessible  periods  prior  to  his 
own.  The  number  of  authors  quoted  in  this  anthology  is  more  than  five 
hundred,  and  here  again  the  major  part  of  them  are  quite  unknown  to  us 
except  through  this  single  source.  Yet  another  collection  of  excerpts  was 
made  in  the  latter  part  of  the  ninth  century  by  Photius,  patriarch  of  Con- 
stantinople, Avho  made  excerpts  from  about  280  authors  with  whose  works 
he  had  familiarised  himself  through  miscellaneous  reading.  In  addition 
to  these  works  of  individual  compilers  there  were  two  or  three  anthologies 
compiled  in  the  Byzantine  period,  including  an  important  collection  of 
fragments  of  the  Greek  poets  which  is  still  extant  under  the  title  of 
The  Greek  Anthology^  and  the  elaborate  set  of  encyclopaedias  made  under 
the  direction  of  Constantine  Porphyrogenitus.  But  for  such  collections 
as  these,  supplemented  by  the  biographical  notices  of  such  workers  as 
Suidas,  and  by  fragments  that  have  come  to  us  through  a  few  other  chan- 
nels, it  would  scarcely  have  been  conceived  that   so   many   authors   had 


8  PROLEGOMENA 

written  in  the  entire  period  of  Grecian  activity,  since  only  a  fraction  of 
this  number  are  represented  by  complete  works  that  have  come  down  to 
us.  Such  facts  as  these  give  an  inkling  as  to  the  mental  activity  of  the  old- 
time  author,  while  pointing  a  useful  lesson  as  to  the  perishability  of  human 
works.  In  this  age  of  easy  multiplying  of  books  through  printing,  one  is 
prone  to  forget  how  precarious  must  have  been  the  existence  of  a  manuscript 
of  the  elder'day.  It  was  a  long,  laborious  task  to  produce  an  edition  of  a 
single  copy  of  any  extended  work,  and  each  successive  duplication  was  pre- 
cisely as  slow  and  as  difficult  as  the  first.  Under  these  circumstances  no 
doubt  a  very  considerable  proportion  of  books  were  never  duplicated  at  all, 
and  the  circulation  of  a  very  large  additional  number  most  likely  was  lim- 
ited to  two  or  three  copies.  It  was  only  works  which  were  early  recognised 
as  having  an  unusual  intrinsic  interest  or  value  that  stood  any  reasonable 
chance  of  being  copied  often  enough  to  insure  preservation  through  many 
succeeding  generations. 

As  one  considers  the  field  of  extant  manuscripts,  one  is  led  naturally  to 
reflect  on  the  quality  of  work  that  was  likely  thus  to  insure  perpetuity,  and 
the  more  we  consider  the  subject,  limiting  the  view  for  our  present  purpose 
to  historical  compositions,  the  more  clear  it  becomes  that  the  one  prime  qual- 
ity that  gave  a  lease  of  life  to  the  composition  of  an  author  was  the  quality 
of  human  interest.  In  other  words,  such  historical  compositions  as  were 
works  of  art,  rather  than  such  as  depended  upon  other  merits,  were  the  ones 
which  successive  generations  of  copyists  reproduced,  and  which  ultimately 
were  enabled  to  pass  the  final  ordeal  imposed  by  the  monks  of  the  middle 
ages,  who  made  palimpsests  of  many  an  author  deserving  a  better  fate.  The 
upshot  of  this  process  of  the  survival  of  the  fittest  was  that  all  Greek  would-be 
historians  prior  to  Herodotus  were  allowed  to  sink  into  oblivion,  causing 
Herodotus  himself  to  stand  out  as  apparently  the  absolute  creator  of  a  new 
art.  In  point  of  fact,  could  we  know  the  whole  truth,  it  would  doubtless 
appear  that  there  was  no  real  revolution  of  method  effected  by  the  writings 
of  Herodotus.  He  surpassed  all  of  his  predecessors  in  such  a  measure  that 
the  future  copyist  saw  no  necessity  for  preserving  any  work  but  the  one, 
since  this  one  practically  covered  the  field  of  all  the  rest.  It  is,  perhaps,  an 
ill  method  of  phrasing,  to  say  that  these  copyists  saw  no  reason  for  preserv- 
ing those  earlier  manuscripts.  There  was  no  thought  in  their  minds  of  the 
preservation  of  one  book  and  the  destruction  of  another ;  they  merely  copied 
the  work  which  interested  them,  or  which  they  believed  would  interest  the 
book-buying  public.  The  disappearance  of  the  works  not  copied  was  a  mere 
negative  result,  about  which  no  one  directly  concerned  himself. 

The  proof  of  the  value  of  the  work  of  Herodotus  is  found  in  the  fact  that 
it  has  come  down  to  us  entire  in  numerous  copies,  something  that  can  be  said 
of  only  three  or  four  other  considerable  historical  compositions  of  the  entire 
classical  period ;  two  others  of  this  select  company  being  Thucydides  and 
Xenophon,  both  of  whom  were  contemporaries  of  Herodotus,  though  consid- 
erably younger,  and  therefore,  properly  enough,  counted  as  belonging  to  the 
next  generation.  Of  the  other  Greek  historians,  the  biographical  works  of 
Plutarch,  the  works  of  Strabo  and  Pausanius,  which  are  geographical  rather 
than  strictly  historical,  and  the  Life  of  Alexander  the  Great  by  Arrian,  are 
the  sole  ones  of  the  large  number  undoubtedly  written  that  have  come  down 
to  us  intact.  A  survey  of  the  Roman  historians  furnishes  an  even  more 
striking  illustration,  for  here  no  one  of  the  great  historical  works  has  been 
preserved  in  its  entirety.  Livy's  monumental  work  is  entire  as  to  the  earlier 
books,  which  treat  of  the  mythical  and  half-mythical  period  of  Roman  devel- 


I 


HISTORY  AND  HISTORIANS  9 

opment ;  but  the  parts  of  it  that  treated  of  later  Roman  history,  concerning 
which  the  author  could  have  spoken,  and  probably  did  speak,  with  first-hand 
knowledge,  are  almost  entirely  lost.  In  other  words,  the  copyists  of  the 
middle  ages  preserved  the  least  valuable  portion  of  Livy,  doubtless  because 
they  found  the  hero  tales  of  mythical  Rome  more  interesting  than  the  matter- 
of-fact  recitals  of  the  events  of  the  later  republic  and  the  early  empire.  We 
can  hardly  suppose  that  Livy  detailed  the  events  of  the  later  period  with  less 
art  than  characterised  his  earlier  work,  but  different  conditions  were  imposed 
upon  him.  He  had  now  to  deal  with  much  fuller  records  than  hitherto,  and 
no  doubt  he  treated  many  subjects  that  seemed  important  to  him,  simply 
because  they  were  near  at  hand,  but  which  another  generation  found  tire- 
some and  not  worth  the  trouble  of  copying.  Thus  we  see  emphasised  again 
the  salient  point  that  the  interesting  story  rather  than  the  important  his- 
torical narrative  proved  itself  most  fit  for  preservation  in  the  estimate  of 
posterity. 

Of  the  other  great  historians  of  Rome,  Tacitus,  Dionysius,  Dion  Cassius, 
Polybius,  have  all  fared  rather  worse  than  Livy,  although  a  few  briefer  mas- 
terpieces, like  the  two  histories  of  Sallust  and  the  Gallic  Wars  of  Csesar, 
and  such  biographies  as  the  "  Lives  "  of  Suetonius  and  Cornelius  Nepos,  were 
able  to  fight  their  way  through  the  middle  ages  and  gain  the  safe  shelter  of 
the  printing-press  without  material  loss. 

But  perhaps  the  most  suggestive  example  of  all  is  furnished  by  the  brief 
world  history  of  Justin,  which,  if  not  quite  entire,  has  been  preserved  as  to 
its  main  structure  in  various  manuscripts.  This  work  is  an  artistic  epitome 
of  a  large,  and  in  its  day  authoritative,  history  of  the  world,  written  by 
Trogus  Pompeius.  Justin,  when  a  student  in  Rome  in  the  day  of  the  early 
Csesars,  was  led  to  make  an  epitome  of  this  work,  seemingly  as  proof  to  his 
friends  in  the  provinces  that  he  was  not  wasting  his  time.  He  did  his  task 
so  well  that  future  generations  saw  no  reason  to  trouble  themselves  with  the 
prolixities  of  the  original  work,  but  were  content  to  copy  and  re-copy  the 
epitome,  pointing  the  moral  that  brevity,  next  to  artistic  excellence,  is 
the  surest  road  to  permanent  remembrance  for  the  historian,  —  a  lesson  which 
many  modern  writers  have  overlooked  to  their  disadvantage. 


CHAPTER  III 

THE   METHODS   OP   THE  HISTORIANS 

It  is  a  curious  fact,  a  seeming  paradox,  that  the  first  two  great  his- 
tories ever  written  —  the  histories,  namely,  of  Herodotus  and  Thucydides  — 
should  stand  out  pre-eminently  as  types  of  two  utterly  different  methods  of 
historical  writing.  Herodotus,  "  the  Father  of  History,"  wrote  with  the 
obvious  intention  to  entertain.  There  is  no  great  logicality  of  sequence  in 
his  use  of  materials ;  he  simply  rambles  on  from  one  subject  to  another  with 
little  regard  for  chronology,  but  with  the  obvious  intention  everywhere  to 
tell  all  the  good  stories  that  he  has  learned  in  the  course  of  his  journeyings. 
It  would  be  going  much  too  far  to  say  that  there  is  no  method  in  his  collo- 
cation of  materials,  but  what  method  he  has  is  quite  generally  overshadowed 
and  obscured  in  the  course  of  presentation.  Thus,  for  example,  he  is  writ- 
ing the  history  of  the  Persian  wars,  and  he  has  reached  that  time  in  the 
history  of  Persia  when  Cambyses  comes  to  the  throne  and  prepares  to  invade 
Egypt.     The  mention  of  Egypt  gives  him,  as  it  were,  the  cue  for  an  utterly 


10  PROLEGOMENA 

new  discourse,  which  he  elaborates  to  the  extent  of  an  entire  book,  detailing 
all  that  he  has  learned  of  Egypt  itself,  its  history,  its  people,  and  their 
manners  and  customs,  without,  for  the  most  part,  referring  in  any  way  what- 
ever to  Cambyses.  He  returns  to  the  Persian  king  ultimately,  to  be  sure, 
and  takes  up  his  story  regardless  of  the  digression,  and  seemingly  quite 
oblivious  of  any  incongruity  in  the  fact  of  having  introduced  very  much 
more  extraneous  matter  in  reference  to  Egypt  than  the  entire  subject  matter 
proper  of  the  Persian  P:mpire.  The  method  of  Herodotus  was  justified  by 
the  results.  There  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  he  was  enormously  popu- 
lar in  his  own  time,  —  as  popularity  went  in  those  days,  —  and  he  has  held 
that  popularity  throughout  all  succeeding  generations.  But  it  has  been 
'said  of  him  often  enough  that  this  work  is  hardly  a  history  in  the  narrower 
sense  of  the  word ;  it  is  a  pleasing  collection  of  tales,  in  which  no  very  close 
attempt  is  made  to  discriminate  between  fact  and  fiction,  the  prime  motive 
being  to  entertain  the  reader.  As  such,  the  work  of  Herodotus  stands  at 
the  head  of  a  class  which  has  been  represented  by  here  and  there  a  striking 
example  throughout  all  succeeding  times. 

Xenophon's  Anabasis,  detailing  the  story  of  Cyrus  the  Younger  and  his 
ten  thousand  Greek  allies,  is  essentially  a  history  of  the  same  type.  It 
differs  radically,  to  be  sure,  from  Herodotus,  in  that  it  holds  with  the  clos- 
est consistency  to  a  single  narrative,  scarcely  giving  the  barest  glimpses 
into  any  other  field  than  that  directly  connected  with  the  story  of  the  ten 
thousand.  But  it  is  like  Herodotus  in  the  prime  essential  that  its  motive 
is  to  entertain  the  reader  by  the  citation  of  the  incidents  of  a  venturesome 
enterprise.  Xenophon  does  indeed  pause  at  the  beginning  of  the  second 
book  long  enough  to  pronounce  a  eulogy  upon  the  character  of  Cyrus,  —  a 
eulogy  that  is  distinctly  the  biased  estimate  of  a  friend,  rather  than  the 
calm  judgment  of  a  critical  historian.  But  this  aside,  Xenophon,  philoso- 
pher though  he  is,  concerns  himself  not  at  all  with  the  philosophy  of  the 
subject  in  hand.  He  quite  ignores  the  immoral  features  of  the  rebellion  of 
Cyrus  against  his  brother.  Indeed,  it  seems  never  to  occur  to  him  that  this 
fratricidal  enterprise  has  any  reprehensible  features,  or  could  be  considered 
in  any  light  other  than  that  of  a  commendable  proceeding  of  which  a  throne 
was  the  legitimate  goal.  Doubtless  the  very  fact  of  this  banishment  of  the 
philosophical  from  the  work  of  Xenophon  has  been  one  source  of  its  great 
popularity,  for,  as  every  one  knows,  Xenophon  shares  with  Herodotus  the 
credit  of  being  the  most  widely  read  of  classical  authors.  It  would  be  quite 
aside  from  the  present  purpose  to  emphasise  the  opinion  that  the  intrinsic 
merit  of  Xenophon's  work  does  not  fully  justify  this  popularity.  It  suffices 
here  to  note  the  fact  that  this  famous  work  of  the  successor  of  Herodotus 
belongs  essentially  to  the  same  class  with  the  work  of  the  master  himself. 

Of  the  Roman  historians  doubtless  the  one  most  similar  to  Herodotus  in 
general  aim  was  Livy.  The  author  of  the  most  famous  history  of  Rome 
does  not  indeed  make  any  such  excursions  into  the  history  of  outlying 
nations,  as  did  Herodotus,  but  he  details  the  history  of  his  own  people  with 
an  eye  always  to  the  literary,  rather  than  to  the  strictly  historical,  side ; 
transmitting  to  us  in  their  best  form  that  series  of  beautiful  legends  with 
wliich  all  succeeding  generations  have  been  obliged  to  content  themselves 
in  lieu  of  history  proper.  There  is  little  of  philosophical  thought,  little 
of  search  for  motives,  in  such  history-writing  as  this.  It  is  essentially  the 
art  of  the  story-teller  applied  to  the  facts  and  fables  of  history. 

Returning  now  to  Thucydides,  we  have  illustrated,  as  has  been  said,  an 
utterly  different  plan  and  motive.     Thucydides  does  indeed  tell  the  story 


HISTORY  AND   HISTORIANS  11 

of  the  Peloponnesian  War ;  tells  it,  moreover,  with  such  wealth  of  detail  as 
no  other  historian  of  antiquity  exceeded,  and  few  approached.  But  in  addi- 
tion to  narrating  the  plain  facts,  Thucydides  searches  always  for  the  motives. 
He  gives  us  an  insight  into  the  causes  of  events  as  he  conceives  them.  He 
is  obviously  thinking  more  of  this  phase  of  the  subject  than  of  the  mere 
recital  of  the  facts  themselves.  It  is  the  philosophy  of  history,  rather  than 
the  story  of  history,  that  appeals  to  him,  and  that  he  wishes  to  make  patent 
to  the  reader. 

Only  two  or  three  other  writers  of  the  entire  classical  period  whose 
works  have  come  down  to  us  followed  Thucydides  with  any  considerable 
measure  of  success  in  this  attempt  to  write  history  philosophically ;  the  two 
most  prominent  exponents  of  this  method  being  the  Greek  Polybius,  who 
told  the  story  of  Rome's  rise  to  world  power,  and  Tacitus,  the  famous 
author  of  the  Roman  Annals  and  of  the  earliest  history  of  the  German 
people.  These  three  examples  —  Thucydides,  Polybius,  and  Tacitus  —  stand 
out  at  once  in  refutation  of  a  claim  which  might  otherwise  be  made  that 
philosophical,  or,  if  one  prefers,  didactic,  historical  composition  is  essentially 
a  modern  product.  But  for  these  exceptions  one  might  be  disposed  to  make 
a  sweeping  generalisation  to  the  effect  that  the  old-time  history  was  a  col- 
lection of  tales  intended  to  entertain  the  reader,  and  that  the  strictly  modern 
historical  method  aims  at  instruction  rather  than  at  entertainment.  Such 
generalisations,  however,  assuming,  as  they  do,  that  the  entire  trend  of 
human  thought  has  fundamentally  changed  within  historical  times,  are  sure 
to  be  faulty.  Quite  possibly  it  may  be  true  to  say  that  the  earliest  his- 
torians tended  as  a  class  to  write  entertaining  narratives  rather  than 
philosophical  histories ;  and  to  say,  on  the  other  hand,  that  nineteenth 
century  historians  as  a  class  have  reversed  the  order  of  motives :  but  it 
must  not  be  forgotten  that  our  judgment  here  is  based  upon  a  mere  fragment 
of  the  entire  output  of  ancient  historians.  We  have  already  noticed,  in 
another  connection,  that  the  names  of  some  hundreds  of  Greek  writers  have 
been  preserved  to  us  solely  through  a  single  anthological  collection  or  two  ; 
and  now,  speaking  of  the  historical  works,  it  must  be  remembered  that  a  vast 
number  of  these  have  perished  altogether.  Whole  companies  of  historians 
are  known  to  us  only  by  name,  and  there  is  every  reason  to  suppose  that 
considerable  other  companies  that  once  existed  and  wrote  works  of  greater 
or  less  importance  have  not  left  us  even  this  memento.  The  scattered  frag- 
ments of  Greek  historical  works  that  have  come  down  to  us,  dissociated 
from  any  considerable  part  of  their  original  context,  fill  three  large  volumes 
of  the  famous  Didot  collection  of  Greek  classics,  as  edited  by  K.  O.  Miiller; 
some  hundreds  of  authors  being  represented. 

We  have  noted  that  all  the  predecessors  of  Herodotus  were  blotted  out, 
chiefly,  perhaps,  by  the  excellence  of  the  work  of  Herodotus  himself.  Simi- 
larly the  entire  histories  of  Alexander  the  Great,  written  by  his  associates 
and  contemporaries  and  his  successors  of  the  ensuing  century,  have  without 
exception  perished  utterly. 

Doubtless  the  excellence  of  the  work  of  Arrian,  which  summarised  and 
attempted  to  harmonise  the  contents  of  the  more  important  preceding  his- 
tories of  Alexander,  was  responsible  for  the  final  elimination  of  the  latter. 
One  can  hardly  refer  too  often  to  that  intellectual  gantlet  of  the  middle 
ages,  which  all  classical  literature  was  called  upon  to  pass,  and  from  which 
only  here  and  there  a  work  emerged.  It  is  almost  pathetic  to  consider  the 
number  of  works  that  made  their  way  heroically  almost  through  this 
gantlet,   only  to   succumb   just   before   achieving   the  goal.     One   knows, 


10 


PBOLEGOMENA 


new  discourse,  which  he  elaborates  to  the  extent  of  an  entire  book,  detailing 
all  that  he  has  learned  of  Egypt  itself,  its  history,  its  people,  and  their 
manners  and  customs,  without,  for  the  most  part,  referring  in  any  way  what- 
ever to  Cambyse.s.  He  returns  to  the  Persian  king  ultimately,  to  be  sure, 
and  takes  up  his  story  regardless  of  the  digression,  and  seemingly  quite 
oblivious  of  any  incongruity  in  the  fact  of  having  introduced  very  much 
more  extraneous  matter  in  reference  to  Egypt  than  the  entire  subject  matter 
proper  of  the  Persian  Empire.  The  method  of  Herodotus  was  justified  by 
the  results.  There  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  he  was  enormously  popu- 
lar in  his  own  time,  —  as  popularity  went  in  those  days,  —  and  he  has  held 
that  popularity  throughout  all  succeeding  generations.  But  it  has  been 
said  of  liim  often  enough  that  this  work  is  hardly  a  history  in  the  narrower 
sense  of  the  word ;  it  is  a  pleasing  collection  of  tales,  in  which  no  very  close 
attempt  is  made  to  discriminate  between  fact  and  fiction,  the  prime  motive 
being  to  entertain  the  reader.  As  such,  the  work  of  Herodotus  stands  at 
the  head  of  a  class  which  has  been  represented  by  here  and  there  a  striking 
example  throughout  all  succeeding  times. 

Xenophon's  Anabasis,  detailing  the  story  of  Cyrus  the  Younger  and  his 
ten  thousand  Greek  allies,  is  essentially  a  history  of  the  same  type.  It 
differs  radically,  to  be  sure,  from  Herodotus,  in  that  it  holds  with  the  clos- 
est consistency  to  a  single  narrative,  scarcely  giving  the  barest  glimpses 
into  any  other  field  than  that  directly  connected  with  the  story  of  the  ten 
thousand.  But  it  is  like  Herodotus  in  the  prime  essential  that  its  motive 
is  to  entertain  the  reader  by  the  citation  of  the  incidents  of  a  venturesome 
enterprise.  Xenophon  does  indeed  pause  at  the  beginning  of  the  second 
book  long  enough  to  pronounce  a  eulogy  upon  the  character  of  Cyrus,  —  a 
eulogy  that  is  "distinctly  the  biased  estimate  of  a  friend,  rather  than  the 
calm  judgment  of  a  critical  historian.  But  this  aside,  Xenophon,  philoso- 
pher though  he  is,  concerns  himself  not  at  all  with  the  philosophy  of  the 
subject  in  hand.  He  quite  ignores  the  immoral  features  of  the  rebellion  of 
Cyrus  against  his  brother.  Indeed,  it  seems  never  to  occur  to  him  that  this 
fratricidal  enterprise  has  any  reprehensible  features,  or  could  be  considered 
in  any  light  other  than  that  of  a  commendable  proceeding  of  which  a  throne 
was  the  legitimate  goal.  Doubtless  the  very  fact  of  this  banishment  of  the 
philosophical  from  the  work  of  Xenophon  has  been  one  source  of  its  great 
popularity,  for,  as  every  one  knows,  Xenophon  shares  with  Herodotus  the 
credit  of  hemg  the  most  widely  read  of  classical  authors.  It  would  be  quite 
aside  from  the  present  purpose  to  emphasise  the  opinion  that  the  intrinsic 
merit  of  Xenophon's  work  does  not  fully  justify  this  popularity.  It  suffices 
here  to  note  the  fact  that  this  famous  work  of  the  successor  of  Herodotus 
belongs  essentially  to  the  same  class  with  the  work  of  the  master  himself. 

Of  the  Roman  historians  doubtless  the  one  most  similar  to  Herodotus  in 
general  aim  was  Livy.  The  author  of  the  most  famous  history  of  Rome 
does  not  indeed  make  any  such  excursions  into  the  history  of  outlying 
nations,  as  did  Herodotus,  but  he  details  the  history  of  his  own  people  with 
an  eye  always  to  the  literary,  rather  than  to  the  strictly  historical,  side ; 
transmitting  to  us  in  their  best  form  that  series  of  beautiful  legends  with 
wliich  all  succeeding  generations  have  been  obliged  to  content  themselves 
in  lieu  of  history  proper.  There  is  little  of  philosophical  thought,  little 
of  search  for  motives,  in  such  history-writing  as  this.  It  is  essentially  the 
art  of  the  story-teller  applied  to  the  facts  and  fables  of  history. 

Returning  now  to  Thucydides,  we  have  illustrated,  as  has  been  said,  an 
utterly  different  plan  and  motive.     Thucydides  does  indeed  tell  the  story 


HISTORY   AND   HISTORIANS 


11 


of  the  Peloponnesian  War ;  tells  it,  moreover,  with  such  wealth  of  detail  as 
no  other  historian  of  antiquity  exceeded,  and  few  approached.  But  in  addi- 
tion to  narrating  the  plain  facts,  Thucydides  searches  always  for  the  motives. 
He  gives  us  an  insight  into  the  causes  of  events  as  he  conceives  them.  He 
is  obviously  thinking  more  of  this  phase  of  the  subject  than  of  the  mere 
recital  of  the  facts  themselves.  It  is  the  philosophy  of  historj^,  rather  than 
the  story  of  history,  that  appeals  to  him,  and  that  he  wishes  to  make  patent 
to  the  reader. 

Only  two  or  three  other  writers  of  the  entire  classical  period  whose 
works  have  come  down  to  us  followed  Thucydides  with  any  considerable 
measure  of  success  in  this  attempt  to  write  history  philosophically ;  the  two 
most  prominent  exponents  of  this  method  being  the  Greek  Polybius,  who 
told  the  story  of  Rome's  rise  to  world  power,  and  Tacitus,  the  famous 
author  of  the  Roman  Annals  and  of  the  earliest  history  of  the  German 
people.  These  three  examples  —  Thucydides,  Polybius,  and  Tacitus  —  stand 
out  at  once  in  refutation  of  a  claim  which  might  otherwise  be  made  that 
philosophical,  or,  if  one  prefers,  didactic,  historical  composition  is  essentially 
a  modern  product.  But  for  these  exceptions  one  might  be  disposed  to  make 
a  sweeping  generalisation  to  the  effect  that  the  old-time  history  was  a  col- 
lection of  tales  intended  to  entertain  the  reader,  and  that  the  strictly  modern 
historical  method  aims  at  instruction  rather  than  at  entertainment.  Such 
generalisations,  however,  assuming,  as  they  do,  that  the  entire  trend  of 
human  thought  has  fundamentally  changed  within  historical  times,  are  sure 
to  be  faulty.  Quite  possibly  it  may  be  true  to  say  that  the  earliest  his- 
torians tended  as  a  class  to  write  entertaining  narratives  rather  than 
philosophical  histories ;  and  to  say,  on  the  other  hand,  that  nineteenth 
century  historians  as  a  class  have  reversed  the  order  of  motives :  but  it 
must  not  be  forgotten  that  our  judgment  here  is  based  upon  a  mere  fragment 
of  the  entire  output  of  ancient  historians.  We  have  already  noticed,  in 
another  connection,  that  the  names  of  some  hundreds  of  Greek  writers  have 
been  preserved  to  us  solely  through  a  single  anthological  collection  or  two  ; 
and  now,  speaking  of  the  historical  works,  it  must  be  remembered  that  a  vast 
number  of  these  have  perished  altogether.  Whole  companies  of  historians 
are  known  to  us  only  by  name,  and  there  is  every  reason  to  suppose  that 
considerable  other  companies  that  once  existed  and  wrote  works  of  greater 
or  less  importance  have  not  left  us  even  this  memento.  The  scattered  frag- 
ments of  Greek  historical  works  that  have  come  down  to  us,  dissociated 
from  any  considerable  part  of  their  original  context,  fill  three  large  volumes 
of  the  famous  Didot  collection  of  Greek  classics,  as  edited  by  K.  O.  Miiller ; 
some  hundreds  of  authors  being  represented. 

We  have  noted  that  all  the  predecessors  of  Herodotus  were  blotted  out, 
chiefly,  perhaps,  by  the  excellence  of  the  work  of  Herodotus  himself.  Simi- 
larly the  entire  histories  of  Alexander  the  Great,  written  by  his  associates 
and  contemporaries  and  his  successors  of  the  ensuing  century,  have  without 
exception  perished  utterly. 

Doubtless  the  excellence  of  the  work  of  Arrian,  which  summarised  and 
attempted  to  harmonise  the  contents  of  the  more  important  preceding  his- 
tories of  Alexander,  was  responsible  for  the  final  elimination  of  the  latter. 
One  can  hardly  refer  too  often  to  that  intellectual  gantlet  of  the  middle 
ages,  which  all  classical  literature  was  called  upon  to  pass,  and  from  which 
only  here  and  there  a  work  emerged.  It  is  almost  pathetic  to  consider  the 
number  of  works  that  made  their  way  heroically  almost  through  this 
gantlet,   only  to   succumb   just   before    achieving   the  goal.     One    knows, 


12 


PROLEGOMENA 


for  example,  that  there  was  a  work  of  Theopompus  on  later  Grecian  affairs, 
in  fifty  odd  books,  which  was  extant  in  the  ninth  century,  as  proved  by  the 
summary  of  its  contents  made  then  by  a  monk,  but  of  which  no  single  line 
is  in  existence  to-day.  Even  the  works  that  have  come  down  to  us  in  a  less 
fragmentary  condition  have  not  usually  been  preserved  entire  in  any  single 
manuscript,  but,  as  presented  to  us  now,  are  patched  together  from  various 
fragments,  preserved  often  in  widely  separated  collections.  The  explana- 
tion is  that  the  copying  of  a  manuscript  of  great  length  was  a  somewhat 
heroic  task,  and  that  hence  the  copyist  would  often  content  himself  with 
excerpting  a  single  book  from  a  work  which  he  would  gladly  have  repro- 
duced entire  but  for  the  labour  involved. 

The  point  of  all  this  in  our  present  connection  is  that  we  know  the  his- 
torians of  antiijuity  very  imperfectly,  and  that  hence  we  are  almost  sure  to 
misjudge  them  as  a  class  when  we  attempt  generalisations  concerning  them. 
In  the  very  nature  of  the  case,  the  historian  who  told  a  good  story  in  a 
pleasing  style  stood  a  far  better  chance  of  being  perpetuated  through  the 
efforts  of  copyists,  than  did  the  philosophical  historian,  however  profound, 
wlio  put  forward  his  theories  at  the  expense  of  the  narrative  proper.  Mak- 
ing all  due  allowance  for  this,  however,  it  can  hardly  be  in  doubt  that  the 
last  century  and  a  half  has  seen  a  remarkable  development  of  the  scientific 
spirit  in  its  application  to  tlie  work  of  the  historian,  and  that  the  average 
historical  work  of  the  nineteenth  century  is  philosophically  on  a  far  higher 
plane  than  the  average  historical  work  of  antiquity.  If  we  were  to  attempt 
to  characterise  the  most  recent  phases  of  historical  composition,  we  should, 
perhaps,  not  go  far  afield  in  saying  that  in  regard  to  history-writing,  as  in 
regard  to  many  other  subjects,  this  is  pre-eminently  the  age  of  specialists. 
In  recent  years  no  historical  work  could  hope  for  any  large  measure  of 
recognition  among  historians,  unless  it  were  based  upon  personal  investiga- 
tion of  the  most  remote  sources  bearing  upon  the  period  that  could  be  made 
accessible.  The  recent  period  has  been  pre-eminently  a  time  of  the  searching 
out  of  obscure  or  forgotten  records ;  the  unburying  of  old  letters  and  state 
papers  ;  the  delving  into  hitherto  neglected  archives  ;  and  the  critical  analysis 
of  the  conflicting  statements  of  alleged  authorities  previously  accessible. 

The  work  began  prominently  —  if  any  intellectual  movement  may  prop- 
erly be  said  to  have  an  explicit  beginning  —  with  Gibbon  and  Niebuhr ;  it 
was  continued  by  Grote  and  Mommsen  and  George  Cornewall  Lewis  and 
Clinton,  and  the  host  of  more  recent  workers,  v/hose  specific  labours  will 
claim  our  attention  as  we  proceed.  Naturally  enough,  since  each  generation 
of  specialists  builds  upon  the  labours  of  all  preceding  generations,  the  work 
has  become  more  and  more  minute  and  hair-splitting  with  each  succeeding 
decade.  Gibbon,  specialist  though  he  was,  covered  a  period  of  a  thousand 
years  of  European  history,  and  left  scarcely  anything  untouched  that  falls 
properly  %vithin  that  period.  Niebuhr  specialised  on  the  few  centuries  of 
early  Roman  history,  but  liis  comprehensive  view  reached  out  also  to  Greece 
and  to  tlie  Orient,  and  he  was  accounted  a  master  over  the  whole  range  of 
ancient  history.  Mommsen's  efforts  have  followed  the  Roman  Republic 
and  Empire  throughout  tlie  length  and  breadth  of  its  wide  domains,  and 
over  the  whole  period  of  its  existence,  as  well  as  into  all  the  ramifications 
of  its  political,  commercial,  and  social  life. 

But  tliere  has  been  a  tendency  among  most  recent  workers  to  confine 
their  attention  to  a  narrower  field.  Macaulay's  Hutory  of  Englmid  attempts 
the  really  detailed  history  of  only  about  seventeen  years.  Carlyle  devotes  six 
large  volumes  to  the  History  of  Frederick  the  Great,  and  such  authorities  as 


HISTORY  AND  HISTORIANS 


15 


using  his  materials  without  exercising  selective  judgment,  should  be  evident 
to  any  one  who  scans  these  materials  themselves.  It  is  quite  true  that  he 
made  many  mistakes.  He  sometimes  accepted  as  fact  what  was  only  fable, 
his  chronologies  are  not  always  secure,  his  narratives  of  events  not  always 
photographically  accurate.  But  consider  the  task  he  had  set  himself.  He 
was  endeavouring  to  write  a  history  of  the  entire  world  so  far  as  known  in 
his  day  and  generation,  including  within  the  scope  of  his  narrative  all  the 
leading  events  of  all  the  nations  of  the  globe  as  known  in  that  day.  No 
man  can  perform  such  a  task,  even  in  this  day  of  multiplied  records  and 
edited  authorities,  without  making  mistakes. 

Wlioever  attempts  to  write  history  philosophically  is  brought,  sooner  or 
later,  face  to  face  with  the  fact  that  all  historical  records  are  woven  through 
and  through  with  fiction.  To  separate  the  threads  of  truth  from  the  threads 
of  fable  is  the  task  of  critical  judgment.  It  will  be  perfectly  clear  to  any 
one  who  considers  the  case,  that  in  making  such  selection  the  historian  of 
any  generation  must  be  biased  and  influenced  by  the  prejudices  and 
preconceptions  of  his  time.  From  such  prejudices  and  preconceptions 
Diodorus  was,  of  course,  not  free.  He  looked  out  upon  the  world  with 
eyes  of  the  first  century  B.C.,  not  with  eyes  of  the  twentieth  century 
A.D.  That  century,  no  less  than  this, —  perhaps  not  more  than  this,  —  was 
an  age  of  faith  and  superstition;  but  the  faith  of  that  time  was  not  the 
faith  of  this  time  ;  the  superstitions  of  the  Greek  and  Roman  were  not  our 
superstitions.  They  were  a  credulous  people  ;  we  are  a  credulous  people : 
but  the  exact  type  of  their  credulity  differed  in  many  ways  from  the  type 
of  our  credulity. 

In  judging  Diodorus,  then,  one  must  judge  him  as  a  Roman  of  the  first 
century  B.C.,  not  as  a  European  of  the  twentieth  century  A.D.  And  if  we 
bear  this  in  mind,  we  shall  find,  after  scanning  his  pages,  that  Diodorus  was 
by  no  means  marked  among  his  fellows  by  simple  credulity  of  the  unques- 
tioning type  which  accepts  whatever  is  told  it  without  subjecting  it  to  criti- 
cism. Diodorus,  to  be  sure,  tells  us  fabulous  tales  as  to  the  origin  of  the 
world  and  the  creation  of  its  various  peoples ;  but  he  explicitly  forewarns  us 
that  he  tells  these  tales,  not  as  matters  of  his  own  belief,  but  in  order  to 
make  an  historical  record  of  the  opinions  current  among  the  different  nations 
themselves  as  to  their  own  origin. 

These  tales  seem  to  us  fabulous,  grotesque,  absurd  ;  but  we  have  no 
reason  to  doubt  that  many  of  them  seemed  equally  mythical  to  Diodorus 
himsolf;  and  modern  criticism  should  not  forget  that  there  is  one  other 
myth  tale  of  the  creation  of  the  world  and  the  origin  of  a  particular 
race,  which,  had  Diodorus  known  it,  he  would  doubtless  have  narrated  with 
the  rest,  and  viewed  with  the  same  scepticism  which  he  shows  towards  the 
others,  as  being  fabulous,  grotesque,  and  absurd,  but  which  would  have  been 
accepted  by  the  critics  of  all  Christendom,  in  every  age  prior  to  our  own,  as 
the  authentic  historical  record  of  the  actual  creation  of  the  earth,  and  as  the 
true  account  of  its  chosen  people. 

In  a  word,  modern  criticism  should  bear  in  mind,  when  reproaching 
Diodorus  and  others  like  him  for  their  credulity,  that  the  accepted  faith 
of  nineteenth-century  Europe  would  have  seemed  to  Diodorus  as  absurd 
and  fabulous  and  mythical  as  any  tale  which  he  has  to  tell  us  can  seem 
to  the  twentieth-century  critic. 

And  as  to  the  mistakes  of  Diodorus  in  the  more  strictly  historical  por- 
tions of  his  narrative,  these  also  must  be  viewed  with  a  certain  toleration  by 
every  candid  critic  when  he  reflects  upon  the  vast  pi-eponderance  of  those 


14  PROLEGOMENA 

writing  a  comprehensive  history  of  the  world,  and  he  devoted  thirty  years  to 
the  accomplishment  of  this  task.  This  history,  as  originally  written,  com- 
prised forty  books,  which  treated  of  the  entire  history  of  mankind  from  the 
earliest  times  to  tlie  age  of  Augustus.  Diodorus  recognised  the  vagueness 
of  early  chronology,  and  he  made  no  attempt  to  estimate  the  exact  age  of  the 
world,  but  he  computes  the  time  covered  by  what  he  considers  the  historic 
period  proper,  in  the  following  terms : 

"  According  to  Apollodorus,  we  have  accounted  fourscore  years  from  the 
Trojan  War  to  the  return  of  Heraclides  :  from  thence  to  the  first  olympiad, 
tliree  hundred  and  twenty-eight  years,  computing  the  times  from  the  Lace- 
dicmonian  kings :  from  the  first  olympiad  to  the  beginning  of  the  Gallic 
War  (where  our  history  ends)  are  seven  hundred  and  thirty  years  :  so  that 
our  whole  work  (comprehended  in  forty  books)  is  an  history  which  takes 
in  the  affairs  of  eleven  hundred  and  thirty-eight  years,  besides  those  times 
that  preceded  the  Trojan  War." 

In  his  preface  Diodorus  further  exjilains  the  exact  scope  of  his  work  and 
the  precise  division  in  the  books  in  the  following  words  : 

"  Our  first  six  books  comprehend  the  affairs  and  mythologies  of  the  ages 
before  the  Trojan  War,  of  which  the  three  first  contain  the  barbarian,  and 
the  next  following  almost  all  the  Grecian  antiquities.  In  the  eleven  next 
after  these,  we  have  given  an  account  of  what  has  been  done  in  every 
place  from  the  time  of  the  Trojan  War  till  the  death  of  Alexander.  In  the 
tliree  and  twenty  books  following,  we  have  set  forth  all  other  things  and 
affairs,  till  the  beginning  of  the  war  the  Romans  made  upon  the  Gauls ;  at 
which  time  Julius  Ctesar,  the  emperor  (who  upon  the  account  of  his  great 
achievements  was  surnamed  Divus),  having  subdued  the  warlike  nations  of 
the  Gauls,  enlarged  the  Roman  Empire,  as  far  as  to  the  British  Isles  ;  whose 
first  acts  fall  in  with  the  first  year  of  the  hundred  and  eightieth  olympiad, 
M'hen  Herodes  was  chief  magistrate  at  Athens.  But  as  to  the  limitations  of 
times  contained  in  the  work,  we  have  not  bound  those  things  that  happened 
before  the  Trojan  War  within  any  certain  limits,  because  we  could  not  find 
any  foundation  whereon  to  rely  with  any  certainty." 

Of  these  forty  books  only  fifteen  have  come  down  to  us  intact,  namely, 
the  first  five,  which  carry  down  the  history  only  to  the  Trojan  wars,  and 
books  eleven  to  twenty,  which  cover  the  period  from  the  invasion  of  Greece 
by  Xerxes  to  the  subjugation  of  Greece  by  the  Romans.  The  remaining 
bo(jks  are  represented  by  considerable  fragments,  which,  however,  even  in 
the  aggregate,  are  insignificant  in  bulk  as  compared  with  the  fifteen  books 
that  are  preserved  entire. 

Considering  the  time  when  it  was  written,  this  work  of  Diodorus  was 
really  an  extraordinary  production,  though  there  has  been  a  tendency  on  the 
part  of  the  modern  critic  to  dwell  rather  iipon  its  defects  than  its  merits. 
It  has  indeed  become  quite  the  fashion  to  speak  of  Diodorus  as  a  weak- 
minded,  prejudiced  person,  who  gathered  together  materials  for  history 
from  all  sources  indiscriminately,  and  gave  them  to  the  world,  true  and  false 
together,  quite  unsifted  by  criticism.  Such  an  estimate,  however,  does  Dio- 
dorus a  very  great  injustice,  as  the  briefest  perusal  of  his  work  must  suffice 
to  demonstrate.  Indeed,  it  is  perhaps  not  saying  too  much  to  assert  that 
one  would  be  nearer  the  truth  were  he  to  accept  an  estimate  by  Pliny,  who 
aifirms  that  Diodorus  was  the  first  of  the  Greeks  who  wrote  seriously  and 
avoided  trifles.  That  Diodorus  did  write  seriously,  his  work  clearly  testi- 
fies ;  that  he  largely  avoided  trifles,  is  shown  by  the  mass  of  matter  which 
he  crowded  into  a  comparatively  small  space ;    and  that  he  was  far  from 


HISTORY  AND  HISTORIANS  17 

Diodorus,  in  treating  this  period,  chose  as  his  authority,  not  Xenophon, 
but  Aphorus.  Just  how  he  came  to  this  decision  is  not  known ;  it  suffices 
that  the  decision  was  a  good  one.  None  but  a  prejudiced  critic  can  doubt 
that  in  many  other  cases  his  judgment  was  equally  perspicuous  in  selecting 
among  divergent  accounts  the  one  of  greatest  verisimilitude. 

A  part  of  the  relative  neglect  which  has  fallen  to  the  lot  of  Diodorus 
may  be  ascribed  to  the  manner  of  his  handling.  He  threw  his  work  into 
the  form  of  annals,  in  which  a  chronological  idea  was  predominant.  He 
gives  the  history  of  a  nation  in  a  given  year,  and  then  turns  aside  to  other 
nations,  to  follow  the  fortunes  of  each  in  turn  over  the  same  period.  Neces- 
sarily, under  such  a  treatment,  the  whole  plan  lacks  continuity.  One  must 
break  from  one  subject  to  another,  must  turn  from  Assyria  to  Egypt,  from 
Greece  to  Rome,  in  order  to  follow  the  story  through  constantly  broken 
chapters.  Naturally,  under  such  treatment,  the  reader's  interest  flags. 
From  a  popular  standpoint,  such  a  treatment  is  clearly  a  mistake. 

The  plan  of  Herodotus,  which  took  up  the  story  of  each  nation,  and 
carried  it  through  a  long  period  uninterruptedly,  has  many  advantages;  is 
infinitely  more  artistic.  It  is  chiefly  due  to  this  treatment,  rather  than  the 
actual  phrasing  of  his  story,  that  Herodotus  has  gained  so  much  more  uni- 
versal fame  than  Diodorus ;  for  in  those  parts  of  his  history  in  which  he 
does  attempt  a  continuous  narrative,  Diodorus  shows  much  skill  as  a  story- 
teller. In  the  earlier  portion  of  his  work,  that  portion  which,  fortunately, 
has  in  the  main  been  preserved  to  us,  when  dealing  with  what  he  regards  as 
the  fabulous  history  of  the  nations  prior  to  the  establishment  of  a  fixed  chro- 
nology, his  narrative  runs  on  continuously,  suggesting  in  many  ways  that  of 
the  Father  of  History.  It  was  so  with  his  treatment  of  early  Egypt,  and 
with  his  even  more  interesting  history  of  ancient  Assyria.  These  parts 
alone  of  his  work  serve  to  make  him  one  of  the  most  important  authors  of 
antiquity  whose  writings  have  been  preserved  to  us,  and  we  shall  have 
occasion  to  draw  largely  upon  him  for  the  history  of  this  period. 

What  has  just  been  said  about  the  attitude  of  modern  critics  toward 
Diodorus  must  not  be  taken  to  imply  that  this  earliest  of  great  world 
historians  has,  on  the  whole,  failed  of  an  appreciative  audience.  The  facts 
of  the  case  amply  refute  such  a  supposition  as  this.  An  author  writes  to  be 
read,  and  in  the  last  resort  the  only  valid  criterion  as  to  the  value  of  his 
work  is  found  in  the  preservation  or  neglect  of  that  work  by  successive 
generations  of  readers. 

Tested  by  this  standard,  very  few  of  the  ancient  writers  have  obtained 
such  a  measure  of  appreciation  as  has  been  accorded  to  Diodorus,  Some- 
thing like  three-fourths  of  what  he  wrote  has  been  lost,  it  is  true ;  but  in 
fairly  estimating  the  import  of  this,  one  must  consider  the  bulk  of  what 
remains.  The  briefest  comparison  supplies  us  with  some  very  interesting 
data.  It  appears  that,  of  the  entire  series  of  the  predecessors  of  Diodorus, 
no  single  historian  has  left  us  anything  like  a  comparable  bulk  of  extant 
matter.  Only  one  predecessor  in  any  field  of  literature,  namely,  Aristotle, 
greatly  exceeds  him  in  this  regard,  and  a  single  other  writer,  Plato, 
about  equals  him.  Turning  to  the  contemporaries  of  Diodorus  and  to  his 
successors  in  the  use  of  the  Greek  language,  a  similar  result  is  shown.  A 
single  writer  exceeds  him  in  output.  This  is  Plutarch,  the  biographer  and 
philosopher  rather  than  historian  proper.  No  other  Greek  writer  in  any 
field  equals  Diodorus,  though  two  historians,  Dion  Cassius  and  Dionysius  of 
Halicarnassus,  are  within  hailing  distance.  When  one  reflects  on  the  actual 
labour  implied  by  the  preservation  of  any  manuscript  throughout  the  long 


18  PROLEGOMENA 

generations  of  the  middle  ages,  these  data  speak  volumes  for  the  aggregate 
judgment  passed  upon  the  work  of  Diodorus  by  posterity.  Of  the  long  list 
of  Greek  historians,  —  a  list  mounting  far  into  the  hundreds,  as  proved  by 
fragmentary  remains,  —  only  three  as  ancient  as  Diodorus  have  fared  better 
than  he,  these  three  being  Herodotus,  Thucydides,  and  Xenophon.  But 
the  entire  bulk  of  the  works  of  these  three  writers  does  not  so  very  greatly 
exceed  the  bulk  of  the  extant  writings  of  Diodorus.  The  works  o^f 
Herodotus  and  Thucydides  together  do  not  comprise  more  matter  than  is 
contained  in  books  eleven  to  twenty  of  Diodorus,  which  are  preserved  en  bloc. 

It  would,  of  course,  be  absurd  to  imply  that  the  mere  bulk  of  the  manu- 
scripts preserved  before  the  age  of  printing  is  a  test  of  the  value  of  an 
ancient  author's  work ;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  bearing  in  mind  always  the 
labour  employed  in  the  production  of  a  single  copy  of  a  large  work,  it 
would  be  eijually  absurd  to  deny  that  the  bulk  of  manuscripts  has  a  certain 
bearing  upon  the  value  of  the  matter  which  tliey  preserve.  No  doubt 
many  a  scribe  would  be  deterred  from  starting  out  to  copy  manuscript 
by  the  great  bulk  of  the  work,  and  where  he  had  no  great  preference, 
would  be  influenced  by  this  alone  to  choose  a  smaller  book.  Again,  doubt- 
less many  a  scribe  wearied  of  his  task  in  the  case  of  the  more  ponderous 
works,  and  gave  it  up  after  copying  a  few  books.  This  common-sense 
explanation  no  doubt  accounts  for  the  fact  that  quite  generally  the  earlier 
books  rather  than  the  later  ones  of  works  that  have  come  down  to  us  in 
a  fragmentary  condition  are  the  ones  preserved.  Had  Herodotus  and 
Thucydides  written  forty  books  instead  of  eight  or  nine,  it  is  very  unlikely 
that  even  their  genius  would  have  sufficed  to  preserve  the  entire  number. 
The  case  of  Livy,  whose  work,  despite  the  beauty  of  its  style,  has  come 
down  to  us  so  sadly  mutilated,  sufficiently  sustains  this  supposition.  It  is 
nothing  against  the  merit  of  Diodorus,  then,  to  reflect  that  half  his  work 
is  lost ;  the  wonder  is  rather  that  so  much  of  it  has  been  preserved. 

We  have  dwelt  thus  at  length  upon  the  work  of  Diodorus  because  it  is  a 
work  that  may  be  taken  as  in  many  ways  representative  of  Avorld  histories 
in  general.  Certainly  it  was  by  far  the  greatest  world  history  produced  in 
antiquity,  of  the  exact  merits  of  which  we  have  any  present  means  of  judg- 
ing. Indeed,  there  is  only  one  other  world  history  that  has  come  down  to 
us,  and  this,  the  work  of  Justin,  is  in  itself  only  an  abridgment  of  the  writ- 
ing of  another  author,  Trogus  Pompeius.  Considering  when  it  was  written, 
this  work  of  Trogus,  if  we  may  judge  from  the  abridgment,  was  an  admi- 
rable production,  and  the  abridgment  itself  is  of  great  value  in  thromng 
light  on  some  periods  that  otherwise  are  not  well  covered  by  extant  docu- 
ments. As  a  whole,  however,  it  is  a  compendium  of  history  rather  than  a 
comprehensive  work  like  that  of  Diodorus.  Of  the  works  of  the  other 
world  historians  of  antiquity  it  is  impossible  to  speak  with  any  measure  of 
certainty.  Poly  bins  accredited  Aphorus  wdth  being  the  only  man  who  had 
written  a  world  history  before  his  day.  It  is  known  that  Aphorus  lived  in 
the  flfth  century  B.C.,  and  that  he  was  a  fellow-pupil  of  another  historian, 
Theopompus,  in  the  famous  school  of  Isocrates  at  Athens  ;  but  his  work  is 
only  known  to  us  through  inadequate  fragments  and  the  indirect  quotations 
of  other  authors.  The  same  is  true  of  the  works  of  Theopompus  just 
referred  to,  and  of  Timseus,  another  Greek  whose  writing  had  something  of 
world  historic  comprehensiveness.  But,  even  had  these  works  been  pre- 
served, it  may  well  be  doubted  whether  any  one  of  them  would  compare 
favourably  with  the  great  history  of  Diodorus,  which  must  stand  out  for  all 
time  as  the  greatest  illustration  of  the  writing  of  world  history  in  antiquity. 


HISTORY  AND  HISTORIANS  19 

Diodorus,  as  we  have  seen,  brought  his  work  down  to  the  time  of  the 
Gallic  wars  of  Ceesar.  There  are  references  in  his  writing  which  imply 
that  he  lived  well  into  the  time  of  Augustus.  He  probably  died  not 
long  before  the  beginning  of  the  Christian  era. 

No  Greek  of  later  time  and  no  Roman  of  any  period  produced  a  work 
that  supplanted  the  history  of  Diodorus,  though  most  of  the  Byzantine 
historians  produced  chronicles,  many  of  which  had  more  or  less  aspect  of 
world  history  in  epitome.  Several  of  these  have  been  preserved,  but  no  one 
thinks  of  comparing  them  with  the  work  of  the  older  writer.  The  chrono- 
logical work  of  Eusebius,  however,  deserves  a  word  of  special  mention.  It 
was  a  mere  epitome  of  world  history,  but  a  relatively  comprehensive  one,  and 
one  which,  through  the  loss  of  more  pretentious  works,  has  come  to  be  of 
great  value  to  the  modern  historian.  It  was  written  originally  in  Greek, 
but  the  most  important  copy  of  it  that  has  come  down  to  us  is,  curiously 
enough,  an  Armenian  translation.  It  is  the  Latin  translation  of  this 
Armenian  manuscript  that  is  the  work  usually  referred  to  by  modern 
historians  in  speaking  of  Eusebius.  The  encyclopaedia  of  history  compiled 
for  Constantine  Porphyrogenitus,  to  which  reference  has  already  been  made, 
must  also  be  mentioned  as  a  world  history  of  real  importance.  It  was  based 
almost  exclusively  upon  Greek  authors,  who  were  quoted  at  length,  with 
such  abbreviations  or  modifications  as  were  made  necessary  in  adjusting  the 
various  texts  to  one  another.  As  a  means  of  preserving  the  work  of  numer- 
ous important  Greek  historians  this  collection  had  the  utmost  value,  but, 
unfortunately,  it  has  come  down  to  us  in  a  much  mutilated  condition.  During 
the  Byzantine  period  the  minds  of  would-be  historians  of  the  Western  world 
were  so  occupied  with  ecclesiastical  quarrels  and  the  chronicles  of  local 
princes,  that  no  one  thought  of  world  histories  in  the  broader  sense.  We 
should  be  thankful  that  here  and  there  a  monk  had  interest  and  energy 
enough  to  copy  the  ancient  authors,  and  thus  in  part  to  preserve  them. 
Considering  the  intellectual  atmosphere  of  the  time,  the  wonder  is,  not 
that  so  many  of  the  pagan  authors  were  lost,  but  rather  that  any  of  them 
were  preserved.  Yet  there  were  occasional  gleams  of  light,  even  in 
the  so-called  dark  age.  Such  a  one  of  peculiar  interest  to  the  English 
reader  is  found  in  the  fact  that  King  Alfred  translated  into  Anglo- 
Saxon  the  compendious  world  history  of  Orosius,  a  work  that  otherwise 
would  be  but  little  known  to  fame,  but  which,  thanks  to  its  brevity  of 
treatment,  and  to  this  very  unusual  distinction  of  translation  into  a  "  bar- 
baric tongue,"  no  doubt  served  a  most  excellent  purpose  in  giving  to  the 
Anglo-Saxons  of  the  ninth  century  a  glimpse  of  the  events  of  ancient 
times. 

The  best  guide  to  the  historic  point  of  view  of  the  generations  that 
ushered  in  what  we  are  accustomed  to  think  of  as  the  modern  period  is 
furnished  by  the  History  of  the  World  which  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  wrote 
toward  the  close  of  his  life,  late  in  the  sixteenth  century.  Raleigh  was  not 
an  historian  from  choice,  but  was  led  to  his  task  as  a  diversion  during  the 
time  of  his  imprisonment.  The  work  as  far  as  he  completed  it  is  in  five 
books,  the  titles  of  which  are  instructive.  First  book,  "  In  treating  of  the 
First  Ages  of  the  World,  from  the  Creation  to  Abraham."  Second  book, 
"  Of  the  Times  from  the  Birth  of  Abraham  to  the  Destruction  of  the  Temple 
of  Solomon."  Third  book,  "From  the  Destruction  of  Jerusalem  to  the 
Time  of  Philip  of  Macedon."  Fourth  book,  ''From  the  Reign  of  Philip  of 
Macedon  to  the  Establishing  of  that  Kingdom  in  the  Race  of  Antigonus." 
Fifth  book,  "  From  the  Settled  Rule  of  Alexander's  Successors  in  the  East, 


20  PROLEGOMENA 

until  the  Romans  (prevailing  over  all)  made  Conquest  of  Asia  and 
Macedon." 

It  will  appear  that  Raleigh  did  not  carry  his  history  beyond  the  early 
Roman  period,  yet,  even  so,  it  is  a  very  bulky  book,  comprising  more  than 
eight  : hundred  enormous  quarto  pages,  an  actual  bulk  far  exceeding  the 
extant  portions  of  Diodorus.  Raleigh  very  generally  names  his  authorities 
in  the  margin,  but  even  had  he  failed  to  do  so,  it  would  be  easy  to  under- 
stand the  sources  on  which  he  must  have  drawn.  Obviously  he  depended 
largely  upon  the  Bible  for  the  early  history  of  mankind,  and  for  the  rest  he 
had  access,  no  doubt,  to  the  dozen  or  so  of  classical  authors  whose  names 
we  have  liad  occasion  to  mention  again  and  again.  Naturally  enough,  the 
pages  of  Raleigh  seem  archaic  to  the  modern  reader,  yet  passages  are  not 
wanting  which  show  the  shrewd  practical  insight  of  the  courtier  and  states- 
man. As  a  whole,  the  work  had  sufficient  interest  to  be  reprinted  in  1687, 
a  century  after  the  author's  death.  Indeed,  until  this  time  there  was 
practically  no  world  history  in  the  field  in  competition  with  Raleigh's  that 
had  been  written  since  classical  times.  It  is  a  curious  commentary  on  the 
life  of  the  post-classical  times  and  of  the  middle  ages  that  between  the  work 
of  Diodorus,  written  just  before  the  beginning  of  the  Christian  era,  and  the 
work  altogether  similar  in  scope  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  written  sixteen  hun- 
dred years  later,  there  was  no  world  history  produced  that  is  strictly  compara- 
ble to  either.  Nor  did  the  seventeenth  century  produce  any  marked  change 
in  the  situation  as  regards  the  literature  of  world  history. 

The  true  renaissance  of  history  writing  came  with  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury. About  1730  an  English  publisher  was  led  to  notice  the  paucity  of 
recent  literature  in  this  field,  and  to  project  a  universal  history  of  the  widest 
scope.  Such  men  as  Archibald  Bower,  John  Campbell,  William  Guthrie, 
George  Sale,  George  Psalmanazar,  and  John  Swinton  were  associated  in  the 
undertaking,  and  in  the  course  of  the  following  twenty  years  a  long  series 
of  volumes  dealing  with  all  phases  of  universal  history,  except,  curiously 
enough,  the  history  of  Great  Britain,  was  brought  to  a  close.  A  subsequent 
edition,  modified  and  improved  as  regards  the  earlier  volumes,  and  supple- 
mented with  an  account  of  English  history,  was  published  toward  the  close 
of  the  eighteenth  century,  the  editor  being  the  famous  Dr.  Tobias  Smollett. 
This  work,  the  first  important  history  of  the  world  produced  in  modern 
times,  excited  great  interest.  It  is  odd  to  reflect  in  the  light  of  more  recent 
events  that  the  work  was  translated  into  various  European  languages, 
including  (ierman.  The  production  of  this  work  was  a  notable  achieve- 
ment, but  the  various  parts  of  the  work  had  widely  different  degrees  of 
merit.  A  competent  German  critic,  writing  about  the  middle  of  the  nine- 
teenth century,  conceded  that  the  parts  of  the  universal  history  referring 
to  antiquity  were  fairly  well  done,  but  noted  that  the  treatment  of  the 
middle  ages  was  superficial,  and  the  treatment  of  modern  history  even  worse. 

Inasmuch  as  the  history  of  antiquity  has  been  very  largely  reconstructed 
within  the  past  fifty  years,  it  will  be  obvious  that  the  universal  history  in 
question  cannot  now  be  regarded  with  other  than  an  antiquarian  interest. 
Nevertheless,  it  contains  numberless  descriptive  passages,  which  are  as  his- 
torically accurate  and  as  interesting  to-day  as  they  were  when  written. 

The  impulse  to  historical  composition,  of  which  this  universal  history  is 
a  monumental  proof,  found  expression  a  little  later  in  the  great  histories 
of  Hume  and  Robertson  and  Gibbon.  Thanks  to  these  writers,  England 
was  easily  in  advance  of  all  other  countries  at  the  close  of  the  eighteenth 
century    in    the    matter   of   liistorical   composition.      Indeed,    as   to  world 


HISTORY  AND   HISTORIANS  21 

histories  she  was  first,  without  a  second.  Early  in  the  nineteenth  century, 
however,  a  great  world  history  was  produced  in  Germany.  This  was  the  work 
of  Schlosser.  In  its  earliest  form  this  work  was  completed  in  1824  ;  it  was 
a  strictly  technical  production.  But  about  twenty  years  later  a  pupil  of 
Schlosser,  under  the  direction  of  the  author  himself,  elaborated  a  popular 
edition  of  the  world  history,  which  soon  had  an  enormous  circulation  in 
Germany,  and  which  in  recurring  editions  still  finds  a  multitude  of  readers. 
This  work  of  Schlosser's  would  probably  have  been  translated  into  English 
were  it  not  that  the  field  had  been  preoccupied  by  another  great  universal 
history.  This  was  the  work  which  Dr.  Lardner  edited,  and  which  began  to 
appear  in  1830,  about  a  century  after  the  inauguration  of  that  first  universal 
history  in  English  to  which  we  have  just  referred.  Dr.  Lardner's  work,  like 
its  English  predecessor,  was  produced  by  a  company  of  specialists;  but  it  dif- 
fered from  the  other  in  that  each  volume  or  set  of  volumes  dealing  with  a 
period  or  country  was  written  by  a  specialist  whose  authorship  was  acknow- 
ledged on  the  title-page,  whereas  the  previous  work  had  been  altogether 
anon3mious.  In  other  words,  it  was  essentially  a  collection  of  monographs, 
each  by  a  more  or  less  distinguished  authority,  which,  in  the  aggregate,  consti- 
tuted a  history  of  the  world.  The  work  as  a  whole  comprised  a  large  num- 
ber of  volumes.  Needless  to  say  the  component  parts  were  of  varying  merit; 
but  as  a  whole  the  work  was  an  excellent  one,  and  many  of  the  volumes  still 
have  value,  though  necessarily  much  of  their  contents  is  antiquated. 

The  production  of  the  popular  edition  of  Schlosser's  world  history  in 
Germany  marked  an  epoch  in  this  class  of  literature.  Almost  contemporane- 
ously with  this  production  several  other  world  histories  saw  the  light  in 
Germany,  and  from  that  day  to  this  world  histories  have  come  from  the 
German  press  in  unbroken  succession.  These  are  varied  in  scope,  from  the 
marvellously  compressed  and  beautifully  philosophical  work  of  Rottock  in 
four  small  volumes,  published  about  1830,  to  the  gigantic  Oncken  series, 
which  is  just  completed.  In  this  list  of  German  world  histories  the  works 
of  Bekker,  of  Leo,  and  of  Weiss  hold  conspicuous  places,  in  addition  to  those 
just  named.  But  perhaps  the  most  notable  of  all  is  the  world  history  of 
Dr.  George  Weber.  This  work  of  Dr.  Weber  occupied  the  author  during 
the  best  years  of  his  life.  It  is  in  eighteen  volumes,  and  occupied  about 
twenty  years  in  passing  through  the  press.  We  shall  have  occasion  to  refer 
more  at  length  to  Dr.  Weber's  work  in  another  place,  as  well  as  to  quote  from 
it  frequently.  Suffice  it  here  that  Dr.  Weber  may  justly  be  called  the  Dio- 
dorus  of  modern  times,  his  work  being  certainly  the  most  complete  and  com- 
prehensive exposition  of  world  history  that  has  ever  issued  from  a  single  pen. 

One  other  world  history  of  German  origin  must  be  mentioned  as  holding 
a  place  beside  that  of  Weber.  This  is  the  work  of  Ranke.  It  is  very  dif- 
ferent in  plan  from  Weber's,  in  some  ways  more  philosophical,  and  often 
less  detailed  in  its  narrative  of  events.  The  author,  recognised  as  almost 
the  greatest  of  German  historians,  began  the  work  late  in  life,  and  brought 
to  bear  upon  it  perhaps  as  full  an  equipment  of  historical  knowledge  in 
divers  fields  as  any  single  man  has  ever  attained.  Unfortunately,  he  did 
not  live  to  complete  his  work,  which,  as  it  stands,  comes  only  to  the  close 
of  the  middle  ages,  and  which,  therefore,  cannot  be  compared  in  its  entirety 
with  the  completed  work  of  Weber, 

The  most  recent  of  all  the  great  German  world  liistories,  the  Oncken 
series,  just  referred  to,  is  a  work  built  essentially  upon  tlie  plan  of  Dr.  Lard- 
ner's series  of  the  early  part  of  the  century.  Each  volume  of  the  Oncken 
series  is  written  virtually  as  an  independent  work  by  an  authority,  and  there 


PROLEGOMENA 


is  no  close  bond  between  the  various  component  parts  of  the  structure, 
though  doubtless  an  attempt  was  made  on  the  part  of  the  editor  to  have 
the  various  authors  conform  somewhat  to  the  same  scheme  of  treatment. 
The  work  comprises  about  fifty  very  large  octavo  volumes,  being  therefore  the 
bulkiest,  as  it  is  the  most  recent,  of  world  histories. 


CHAPTER   V 

THE    PRESENT    HISTORY 

It  is  a  singular  fact  that  since  the  publication  of  Dr.  Lardner's  series  in 
the  first  half^of  the  nineteenth  century,  no  satisfactory  attempt  has  been 
made  to  bring  the  entire  story  of  the  world's  history  to  the  attention  of  the 
English  reader  in  a  single  work.  While  the  presses  of  Germany  have  sent 
out  their  never  ending  stream  of  world  histories,  the  English-speaking  world 
has  remained  utterly  inactive,  so  that  until  now  there  has  been  no  work  in 
English  less  than  lialf  a  century  old  that  could  pretend  to  compete  with  any 
one^  of  the  numerous  German  productions.  Buckle's  work  would,  to  some 
extent,  liave  supplied  the  deficit  had  he  lived  to  complete  it,  yet  even  his 
effort  was  aimed  rather  at  philosophical  generalisations  regarding  human 
evolution,  than  at  a  narrative  of  historical  events. 

If  we  attempt  to  explain  this  paucity  of  literature  in  so  fascinating  a 
field  as  that  of  world  history,  the  solution  is  not  far  to  seek  :  it  is  found  in 
the  very  magnitude  of  the  task.  This  is  the  age  of  specialists,  and  just  in 
proportion  as  one  appreciates  the  full  meaning  of  special  knowledge  of  any 
subject  in  its  modern  interpretation,  must  he  feel  the  hopelessness  of  attempt- 
ing to  gain  more  than  a  general  knowledge  in  a  variety  of  fields.  Yet  some- 
thing approaching  the  knowledge  of  the  specialist  should  be  brought  to  bear 
upon  each  period  of  history  by  any  one  who  attempts  to  write  a  comprehen- 
sive history  of  the  world.  It  is  an  appreciation  of  this  fact  that  has  led  to 
the  i)roduction  of  such  a  symposium  as  the  Oncken  series,  just  referred  to, 
and  contrariwise,  it  is  the  appreciation  of  the  same  fact  that  has  led  to  the 
relative  neglect  of  so  admirable  a  work  as  that  of  Weber.  The  modern 
critic  is  disposed  to  feel  that  the  writing  of  a  really  comprehensive  world 
history  in  this  age  is  a  task  beyond  the  capacity  of  any  single  man.  When 
one  considers  the  vast  amount  of  research  work  in  hitherto  unexplored  fields 
that  is  being  carried  on  in  every  department  of  history,  it  becomes  patent 
that  no  single  mind  can  hope  to  cope  at  first  hand  with  the  ever  increasing 
flood  of  special  literature.  In  almost  every  department  of  history  special 
bibliographies  have  been  published  of  late  years  which  are  utterly  bewilder- 
ing, even  t(^  the  specialist,  in  the  wealth  of  material  which  they  reveal. 

To  cite  but  a  single  instance,  the  bibliography  of  early  English  history, 
down  to  about  the  year  1485,  as  recently  collated  by  Professor  Gross,  com- 
prises a  large  volume  of  small  tj'pe.  It  would  be  the  work  of  a  lifetime 
for  any  specialist  to  deal,  even  in  a  cursory  way,  with  each  and  every  one  of 
the  works  cited  in  this  list ;  yet  this  is  only  one  little  corner  of  the  field 
which  the  world  historian  must  cover.  Obviously,  then,  the  world  historian, 
if  he  attempt  jjcrsonally  to  construct  a  narrative  of  the  entire  subject,  must 
content  himself  with  a  more  or  less  superficial  glance  at  each  field  ;  his  read- 
ing may  indeed  be  wide,  but  it  cannot  by  any  possibility  be  exhaustive. 
Moreover,  in  the  nature  of  the  case,  he  must  often  read  merely  to  gather 
material  for  the  day's  task  of  writing,  and  no  matter  what  his  memory,  he 


HISTORY  AND  HISTORIAl^S  23 

will  inevitably  forget  the  greater  part  of  the  multitudinous  details  that  he 
has  dealt  with.  In  the  case  of  a  man  of  such  wide  scholarship  and  such 
tenacity  of  purpose  as  Dr.  Weber,  it  must  be  freely  admitted  that  a  view 
of  the  entire  range  of  world  history  may  be  attained,  which  it  would  be 
rank  injustice  to  pronounce  really  superficial.  Yet  even  such  a  worker  as 
Weber  must  have  depended  very  largely  upon  second-hand  epitomes  for  his 
facts.  He  cannot  have  read  at  first  hand  more  than  a  fraction  of  the  authors 
upon  whom  he  is  obliged  explicitly  or  inferentially  to  pass  judgment.  In  a 
word,  great  as  is  the  value  of  works  of  the  class  of  which  Weber's  is  the 
finest  example,  such  works  must,  in  the  very  nature  of  the  case,  be  content 
to  be  ranked  as  more  or  less  successful  compilations,  lacking  the  authority 
which  the  modern  critic  is  unwilling  to  vouchsafe  to  anything  but  strictly 
original  work,  —  original  work,  that  is,  in  the  sense  of  work  based  upon  a 
first-hand  examination  of  the  most  remote  authorities,  the  only  sense  in 
which  the  word  "•  original "  can  properly  be  applied  to  any  form  of  historical 
composition. 

If  we  turn  from  world  histories  of  the  one-man  type  to  those  produced  by 
a  symposium  of  specialists,  we  are  met  with  a  quite  different,  but  none  the 
less  insistent,  series  of  inherent  defects. 

In  the  first  place,  the  intrinsic  defect  of  the  one-man  treatment  is  not 
altogether  overcome,  since  specialism  has  nowadays  been  carried  to  such  a 
stage  that  few  men  feel  altogether  at  home  outside  a  comparatively  limited 
period,  even  of  the  history  of  a  single  nation.  If,  then,  one  man  is  asked  to 
write  the  entire  history  of,  let  us  say,  the  Greeks,  he  necessarily  passes  over 
ground  that  his  special  studies  have  not  covered  uniformly,  and  in  certain 
periods  he  must  feel  himself  more  or  less  in  the  position  of  the  general  his- 
torian. It  would,  of  course,  be  possible  to  meet  this  objection  by  having  a 
sufficient  number  of  writers,  so  that  each  limited  period  should  be  covered 
by  a  true  specialist ;  but  the  great  difficulty  in  such  a  scheme  as  this  is  the 
entire  lack  of  harmony  of  view  that  must  pertain  to  such  a  work. 

A  glance  at  the  Oncken  series  will  convince  any  one  how  very  difficult  it 
is  to  attain  even  approximately  to  a  true  perspective  of  world  history  under 
the  symposial  plan.  Thus  one  finds  in  this  series,  to  cite  but  a  single  illustra- 
tion of  disproportionate  treatment,  that  various  relatively  insignificant  periods 
of  modern  German  history  are  allowed  to  fill  bulky  volumes  where  a  true 
perspective  would  have  relegated  them  to  mere  chapters.  It  is  only  from  a 
very  prejudiced  modern  standpoint  that  the  history  of  Frederick  II  can  be 
thought  worth  greater  space  than  the  entire  history  of  the  Greek  world. 
Where  such  inconsistencies  are  permitted  there  is  a  danger  that  the  alleged 
world  history  will  become  rather  the  history  of  a  single  nation  in  its  rela- 
tions to  other  nations,  past  and  present,  than  an  impartial  presentation  of 
the  history  of  nations  as  a  whole. 

In  the  present  work  an  attempt  has  been  made  to  avoid  the  pitfalls  of 
one-man  treatment  on  the  one  hand,  and  of  ill-adjusted  specialist  treatment 
on  the  other.  We  have  made  sure  of  presenting  special  knowledge  by  draw- 
ing upon  the  specialists  of  every  field,  and  letting  them  present  their  infor- 
mation in  their  own  words  ;  but,  at  the  same  time,  we  have  attempted  to 
avoid  the  prejudiced  view  from  which  the  specialist  is  least  of  all  men  free, 
by  presenting  the  counter  views  of  various  students  wherever  there  is  failure 
of  agreement  among  those  best  competent  to  judge. 

The  authorities  on  whom  historial  compositions  are  necessarily  based,  and 
who  in  other  works  are  merely  cited  by  name,  or  at  most  by  volume  and  page 
reference,  are  here  quoted  in  detail  in  their  own  words  wherever  practicable, 


24  PROLEGOMENA 

always  with  full  credit  to  the  author,  and  with  exact  reference  to  the  work 
from  which  the  excerpt  is  taken.  Such  authorities  are  quoted,  not  naerely 
from  histories  in  English,  but  from  the  entire  range  of  historical  writings 
of  all  ages.  It  is  hoped  that  few  important  names  are  overlooked.  The 
aggregate  number  of  different  works  thus  quoted  (not  merely  cited)  will  be 
about  one  thousand.  These  quotations  vary  in  length  from  illuminative 
paragraphs  to  excerpts  of  many  pages,  averaging  perhaps  about  two  thousand 
words  each.  Some  fifteen  hundred  of  such  extensive  quotations  are  made 
from  foreign  languages,  and  by  far  the  greater  number  of  these  have  been 
translated  from  the  originals  expressly  for  the  present  work,  thus  represent- 
ing matter  never  before  accessible  to  the  reader  of  English.  The  languages 
represented  in  this  list  of  important  historical  works  of  foreign  origin  include 
practically  all  the  tongues  of  civilised  nations,  ancient  and  modern,  —  Egyp- 
tian, Babylonian,  Assyrian,  Arabic,  Syriac,  Persian,  Chinese,  Japanese,  and 
the  entire  range  of  European  languages  from  Greek,  Latin,  and  Russian  to 
Italian,  Spanish,  Portuguese,  French,  Dutch,  German,  and  Scandinavian. 
From  all  of  these  the  original  words  of  the  various  authors  have  been  trans- 
lated into  the  most  literal  English  consistent  with  our  idiom.  It  is  speaking 
well  within  bounds  to  assert  that  seldom  before  has  so  varied  an  exposition 
of  cosmopolitan  thought  been  collected  in  a  single  work. 

But  these  excerpts  are  not  given  as  random  references  crowded  into  foot- 
notes or  appendices ;  they  are  woven  into  the  text  of  the  consecutive  story 
of  world  history  so  that  they  themselves  constitute  the  bulk  of  that  story. 
Thus  the  history  of  Germany  is  mainly  told  in  the  words  of  German  writers, 
that  of  France  m  the  words  of  French  historians.  To  avoid  the  prejudiced 
national  view  of  history,  however,  the  story  of  a  nation  thus  told  by  the 
native  historian  is  always  subject  to  the  corrective  views  of  foreigners. 
Thus  we  gain  both  the  sympathetic  and  the  critical  points  of  view.  When 
the  authorities  are  not  agreed  as  to  any  important  fact  of  history,  or  where 
there  are  important  differences  of  opinion  in  estimating  the  influence  of  a 
great  event  or  the  real  status  of  a  famous  character,  reliance  is  not  placed 
upon  the  estimate  of  a  single  historian,  but  counterviews  are  quoted,  even 
though  they  may  be  directly  contradictory,  each,  of  course,  being  ascribed  to 
its  proper  source. 

To  give  unity  to  these  various  views  and  to  weld  the  entire  mass  of 
matter  into  a  consistent  and  comprehensive  history  of  the  world,  original 
editorial  passages  are  everywhere  freely  introduced  as  a  part  of  the  main 
narrative,  forming  indeed  the  warp  of  the  whole,  and  serving  to  elucidate 
and  harmonise  the  views  of  the  authorities  quoted.  A  feature  of  the 
original  editorial  matter  is  that  it  comprises,  first  and  last,  critical  esti- 
mates of  the  work  of  important  historians  of  every  age,  informing  the  reader 
as  to  the  status — even  to  the  particular  prejudice  and  bias — of  the  authority 
he  is  asked  to  consult.  Thus  the  novice  is  everywhere  placed  somewhat  on 
a  par  with  the  special  student  in  his  estimate  of  the  authorities.  Where 
conflicting  views  are  quoted  of  nominally  equal  authority,  the  reader  is  given 
data  on  which  to  base  an  intelligent  personal  opinion  as  to  the  probabilities. 
Moreover,  elaborate  additional  bibliographies  of  works  that  may  advantage- 
ously be  consulted  are  everywhere  given,  and  these  in  the  aggregate  constitute 
such  a  critical  bibliography  of  the  entire  range  of  historical  compositions  as 
cannot  fail  to  interest  even  the  general  reader. 

Our  method  of  introducing  critical  bibliography,  and  the  critical  selec- 
tion of  the  excerpts  themselves,  make  it  feasible  to  introduce  quotations,  not 
only  from  the  latest  authority  in  any  field,  but  also  from  the  great  historians 


HISTORY  AND  HISTORIANS  26 

of  the  past.  Thus  in  the  case  of  ancient  history,  the  classical  authorities 
themselves  are  drawn  upon  wherever  available, — Herodotus  for  the  Persian 
wars,  Thucydides  for  the  Peloponnesian  wars,  Xenophon  for  later  Greek 
history,  Sallust,  Caesar,  Livy,  Dionysius,  Dion  Cassius,  Tacitus,  Ammianus, 
and  the  rest  for  Roman  history ;  and  so  on  indefinitely.  Herodotus  describes 
the  battle  of  Thermopylse ;  Arrian  tells  of  the  glories  of  Alexander;  Diony- 
sius relates  the  story  of  Virginia  ;  Polybius  shows  us  Hannibal  crossing  the 
Alps ;  Appian  pictures  the  fall  of  Carthage ;  Josephus  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  ; 
Zosimus  the  fall  of  Palmyra.  In  this  way  a  mass  of  first-hand  matter,  much 
of  it  hitherto  absolutely  inaccessible  to  the  reader  of  English,  and  much  more 
only  to  be  found  in  rare  and  costly  editions,  is  put  within  the  reach  of  the 
least  scholarly.  But  —  what  is  most  essential  —  such  matter  as  this  is  not 
merely  given  by  itself  unsupported.  It  is  supplemented  by  the  verdicts 
of  the  latest  investigators  in  the  various  fields  covered.  Thus,  to  cite  but 
a  single  instance,  in  the  history  of  early  Greece,  not  merely  Herodotus, 
Thucydides,  Diodorus,  Pausanias,  and  other  ancient  authorities  are  quoted, 
but  the  long  range  of  modern  students  as  well,  from  Mitford,  Thirlwall,  and 
Grote  to  Curtius,  Bezold,  Busolt,  Geddes,  Schliemann,  Mahaffy,  Bury,  and  in 
general  the  latest  investigators  in  the  field  of  classical  archaeology. 

Thanks  to  this  system  of  checking  ancient  accounts  with  editorial 
criticism  and  other  recent  expert  evidence,  it  is  even  practicable  to  avail 
ourselves  sometimes  of  the  writings  of  men  who  are  not  primarily  histori- 
ans, but  who  wrote,  as  so  many  other  great  authors  have  done,  most  im- 
portant incidental  essays  on  historical  subjects  ;  thus  matter  in  the  highest 
degree  picturesque  and  interesting  is  often  presented  in  a  manner  which 
the  technical  historian,  however  great  his  scientific  authority,  is  seldom  able 
to  imitate. 

Another  peculiar  merit  of  this  system  is  that  it  enables  us  to  preserve 
specimens  of  the  work  of  a  large  coterie  of  historians,  whose  influence  was 
great  and  whose  writings  were  formerly  standard,  but  whose  books,  as  a 
whole,  have  been  superseded  by  more  recent  works.  Some  of  the  classical 
authors  are  cases  in  point.  A  few  of  these  are  indeed  read  by  students  in 
colleges  everywhere,  but  the  great  bulk  of  them  are  as  utterly  unknown  to 
the  average  reader  as  if  they  had  never  existed.  Who  reads  Pausanias,  or 
Diodorus,  or  Polybius,  or  Appian,  or  Dion  Cassius,  or  Dionysius,  or  iElianus, 
or  Arrian,  or  Quintus  Curtius,  or  Zosimus  ?  Yet  these  men  are  the  only 
original  authorities  left  us  in  many  fields  of  ancient  history.  Their  works 
are  the  sources  which  moderns  can  do  little  more  than  paraphrase  in  writing 
of  those  times.  Surely,  then,  it  is  worth  while  to  go  to  these  authors  them- 
selves and  hear  their  story  at  first  hand,  applying  to  it  the  corrective  judg- 
ment of  later  criticism,  rather  than  to  depend  upon  the  mere  paraphrase  of 
some  modern  compiler. 

Much  the  same  argument  applies  to  parts  of  the  work  of  once  famous 
historians  of  more  recent  times  :  such  historians  as  Hume,  Mitford,  Thirl- 
wall, and  a  host  of  others.  Their  work,  as  a  whole,  can  no  longer  be  com- 
mended to  the  student  who  is  to  confine  himself  to  a  single  authority,  for 
in  many  parts  their  writings  have  been  superseded  ;  yet  there  are  other  parts 
of  their  work  that  are  to-day  as  valuable  as  when  they  were  written,  and 
it  seems  regrettable  that  a  great  name  should  drop  from  public  recognition 
merely  because  the  sweep  of  progress  has  dethroned  it  from  supremacy. 
It  is  inevitable  that  the  present  should  always  loom  large  before  man- 
kind, and  that  egotism  should  stamp  with  peculiar  force  the  importance  of 
the  Recent.     "  Each  generation  abandons  the  ideas  of  its  predecessors  like 


26 


ryj)LK(i<)hfKSA 


nirAUflt-A  nhijm"  nnyn  Krof^wm.  Yet  it  rntwt  not  Ik;  for^ott/^n  that  pfmf^,ritj 
ofU'.Tt  f/Uyji  HirnTiiff,  trif-lcM  with  r«;p»JUtion*.  licrfnif/ljin  woa  h«;lfJ  up  U>  ri/Ji- 
cul*?  >i//m*;  r;^;ntijri<TH  aft<;r  hi«  ^I'rath  by  a  **  Falft*;  J'Jfjt*irch,"  who  i«  only 
known  now  Sn-.i-mint;  (/f  hm  atta/;k  u^K/n  the  rniuiUir  hi«t/^rian,  whiles  th<;  wort 
r:ritici»>"J,  tlioir/U  for  t^tuit;  '^cficrHlnnm  \t>*,V*'A  hu  with  Htwpicion,  ij»  an  fully 
a[>pr«;'riHf,*r'J,  af»>:r  njor<j  than  two  thoiwan/J  yt'/Arn,  an  it  can  hav»;  l>e«;n  in  the 
rJay  wh'm  it  wan  wnt.U'.fi. 

Sinularly,  the  jwl'^tin-fttM  of  our  own  aj^e  of  n\>(;(','MiV\Mu  may  U;  reverf^'jd  hy 
l/tmU-.nly;  and  in  any  event  it  would  Uj  t(',i^n'A.U\AH  if  a  onf;<j  ini[K;rt^nt  hin- 
Vini-^\  work  should  h<;  'juif>;  f(,r'^otU:n.  Yet  wrjeh  a  fat/;  threat>;n«  work  of 
every  yfrmU:.  Miiller'K  eolleetion  of  the  fraj^nent>»  of  ('rrt'^-M  hixU/HanM  j^ivef* 
mere  hitn  from  the  writinj(H  of  more  than  five  hundred  authorn  aU/ut  whom 
nothin;^  in  known  —  n'/t  even  the  exa^;t  aj(e  in  whieh  they  lived  —  lx;yond 
the  fa/;t  that  they  wrot/;  workn  of  whieh  thewj  frajfmentH  are  the  only 
rncini'.uUtt'.H.  f/'ouhi  any  j/aj^e  of  manuv;rijyt  of  any  one  of  then*;  authorn  U? 
re/:/<vered,  it  would  S/t-tiny  U?  i-ouHuScrt-A  wort.h  many  timen  it>H  weight  in  j(old. 

\'rt;<',m:\y  the  name  \trfH'A',m  of  d<;eay  in  j^ra^Jually  removinj^  the  evideneew 
of  the  hiMl/;rieal  lnUonrn  of  the  wnU',rH  of  rt'.'Mui  j^enerationn  even  nr;w. 
The  multiplieation  of  U/^/kM  hy  the  jtrhti'm^-orcm  tnnV.cn  the  \trinA',tm  a 
trifle  nlower,  ]pt;r\m\M\  hut  it  in  no  lenn  Mure.  A  jf'K/lly  numl><;r  of  workH 
that  w«;re  famous  half  a  M;ntury  aj(o  are  now  n.\r<'/AuU'.\y  ina/;eeHMihle  1/;  the 
would  •!/«;  |>urehai'/<;r :  the  (^reat  h'/^*k  market**  of  i'ur'tn,  iJ'irlin,  and  f^ondon 
ean/iot  «^;eure  or  HUj;}»ly  them.  A  few  '^/pien  of  then*?  workn  are  ntill  extent 
in  iirtvaU;  fjolleetiorw  a/id  puhlie  lihrari<;H,  hut  the  fat/;  of  the>*<;  iit  nmurtA. 
I/ihrarieH  are  eonHtru';t>;d  t/;  Im;  l/urned.  Home  day  a  liek  of  flame  will  wijx; 
out  the  hwt  ';opy  of  any  work  innued  only  in  a  ninj^h;  edition,  and  tfie  aiithor 
will  \n',i;onn;  then'M;forth  merely  a  na/ne  and  a  memory;  or  if,  iK',rt;\mnfj% 
ntniic  latt/;r-d;ty  Huida>»  or  Hi/>\nf',itii  haw  ottoUA  a  mtiU',ui'Ai  from  him,  Miieh 
m'.uU'.wA'.  will  fx;  treaHur<'/l  in  eataloj^uex  of  fra^ment,«  of  eij^ht/ierith  and  nine- 
tijenth  cA'.idury  hi«t/;nanH.  Kf^r  iimiiy  Htti',\i  an  aiithor,  tlx;  j>reH*;nt  work 
may  |;<;rform  the  function  of  Sui/laH  or  htoh^euH,  for  a  lonj^  lint  of  then*; 
n\mnU'.Hi'A:tit  wrtU',rn  will  h<;  foiind  rej/reK^jnf/'d  in  our  j/apjex,  -  not  always 
ltrt'.i¥:rv*j\  for  their  af/ti'juarian  int/;r<;«t  inde<;d,  hrjt  <inoU:<\  in  rt;i(nn\  U> 
eventH  eoneerrnn;^  whi';h  their  authority  in  Htill  fitanoard,  and  heeaujt*;  it 
iM  l><;liev''.d  that,  i/»  th';  /law'iH  wJeet/.d,  their  treatme/it  haw  not  heen  excelled 
hy  any  mor«;  rfA'til  jx;rformanc<-.;  H^;metirM<;«,  on  th<;  other  hand, —  hut  more 
rarely,  'juot/^d  l/<!caufM;  of  th<;  'juaintn*;H«  of  their  diction,  hecau«<5  of  the 
archaic  cant  of  th/»u;^ht  through  which  they  r'Jh-ct  the  Kpirit  of  their  timex, 
or  UjcauM;  of  th<;ir  Hlieer  whifUHicality. 

ftut  while  cmj/ha«iwinj^  th<;  catholicity  r,f  taxt/;  that  \w\y^':n  uvA\.U;r  on  it,« 
own  merits,  ex'Judinp;  nothin;^  HinifJy  hecauM<;  it  i«  old,  it  mu«t  he  emjJiaHiwtd 
alfw»  that  i/)  th«;  main  KU';h  ejection  IcpuIm  t/>  the  ifirJuwion  of  a  \>rt:uotAt:rnu<,*; 
of  rt'.rA'Ul  uiniU'r.  Kach  j^eneration  huildn  uj/ou  th';  whoulderM  of  the  lant,  arifl 
the  w';rk,  a«  a  whole,  iw  j;ro;^reHHive.  Ho  we  (^fi  not  /nerely  t/>  th<;  laf/txt 
hookw,  hut  aWi  I/*  th<5  rtwA'iii,  numherH  r;f  periodicalM,  the  j»rjhlif;atir<nH  of 
hsirned  Hocieti<;M  and  the  like.  And  </>  j»ut  th<;  cap-wheaf  t,o  modernity,  th<; 
ifi''.iiU;ni,  livinf^  exjxrrtM  in  ea/;li  field  have  f.orjtrihut/td  ori{^inal  ewHuyK  a/id 
<;har;i';l^'.riHatior»M  expoundin;^^  th'-,  laf^tut  d<',v<'-lof;fnent,M.  '\'\n;¥>t',  cr;nf,ril>utionn, 
in  whi'.h  mant/;r  workers  nuffirnJiriKe  the  renultf*  of  yearH  of  ir»v<!Htij(atio/i, 
will  he  found  not  the  lea«t  valuaf;h-,  j^irt  r;f  f»ur  work, 

Mo«t  that  ha>i  heen  waid  thun  far  han  U-.uA'A  to  emf/haniwe  the  variorum 
or  (intlioloj/ic;il  featiMCM  of  r,ur  work,  lint  it  mu«t  h«;  «;vid<;nt  that  then-,  iw 
auofher  and  fpiite  diff';f«;ul,  f«;iut  of  vi'.v/  f»ofn  w})i';li  our  historical  Ktriictur*; 


HISTORY   AND   IIISTOKLYNS 


27 


It 


may  be  considered.  This  point  of  view  regards  our  history  not  as  a  com- 
pilation—  an  anthology  —  but  as  an  altogether  new  and  original  work.  A 
moment's  consideration  will  show  how  fully  justified  we  are  in  referring 
to  this  aspect  of  the  subject.  For  it  is  obvious  to  the  least  attentive  con- 
sideration that  the  intrinsic  materials  which  make  up  the  story  of  history 
might  be  never  so  abundant,  never  so  valuable,  without  in  the  least  pre- 
supposing that  the  history  composed  of  them  will  be  an  artistic  or  valuable 
work  ;  any  more  than  an  abundant  supply  of  bricks,  marble,  and  mortar 
necessarily  determines  the  building  of  a  beautiful  editice.  The  materials 
are,  indeed,  prerequisites  ;  but  an  intelligent  manipulation  of  the  materials 
is  at  least  equally  essential.  There  must  be  an  architect  to  plan  the  structure 
as  a  whole,  and  artists  and  artisans  to  select  and  manipulate  the  materials  in 
accordance  with  the  plan,  or  the  result  will  be,  not  an  editice,  but  a  brick-heap. 

Since,  then,  we  have  dwelt  at  some  length  upon  the  fundamental  materials 
of  our  historical  structure,  it  is  necessary  that  we  should  be  equally  explicit 
regarding  the  shaping  of  the  architectural  design  —  to  hold  to  our  tigure  — 
in  accordance  with  which  the  materials  have  been  first  selected,  and  secondly 
amalgamated  with  other  materials;  —  each  stone  not  only  selected  of  proper 
quality  and  size,  but  chiselled  and  polished  to  fit  its  proper  niche. 

The  simile  of  an  architect  constructing  a  building,  cheap  and  trite  as  it 
is,  cannot  well  be  dispensed  with  if  we  are  to  give  the  reader  a  vivid  picture 
of  our  method  of  construction.  It  must  be  understood  that  whether  our 
result  be  good  or  bad,  there  is  nothing  fortuitous,  nothing  haphazard  about 
it.  We  did  not  start  groping  blindly  for  material,  hoping  to  see  an  artistic 
structure  form  itself  out  of  chaos.  Our  entire  plan  was  as  fully  precon- 
ceived as  the  plan  of  any  other  architect.  First,  the  kind  of  structure  was 
determined  on:  in  other  words  the  scope  of  our  subject,  —  world  history; 
the  entire  sweep  of  important  human  events  from  the  earliest  times  to  the 
present  day.  Secondly,  the  approximate  size  of  the  projected  structure  was 
determined  —  its  ground  surface,  its  height,  its  total  mass  ;  or,  speaking  in 
the  terminology  of  our  specific  structure,  the  number  of  volumes,  the  size 
of  each  volume,  the  total  mass  or  number  of  pages  involved. 

Next  the  proportions  of  the  structure,  the  number  of  floors  and  of  rooms 
to  each  floor  ;  the  relative  size  and  dimensions  of  the  various  departments; 
or,  in  book  terms,  the  proportionate  number  of  volumes  or  pages  to  be  given 
to  each  important  department  of  history  :  so  many  volumes  to  the  Old 
Orient ;  so  many  to  the  Classical  World ;  so  many  to  the  Middle  Ages  ;  so 
many  to  the  important  divisions  of  modern  history. 

AH  this,  let  it  be  repeated,  was  accurately  predetermined  before  a  single 
block  of  material  was  explicitly  selected  for  the  building.  It  does  not  follow 
that  absolutely  no  changes  have  ever  been  made  in  the  original  plan  —  no 
architect  perhaps  ever  made  a  building  of  which  this  was  quite  true  :  but  it 
is  true  that  the  original  plan  was  so  carefully  thought  out,  so  well  con- 
sidered, that  the  changes  are  utterly  insignificant  in  comparison  with  the 
unmodified  portions  of  the  structure.  This  point  should  be  emphasised 
and  clearly  borne  in  mind,  because  upon  it  depends  a  large  measure  of  our 
confidence  that  we  have  produced  a  structure  not  without  artistic  imd  cor- 
rect proportions.  It  was  the  predetermination  of  the  proportions,  and 
this  alone,  that  could  control  the  enthusiasm  of  unrestrained  specialism, 
and  keep  to  anything  like  a  true  historical  perspective.  Over  and  over 
again  it  has  been  proved  that  the  special  worker,  when  he  came  to  focus 
upon  a  given  period,  was  in  the  position  of  a  microscopist,  viewing  his 
wonderfuUv  interestiuir  microcosm.      All  the  rest  of  the  world  shut  out  for 


26  PROLEGOMENA 

stranded  ships,"  says  Emerson.  Yet  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  posterity 
often  plays  strange  tricks  with  reputations.  Herodotus  was  held  up  to  ridi- 
cule some  centuries  after  his  death  by  a  "  False  Plutarch,"  who  is  only 
known  now  because  of  his  attack  upon  the  master  historian,  while  the  work 
criticised,  though  for  some  generations  looked  on  with  suspicion,  is  as  fully 
appreciated,  after  more  than  two  thousand  years,  as  it  can  have  been  in  the 
day  when  it  was  written. 

Similarly,  the  judgments  of  our  own  age  of  specialism  may  be  reversed  by 
posterity ;  and  in  any  event  it  would  be  regrettable  if  a  once  important  his- 
torical work  should  be  quite  forgotten.  Yet  such  a  fate  threatens  work  of 
every  grade.  Miiller's  collection  of  the  fragments  of  Greek  historians  gives 
mere  bits  from  the  writings  of  more  than  five  hundred  authors  about  whom 
nothing  is  known  —  not  even  the  exact  age  in  which  they  lived  —  beyond 
the  fact  tliat  they  wrote  works  of  which  these  fragments  are  the  only 
mementoes.  Could  any  page  of  manuscript  of  any  one  of  these  authors  be 
recovered,  it  would  to-day  be  considered  worth  many  times  its  weight  in  gold. 

Precisely  the  same  process  of  decay  is  gradually  removing  the  evidences 
of  the  historical  labours  of  the  writers  of  recent  generations  even  now. 
The  multiplication  of  books  by  the  printing-press  makes  the  process  a 
trifle  slower,  perhaps ;  but  it  is  no  less  sure.  A  goodly  number  of  works 
that  were  famous  half  a  century  ago  are  now  absolutely  inaccessible  to  the 
would-be  purchaser :  the  great  book  markets  of  Paris,  Berlin,  and  London 
cannot  secure  or  suj)ply  them.  A  few  copies  of  these  works  are  still  extant 
in  private  collections  and  public  libraries,  but  the  fate  of  these  is  assured. 
Libraries  are  constructed  to  be  burned.  Some  day  a  lick  of  flame  will  wipe 
out  the  last  copy  of  any  work  issued  only  in  a  single  edition,  and  the  author 
will  become  thenceforth  merely  a  name  and  a  memory;  or  if,  perchance, 
some  latter-day  Suidas  or  Stobseus  has  quoted  a  sentence  from  him,  such 
sentence  will  be  treasured  in  catalogues  of  fragments  of  eighteenth  and  nine- 
teenth century  historians.  For  many  such  an  author,  the  present  work 
may  perform  the  function  of  Suidas  or  Stoba3Us,  for  a  long  list  of  these 
obsolescent  writers  will  be  found  represented  in  our  pages,  —  not  always 
preserved  for  their  antiquarian  interest  indeed,  but  quoted  in  regard  to 
events  concerning  which  their  authority  is  still  standard,  and  because  it 
is  believed  that,  in  the  cases  selected,  their  treatment  has  not  been  excelled 
by  any  more  recent  performance;  sometimes,  on  the  other  hand,  —  but  more 
rarely,  —  quoted  because  of  the  quaintness  of  their  diction,  because  of  the 
archaic  cast  of  thought  through  which  they  reflect  the  spirit  of  their  times, 
or  because  of  their  sheer  whimsicality. 

But  while  (Muphasising  the  catholicity  of  taste  that  judges  matter  on  its 
own  merits,  excluding  nothing  simply  because  it  is  old,  it  must  be  emphasised 
also  that  in  the  main  such  selection  leads  to  the  inclusion  of  a  preponderance 
of  recent  matter.  Each  generation  builds  upon  the  shoulders  of  the  last,  and 
the  work,  as  a  whole,  is  progressive.  So  we  go  not  merel}^  to  the  latest 
books,  but  also  to  the  recent  numbers  of  periodicals,  the  publications  of 
learned  societies  and  the  like.  And  to  put  the  cap-sheaf  to  modernity,  the 
greatest  living  experts  in  each  field  have  contributed  original  essays  and 
characterisations  expounding  the  latest  developments.  These  contributions, 
in  which  master  workers  summarise  the  results  of  years  of  investigation, 
will  be  found  not  the  least  valuable  part  of  our  work. 

Most  that  has  been  said  thus  far  has  tended  to  emphasise  the  variorum 
or  antliological  features  of  our  work.  But  it  must  be  evident  that  there  is 
anotlier  and  quite  different  point  of  view  from  which  our  historical  structure 


HISTORY   AND   HISTORIANS  29 

governmental  affairs  ;  yet  others  think  most  of  literature  and  of  art,  or  of 
science.  But  the  editorial  spirit  of  a  world  history  should  show  a  catholicity 
of  taste  that  is  receptive  of  each  and  all  of  these.  Xerxes  at  Thermopylae, 
and  ^schylus  writing  his  tragedy  "  The  Persians  "  ;  Alexander  mourning 
for  Hephsestion,  and  Phidias  building  the  Parthenon  ;  Augustus  Caesar  dis- 
puting the  mastery  of  the  world  with  Antony,  and  Dionysius  telling  of  the 
myths  of  early  Rome;  Richard  of  the  lion  heart  prosecuting  a  crusade,  and 
Dante  vitalising  the  Italian  language  ;  each  and  all  of  these  and  kindred 
topics  up  and  down  the  scroll  of  history  should  equally,  each  in  proportion 
to  its  relative  influence,  excite  the  sympathetic  attention  of  the  historian. 
With  the  same  zeal  he  should  tell  of  the  alleged  iniquities  of  a  Messalina  or 
a  Catherine  de'  Medici  and  of  the  noble  self-abnegation  of  a  Cornelia ;  of  the 
self-seeking  of  a  Csesar  and  of  the  self-abnegation  of  a  Cincinnatus  or  a  St. 
Louis.  With  sound  common-sense  for  a  guide,  he  should  strive  to  avoid  on 
the  one  hand  the  over-credulity  of  the  untrained  mind,  and  on  the  other  the 
dogmatic  scepticism  that  so  often  perverts  the  judgment  of  the  specialist. 

But  what  then,  it  may  be  asked,  of  the  moral  of  our  story  —  of  our  drama? 
Shall  we  be  content  to  present  the  bare  facts,  and  leave  their  philosophical 
interpretation  to  chance  ?  To  this  it  may  be  replied,  that  in  the  minds  of 
most  of  us  a  profound  philosophical  idea  is  one  that  accords  with  our  own 
preconception ;  —  other  views  are  superficial,  perverse,  or  obviously  mistaken. 
Hence  a  wise  interpreter  of  history  will  be  extremely  chary  of  putting  for- 
ward his  own  more  or  less  dogmatic  interpretations  of  the  events  he  relates. 
It  does  not  follow  that  no  opinion  can  ever  be  expressed ;  indeed,  a  tacit 
expression  of  opinion  is  implied  in  the  selection  of  almost  every  excerpt. 
But  witnesses  from  all  sides  must  be  given  an  impartial  hearing  in  any  case 
where  a  clear  balance  of  evidence  is  not  attainable ;  and  where  the  evidence 
is  demonstrative  it  must  be  presented  with  all  fairness,  and  without  reserva- 
tion or  innuendo,  regardless  of  its  apparent  bearing. 

Fortunately  the  study  of  world  history  in  itself  tends  to  make  for  precisely 
such  impartiality.  He  who  has  attentively  followed  the  story  of  the  rise 
and  fall  of  nations  will  have  learned  that  human  nature  is  everywhere  at  its 
foundation  much  the  same ;  that  no  race,  no  nation,  no  individual  even  is 
ideally  good  or  totally  bad ;  that  the  Past  has  always  been  a  Golden  Age  for 
the  pessimist,  the  Future  always  Utopian  for  the  dreamer,  and  that  a  broad 
optimism  regarding  the  Present  —  a  belief  that  on  the  whole  the  conditions 
of  any  given  time  are  about  as  good  as  the  character  of  the  time  permits  — 
is,  perhaps,  the  safest  philosophy  of  living. 

In  the  main,  then,  we  may  rest  content  with  the  conviction  that,  however 
unobtrusive  our  philosophy,  the  great  lessons  of  history  will  not  fail  to  make 
themselves  felt  by  any  attentive  reader  of  these  pages.  We  greatly  njistake 
the  purport  of  the  story  if  it  does  not  on  the  whole  make  for  broader  views, 
for  truer  humanitarianism,  for  higher  morals,  personal  and  communal ;  —  in 
a  word,  for  better  citizenship  in  the  fullest  and  broadest  meaning  of  the  term. 
Indeed,  to  attain  the  plane  of  the  best  citizenship,  historical  studies  are 
absolutely  essential.  No  one  can  have  a  competent  judgment  regarding 
the  affairs  of  his  own  country  without  such  studies ;  no  one  is  a  fair  judge 
of  the  political  principles  of  the  party  he  supports  or  of  the  one  that  he 
opposes,  who  has  not  prepared  himself  by  a  study  of  the  political  systems  of 
the  past.  "  Had  I  begun  earlier  and  spent  thirty  years  in  reading  history," 
said  Schiller,  "I  should  be  far  different  and  a  far  better  man  than  I  am." 
Echoing  these  words,  we  may  say  that  the  outlook  for  every  constitutional 
government  would  be  brighter  if  every  youth  and  every  man  who  exercises 


30  PROLEGOMENA 

or  is  about  to  exercise  the  responsibilities  of  a  voter,  and  every  woman  whose 
advice  aids  or  stimulates  a  father,  brother,  husband,  or  son  towards  the  per- 
formance of  his  civic  duties,  coukl  spend  not  thirty  years,  let  us  say,  but  as 
many  weeks  in  studying  the  history  of  nations.  Little  fear  that  the  student 
who  has  got  such  a  start  as  this  w^ould  willingly  stop  there.  He  would  have 
gained  enough  of  insight  to  be  keenly  interested,  and  it  would  require  no 
urging  to  send  him  on ;  for  the  panorama  of  history,  once  we  gain  a  little 
insigh°t  into  it  as  it  unfolds  before  us  its  never  ending  variety  of  scenes,  can 
hardly  be  viewed  otherwise  than  with  unflagging  interest ;  unless  indeed  the 
view  is  befogged  by  the  atmosphere  through  which  it  is  presented.  To 
prevent  such  befogging,  —  to  present  the  story  through  a  clear  medium, — 
requires  only  that  the  narrative  shall  be  true  to  the  facts  in  its  presentation 
of  topics  of  real  importance.  This  is  what  we  had  in  mind  when  we  said 
that  interest  —  human  interest — is  the  key-note  of  our  philosophy  of  historical 
composition.  It  is  the  editorial  conviction  that  attention,  based  upon  interest, 
is  the  foundation  of  mental  development.  A  literary  work  that  lacks  in- 
terest, might,  indeed,  subserve  a  useful  purpose,  but  the  scope  of  its  influence 
is  curtailed  from  the  outset  if  the  reader  must  go  to  it  as  a  task  and  not  as  to 
a  recreation.  Interest  breaks  down  the  barriers  between  work  and  play. 
Interest  fixes  attention,  and  fixed  attention  is  the  basis  of  memorising. 

Let  it  freely  be  asserted,  then,  that  in  the  selection  of  material  for  our  work 
the  principle  acted  on  has  been  that,  other  things  being  equal,  the  best  account 
of  any  historical  event  is  the  most  picturesque  and  entertaining  account,  — 
for  what,  after  all,  does  picturesqueness  imply,  except  an  approach  to  the 
vivid  reproduction  of  the  actualities?  Written  words  are  intended  to  be 
read,  and  any  writer  who,  like  Polybius,  despises  the  literary  graces  must 
expect  to  be  despised  in  turn,  or,  at  least,  neglected.  Properly  presented,  the 
narrative  of  history  should  have  all  the  breathless  interest  of  a  novel,  —  for 
what  is  so  fascinating  as  a  true  story  from  human  life  ?  In  the  present  work 
an  attempt  is  made  to  raise  history  towards  the  level  of  fiction  in  point  of 
interest,  without  sacrificing  anything  of  scientific  accuracy.  No  account  is 
given  here  merely  because  it  is  picturesque,  to  the  exclusion  of  a  truer  nar- 
rative ;  but  the  preference  is  always  given  to  the  graphic  story  as  against 
the  dull,  where  the  two  have  equal  authority  as  to  matters  of  fact.  Further 
to  enhance  the  vividness  of  presentation,  pictures  are  everywhere  introduced. 
There  are  thousands  of  these  pictures  in  the  aggregate,  drawn  from  the  most 
varied  sources,  and  constituting,  it  is  believed,  one  of  the  most  remarkable 
series  of  historical  illustrations  ever  collected. 

All  in  all,  then,  one  might  describe  our  intention  as  the  desire  to  dramatise 
the  story  of  history,  —  for,  again,  what  is  dramatisation  but  the  mimicry  of 
life  ?  Our  various  books  and  sections  are  the  settings  for  the  acts  and  scenes 
of  the  i>lay,  and  it  is  hoped  that,  with  the  aid  of  the  introductions  by  way  of 
proem,  and  the  pictures  to  aid  the  eye,  the  characters  are  made  to  move 
across  the  stage  before  the  reader  with  something  like  the  vividness  of  living 
actors.  One  cannot  quite  dare  promise  that  there  shall  be  no  dull  scenes, 
but  it  is  hoped  that,  in  the  main,  the  play  will  be  found  to  move  lightly  on, 
as  with  words  spoken  "  tripjjingly  upon  the  tongue." 

In  particular,  it  is  hoped  that  our  dramatisation  of  history  will  present 
the  events  of  the  long  play  in  something  like  a  true  perspective,  the  large 
events  looming  large  in  our  story,  the  lesser  ones  forced  into  the  background. 
As  an  aid  to  this  treatment,  tables  of  chronology  are  everywhere  introduced 
before  the  curtain  rises,  if  it  be  permissible  to  hold  to  our  metaphor.  These 
are  virtually  the  lists  of  dramatis  personse.     Even  the  minor  characters  will 


HISTOKY  AND  HISTORIANS  31 

be  named  here,  though  they  act  only  as  chorus,  or  prate  a  few  lines  in  the 
play  where  the  chief  personages  will  dominate  the  situation  as  they  dominated 
it  in  real  life,  and  as  they  dominate  it  in  the  memory  of  posterity.  Alexander, 
Csesar,  Charlemagne,  Napoleon  —  such  figures  will  loom  large  in  our  drama 
of  history ;  yet  it  will  never  be  forgotten  that  the  play  is  not  a  monologue. 
The  minor  actors  will  be  given  a  fair  hearing  from  first  to  last. 

It  follows  from  this  that  the  main  story  of  our  history  has  to  do  with 
the  deeds  of  men  of  action.  But  here  at  the  very  outset  an  important  ques- 
tion may  be  raised:  do  the  deeds  of  men  of  action  then,  after  all,  constitute 
the  great  events  of  history  ?  An  affirmative  answer  may  be  given  with  much 
confidence.  Great  men  of  action  carve  out  the  contour  of  history.  High 
culture  can  only  rise  from  soil  fertilised  by  material  prosperity.  The  swords 
of  Leonidas,  Themistocles,  and  Pausanias  must  prune  the  tree  of  civilisation 
before  the  flower  of  Periclesian  culture  can  bloom  at  Athens.  There  are  no 
names  like  Livy,  Horace,  Ovid,  and  Virgil  in  the  annals  of  Rome  before 
the  conquests  and  the  carnage  of  Marius,  Sulla,  and  Ceesar.  But  let  us 
hasten  to  add  that  the  deeds  of  men  of  action  can  never  be  rightly  under- 
stood unless  they  are  considered  in  relation  to  the  intellectual  and  social 
surroundings  in  which  these  men  of  action  moved.  In  other  words,  the 
civilisation  and  culture  of  each  succeeding  period  cannot  be  ignored.  It  will 
be  found  to  be  as  fully  treated  here  in  all  its  phases  as  the  limitations  of 
space  permit.  It  furnishes  the  atmosphere  everywhere  for  our  picture,  or, 
if  you  prefer,  the  setting  for  our  stage. 

In  a  word,  then,  our  work  becomes,  if  its  intent  has  been  realised  in  actu- 
ality, a  Comprehensive  History  of  Human  Progress  in  all  departments  of 
action  and  of  thought,  told  dramatically  and  picturesquely,  yet  authorita- 
tively, in  the  words  of  the  great  historical  writers  of  every  age.  Recurring 
to  our  metaphor,  it  is  the  book  of  a  veritable  Drama  of  History ;  our  unity 
of  action  being  Historic  Truth ;  our  unity  of  time,  the  Age  of  Man ;  our 
stage,  the  World. 


BOOK   II.     A  GLIMPSE   INTO   THE   PREHISTORIC   PERIOD 

CHAPTER  I 

INTRODUCTORY 

A  COMPLETE  world  history  slioiiUl,  properly  speaking,  begin  with  the 
creation  of  the  world  as  man's  habitat,  and  should  trace  every  step  of  human 
progress  from  the  time  when  man  first  appeared  on  the  globe.  Unfortu- 
nately, the  knowledge  of  to-day  does  not  permit  us  to  follow  this  theoretical 
obligation.  We  now  know  that  the  gaps  in  the  history  of  human  evolution 
as  accessible  to  us  to-day,  vastly  exceed  the  recorded  chapters  ;  that,  in 
short,  the  period  with  which  history  proper  has,  at  present,  to  content  itself, 
is  a  mere  moment  in  comparison  with  the  vast  reaches  of  time  which,  in 
recognition  of  our  ignorance,  we  term  "prehistoric."  But  this  recognition 
of  limitations  of  our  knowledge  is  a  quite  recent  growth  —  no  older,  indeed, 
than  a  half  century.  Prior  to  1859  the  people  of  Christendom  rested  secure 
in  the  supposition  that  the  chronology  of  man's  history  was  fully  known, 
from  the  very  year  of  his  creation.  One  has  but  to  turn  to  the  first  chapter 
of  Genesis  to  find  in  the  margin  the  date  4004  B.C.,  recorded  with  all  confi- 
dence as  the  year  of  man's  first  appearance  on  the  globe.  One  finds  there, 
too,  a  brief  but  comprehensive  account  of  the  manner  of  his  appearance,  as 
well  as  of  the  creation  of  the  earth  itself,  his  abiding-place.  Until  about 
half  a  century  ago,  as  has  just  been  said,  the  peoples  of  our  portion  of  the 
globe  rested  secure  in  the  supposition  that  this  record  and  this  date  were  a 
part  of  our  definite  knowledge  of  man's  history.  Therefore,  one  finds  the 
writers  of  general  histories  of  the  earlier  days  of  the  nineteenth  century 
beginning  their  accounts  with  the  creation  of  man,  B.C.  4004,  and  coming  on 
down  to  date  with  a  full  and  seemingly  secure  chronology. 

Our  knowledge  of  the  world  and  of  man's  history  has  come  on  by  leaps 
and  bounds  since  then,  with  the  curious  result  that  to-day  no  one  thinks  of 
making  any  reference  to  the  exact  date  of  the  beginnings  of  human  history, 
—  unless,  indeed,  it  be  to  remark  that  it  probably  reaches  back  some  hundreds 
of  thousands  of  years.  The  historian  can  speak  of  dates  anterior  to  4004  B.C., 
to  be  sure.  The  Egyptologist  is  disposed  to  date  the  building  of  the  Pyra- 
mids a  full  thousand  years  earlier  than  that.  And  the  Assyriologist  is  learn- 
ing to  speak  of  the  state  of  civilisation  in  Chaldea  some  6000  or  7000  years 
B.C.  with  a  certain  measure  of  confidence.  But  he  no  longer  thinks  of  these 
dates  as  standing  anywhere  near  the  beginning  of  history.  He  knows  that 
man  in  that  age,  in  the  centres  of  progress,  had  attained  a  high  stage  of  civil- 
isation, and  he  feels  sure  that  there  were  some  thousands  of  centuries  of 
earlier  time,  during  which  man  was  slowly  climbing  through  savagery  and 
barbarism,  of  which  we  have  only  the  most  fragmentary  record.  He  does 
not  pretend  to  know  anything,  except  by  inference,  of  the  "■  dawnings  of 


A  GLIMPSE  INTO  THE  PREHISTORIC  PERIOD  33 

civilisation."  Whichever  way  he  turns  in  the  centres  of  progress,  such  as 
China,  Egypt,  Chaldea,  India,  he  finds  the  earliest  accessible  records,  covering 
at  best  a  period  of  only  eight  or  ten  thousand  years,  giving  evidence  of  a  civ- 
ilisation already  far  advanced.  Of  the  exact  origin  of  any  one  of  the  civili- 
sations with  which  he  deals  he  knows  absolutely  nothing.  "  The  Creation 
of  Man,"  with  its  fixed  chronology,  is  a  chapter  that  has  vanished  from  our 
modern  histories. 

Nevertheless,  it  is  important  to  a  correct  understanding  of  the  develop- 
ment of  human  thought,  as  well  as  of  personal  interest,  to  bear  in  mind  the 
attitude  of  our  predecessors  in  the  field  of  historical  writing,  regarding  this 
ever  interesting  problem  of  cosmogony.  It  was  not  alone  the  ancient  He- 
brews who  thought  that  they  had  solved  the  problem.  Indeed,  as  we  shall 
see,  the  Hebrews  were  rather  the  purveyors  than  the  originators  of  the  story 
of  cosmogony  which  they  made  current ;  and  every  other  nation,  when  it 
had  reached  a  certain  stage  of  mental  evolution,  appears  to  have  originated 
or  borrowed  a  set  of  chronicles  which,  as  adapted  to  the  use  of  each  nation, 
explained  the  creation  of  the  earth  and  its  human  inhabitants  in  a  way  very 
flattering  to  the  self-love  of  the  nation  giving  the  recital.  No  one  to-day 
takes  any  of  these  recitals  seriously,  as  a  matter  of  course  ;  but,  on  the 
other  hand,  they  possess  an  abiding  interest  as  historical  documents.  If  for 
nothing  else,  they  have  interest  as  illustrating  the  advance  of  human  know- 
ledge during  the  comparatively  brief  period  since  these  strange  recitals 
found  currency. 


CHAPTER  II 

COSMOGONY  —  ANCIENT   AND    MODERN   IDEAS   AS   TO   THE    ORIGIN   OF    THE 

WORLD 

No  thinking  man  in  any  age  can  have  failed  to  wonder  about  the  origin 
of  the  world.  The  answers  that  the  ancients  gave  to  this  ever  present  ques- 
tion were  various,  but  they  all  had  one  quality  in  common,  namely,  extreme 
vagueness.  Even  after  men  had  attained  a  relatively  high  stage  of  civili- 
sation, their  ideas  of  the  natural  phenomena  about  them  were  so  endued 
with  superstition,  and  so  hedged  about  with  ignorance  as  to  the  real  causes, 
that  their  explanations  of  cause  and  effect  in  the  natural  world  belong  to 
the  domain  of  poetry  rather  than  to  that  of  science.  If  this  applies  to  such 
phenomena  as  wind  and  clouds  and  rain  and  lightning,  the  manifestations 
of  which  are  constantly  observed,  it  naturally  applies  with  tenfold  force  to 
the  great  mystery  of  the  origin  of  things.  Yet  the  human  mind,  childlike 
in  the  simplicity  of  its  questionings,  demands  always  an  answer,  and  accepts 
the  answer,  if  pronounced  with  a  certain  authority,  in  a  spirit  of  childlike 
faith.  The  great  poets  and  prophets  of  every  nation  of  antiquity  had 
supplied,  each  in  his  kind,  the  answers  to  the  riddle  of  cosmogony,  and 
many  of  these  alleged  solutions  have  come  down  to  us  to  give  us  an  insight 
into  the  mentality  of  their  time.  It  is  worth  while  to  quote  two  or  three  of 
these  in  brief  epitome,  if  for  nothing  else,  to  show  their  similar  trend,  and 
to  emphasise  their  universal  trait  of  vagueness. 

Here  is  the  cosmogonic  scheme  of  the  Phoenicians  as  transmitted  to  us 
by  Sanchoniathon  : 

"  At  the  beginning  of  all  things  was  a  dark  and  windy  air,  or  a  breeze 
of  thick  air  and  a  turbid  Chaos  resembling  Erebus  ;  and  that  these  were 

H.  W. — VOL.  1.  D 


34  PROLEGOMENA 

unbounded,  and  for  a  long  series  of  ages  had  no  limit.  But  when  this 
wind  became  enamoured  of  its  own  first  principles  (the  Chaos),  and  an 
intimate  union  took  place,  that  connection  was  called  Pothos  ;  and  this  was  the 
beginning  of  the  creation  of  all  things.  But  it  (the  Chaos)  knew  not  its  own 
production ;  and  from  its  embrace  with  the  wind  was  generated  Mot  ;  which 
some  call  mud,  but  others  the  putrefaction  of  a  watery  mixture.  And  from 
this  sprung  all  the  seed  of  the  creation,  and  the  generation  of  the  universe. 

"  And  there  were  certain  animals  without  sensation,  from  which  intelligent 
animals  were  produced,  and  these  were  called  Zophasemin,  that  is,  beholders 
of  the  heavens  ;  and  tliey  were  formed  in  the  shape  of  an  egg  :  and  from 
Mot  shone  forth  the  sun,  and  the  moon,  and  the  less  and  the  greater  stars. 
And  when  the  air  began  to  send  forth  life,  by  its  fiery  influence  on  the  sea 
and  earth,  winds  were  produced  and  clouds,  and  very  great  defluxions  and 
torrents  of  the  heavenly  waters.  And  when  they  were  thus  separated,  and 
carried  out  of  their  proper  places  by  the  heat  of  the  sun,  and  all  met  again 
in  the  air,  and  were  dashed  against  each  other,  thunder  and  lightnings  were 
the  result :  and  at  the  sound  of  the  thunder,  the  before-mentioned  intelligent 
animals  were  aroused,  and  startled  by  the  noise,  and  moved  upon  the  earth 
and  in  the  sea,  male  and  female." 

This  creation  scheme  of  the  Phrenicians  has  a  peculiar  interest  for  the 
Western  world,  because  of  the  intimate  relations  that  existed  between  the 
PhaMiicians  and  the  Jews.  For  a  similar  reason  the  ideas  of  the  Babyloni- 
ans and  the  Assyrians,  as  recorded  on  the  so-called  creation  tablets  exhumed 
at  Nineveh,  have  fascinated  the  Bible  scholars. 

Trending  still  further  to  the  East,  one  finds  with  the  Hindus  a  slightly 
different  cast  of  thought  couched  in  a  no  less  poetic  diction.  Thus  in  one 
of  the  sacred  books,  Brahma,  the  Eternal  Worker,  is  represented  as  creating 
the  earth  while  seeing  his  own  reflection  in  the  ocean  of  sweat  that  had 
fallen  from  his  brow  (Reclus). 

The  Chinese  scheme  of  cosmogony  is  presented  in  the  form  of  alleged 
answers  to  questions,  by  Confucius.  Here  is  a  characteristic  excerpt  as 
translated  by  M'Clatchie  : 

"  At  the  beginning  of  Heaven  and  Earth,  before  chaos  was  divided,  I 
think  there  were  only  two  things.  Fire  and  Water  ;  and  the  sediment  of 
the  water  formed  the  Earth.  When  we  ascend  a  height  and  look  down,  the 
host  of  hills  resemble  the  waves  of  the  sea  in  appearance  ;  the  Water  just 
flowed  like  this  :  I  know  not  at  what  period  it  coagulated.  At  first  it  was 
very  soft,  but  afterward  it  coagulated  and  became  hard.  One  asked  whether 
it  resembled  sand  thrown  up  by  the  tide  ?  He  replied,  Just  so  :  the  coarsest 
sediment  of  the  Water  became  the  Earth,  and  the  most  pure  portion  of  the 
Fire  became  Wind,  Thunder,  Lightning,  Sun,  and  Stars. 

"  Being  asked  :  From  the  commencement  of  Heaven  and  Earth  to  the 
present  time  is  not  10,000  years  ;  I  know  not  how  it  was  before  that  time  ? 
He  replied.  Before  that  there  was  another  clear  opening  (i.e.  another  Heaven 
and  Earth)  like  the  present  one.  Being  further  asked  whether  Heaven  and 
Earth  can  perish  altogether,  he  replied,  They  cannot :  but,  when  mankind 
totally  degenerate,  then  the  whole  shall  return  to  Chaos,  and  Men  and  things 
shall  all  cease  to  exist ;  and  then  the  World  shall  begin  again.  Some  one 
asked  how  the  first  Man  was  generated  ;  and  he  replied  by  the  transmuta- 
tion of  the  Air  ;  the  subtle  portions  of  the  Light  and  Darkness  and  the  Five 
Elements  united  and  produced  his  form.  The  Buddhists  call  this  transmut- 
ing and  generating.  At  present  things  are  transmuted  and  generated  in 
abundance  like  lice. 


A  GLIMPSE   INTO   THE  PREHISTOKIC   PERIOD  35 

"  Before  Chaos  was  divided  the  Light-Dark  Air  was  mixed  up  and 
dark,  and  when  it  divided,  the  centre  formed  an  enormous  and  most  brill- 
iant opening,  and  the  two  E  were  established.  Shaou  Kang-tsee  considers 
129,600  years  to  be  a  Yuen  (Kalpa)  ;  then,  before  this  period  of  129,600 
years  there  was  another  opening  and  spreading  out  of  the  World  ;  and 
before  that  again,  there  was  another  like  the  present ;  so  that.  Motion  and 
Rest,  Light  and  Darkness,  have  no  beginning.  As  little  things  shadow 
forth  great  things,  this  may  be  illustrated  by  the  revolutions  of  Day  and 
Night.  What  Woo-Fung  says  about  the  Great  Cessation  of  the  entire  Air, 
the  vast  and  boundless  agitation  of  all  things,  the  whole  expanse  of  waters 
changing  position,  the  mountains  bursting  asunder,  the  channels  being 
obliterated.  Men  and  things  all  coming  to  an  end,  and  the  ancient  vestiges 
all  destroyed  —  all  this  refers  to  the  utter  destruction  of  the  world  by 
Deluge.  We  frequently  see,  on  lofty  mountains,  the  shells  of  the  sea-snail 
and  pearl-oyster,  as  it  were  generated  in  the  middle  of  stones  ;  these  stones 
were  (part  of)  the  soil  of  the  former  world.  The  sea-snail  and  pearl-oyster 
belong  to  the  water  ;  so  that  that  which  was  below  changed  and  became 
high  ;  that  which  was  soft  changed  and  became  hard.  This  is  a  deep  sub- 
ject, and  should  be  investigated. 

"Being  asked  whether  the  multitude  of  things  existed  before  Heaven 
and  Earth  divided,  he  replied  :  There  was  merely  the  idea  of  each  thing. 
Heaven  and  Earth  generate  all  things,  and  throughout  all  time,  ancient  and 
modern,  cannot  be  separated  from  all  things." 

It  should  be  remarked  as  illustrating  the  difficulties  of  translating  the 
thought  of  one  langviage  into  the  words  of  another,  that  Mr.  F.  H.  Balfour 
questions  certain  of  Canon  M'Clatchie's  renderings.  Thus  a  sentence 
which  M'Clatchie  interprets,  "  In  the  entire  universe  where  there  is  no  fate 
there  is  no  air,  and  where  there  is  no  air  there  is  no  fate,"  Mr.  Balfour 
would  read  instead  of  "  fate  "  "  mind,"  and  instead  of  "  air  "  "  matter,"  the 
sentence  becoming,  "  In  the  entire  universe  where  there  is  no  mind  there  is 
no  matter,  and  where  there  is  no  matter  there  is  no  mind."  Such  divergent 
renderings  as  this  are  to  be  expected  in  the  case  of  any  Oriental  language. 
It  will  not  be  forgotten  how  George  Smith,  one  of  the  first  great  interpre- 
ters of  the  Assyrian  tablets,  read  the  Hebrew  story  of  the  Garden  of  Eden  in 
the  vague  phrasing  of  the  cuneiform  document,  where,  as  Menant  quickly 
demonstrated,  the  writer  of  the  document  had  composed  a  quite  different 
story.  This  "  reading  into  Homer  that  which  Homer  never  knew  "  is  much 
too  familiar  a  subject  to  require  further  elucidation  ;  but  it  is  peculiarly 
desirable  to  bear  it  in  mind  in  dealing  with  the  philosophical  and  religious 
notions  of  any  alien  people. 

Turning  from  the  Orient,  it  is  of  interest  to  interrogate  the  Greek  writers 
as  to  the  creation  schemes  that  were  current  in  classical  times.  In  the  his- 
tories of  Greece  and  Rome,  we  shall  have  occasion  to  examine  these  some- 
what more  in  detail.  For  the  present  purpose,  perhaps,  an  excerpt  from 
Diodorus,  who  wrote  with  a  full  knowledge  both  of  Greek  and  Roman  ideas 
at  about  the  beginning  of  our  era,  will  be  sufficiently  illuminative. 

Diodorus  begins  his  history  of  the  World  with  a  brief  account  of  the 
current  notions  as  to  the  creation.  He  says  :  "  Of  the  origin,  therefore,  of 
men  there  are  two  opinions  amongst  the  most  famous  and  authentic  natural- 
ists and  historians.  Some  of  these  are  of  opinion  that  the  world  had  neither 
beginning  nor  ever  shall  have  end,  and  likewise  say  that  mankind  was  from 
eternity  and  there  never  was  a  time  when  he  first  began  to  be.  Others,  on 
the  contrary,  conceive  both  the  world  to  be  made,  and  to  be  corruptible, 


36  PROLEGOMENA 

and  that  there  was  a  certain  time  when  men  had  first  a  being;  for, 
whereas  all  things  at  the  first  were  jumbled  together,  heaven  and  earth  were 
in  one  mass  and  had  one  and  the  same  form.  But  afterward  they  say  when 
corporeal  beings  appeared  one  after  another,  the  world  at  length  presented 
itself  in  the  order  Ave  now  see,  and  that  the  air  was  in  continual  agitation, 
whose  fiery  parts  ascended  together  to  the  highest  place,  its  nature  '  by  rea- 
son of  its  levity'  trending  always  upward,  for  which  reason  both  the  sun 
and  that  vast  number  of  stars  are  contained  within  that  orb ;  that  the  gross 
and  earthy  matter  clotted  together  by  moisture,  by  reason  of  its  weight 
sunk  down  below  into  which  place  by  continually  whirling  about.  The  sea 
was  made  of  the  humid,  and  the  muddy  earth  of  the  more  solid,  as  yet  very 
soft,  which  by  degrees  at  first  was  made  crusty  by  the  heat  of  the  sun,  and 
then,  after  the  face  of  the  earth  was  parched,  and,  as  it  were,  fermented,  the 
moisture  afterward  in  many  places  bubbled  up,  as  may  be  seen  in  standing 
ponds  and  marshy  places,  when,  after  the  earth  has  been  pierced  with  cold, 
the  air  grows  hot  on  a  sudden  without  a  gradual  alteration,  and  whereas 
moisture  generates  creatures  from  heat,  things  so  generated  by  being  enrapt 
in  the  dewy  mists  of  the  night  grew  and  increased,  and  in  the  day  solidified 
and  were  made  hard  by  the  heat  of  the  sun,  and  thus  the  forms  of  all  sorts 
of  living  creatures  were  brought  forth  into  the  light,  and  those  that  had 
most  heat  mounted  aloft,  and  were  fowls  and  birds  of  the  air,  but  those  that 
had  more  of  earth  were  numbered  in  the  order  of  creeping  things  and  other 
creatures  altogether  suited  to  the  earth.  Then  those  beasts  that  were  natu- 
rally watery  and  moist,  called  fishes,  presently  hastened  to  the  place  natural 
to  them  ;  and  when  the  earth  afterward  became  more  dry  and  solid  by  the 
heat  of  the  sun  and  the  drying  winds,  it  had  not  power  at  length  to  produce 
any  more  of  the  greater  living  creatures.  And  Euripides,  the  pupil  of 
Anaxagoras,  seems  to  be  of  the  same  opinion  concerning  the  first  generation 
of  all  things,  for  in  his  Menilippe  he  has  these  verses : 

"  *  A  mass  confused 

Heaven  and  Earth  once  were 

Of  one  form  ;  but  after  separation 

Then  men,  trees,  beasts  of  the  earth  with  fowls  of  the  air 

First  sprang  up  in  a  generation.' 

"  But  if  this  power  of  the  earth  to  produce  living  creatures  at  the  first 
origin  of  all  things  seem  incredible  to  any,  the  Egyptians  bring  testimonies 
of  this  energy  of  the  earth  by  the  same  things  done  there  at  this  day ;  for 
they  say  that  about  Thebes  in  Egypt,  after  the  overflowing  of  the  river 
Nile,  the  earth  thereby  being  covered  by  mud  and  slime,  many  places  pu- 
trefy by  the  heat  of  the  sun,  and  thence  are  bred  multitudes  of  mice.  It  is 
certain,  therefore,  that  out  of  the  earth  when  it  is  hardened,  and  the  air 
changed  from  its  dew  and  natural  temperament,  animals  are  generated,  by 
which  means  it  came  to  pass  that  in  the  first  beginning  of  all  things  various 
living  creatures  proceeded  from  the  earth.  And  these  are  the  opinions 
touching  the  original  of  all  things." 

It  would  be  difficult  to  say  to  what  extent  this  Greek  conception  of  crea- 
tion had  its  origin  in,  or  was  influenced  by.  Oriental  conception.  Certainly 
the  resemblance  between  this  description  and  the  Mosaic  accounts,  as  con- 
tained in  the  first  two  chapters  of  Genesis,  is  noteworthy.  Quite  probably 
the  ideas  of  both  Hebrews  and  Greeks  had  been  moulded  to  some  extent  in 
the  pattern  of  Egyptian  thought.  Be  that  as  it  may,  it  was  the  scheme  of 
cosmogony  expressed  in  the  Hebrew  legends  that  was  to  become  dominant 


A  GLIMPSE   INTO   THE   PEEHISTORIC  PERIOD  37 

in  post-classical  times,  and  to  rule  unchallenged  in  the  Western  world  for 
more  than  a  thousand  years.  Indeed,  this  estimate  of  the  time  of  real 
supremacy  of  the  Hebrew  thought  is  much  too  low ;  for  that  thought,  though 
challenged  as  to  some  of  its  features  by  the  science  of  the  Renaissance  wliich 
ushered  in  the  period  of  modern  history,  was  none  the  less  to  retain  its 
hold  upon  the  thoughts  of  men,  but  little  abated  in  force,  for  another  half 
millennium. 

Not  till  well  toward  the  close  of  the  eighteenth  century  was  an  attempt 
made  to  substitute  a  scientific  guess  at  the  riddle  of  creation  for  the  old 
poetic  ones,  and  yet  another  century  elapsed  before  the  new  explanations 
availed  fully  to  supplant  the  old  ones.  It  was  Laplace,  the  great  French 
mathematician,  who  elaborated  toward  the  close  of  the  eighteenth  century  a 
so-called  nebular  hypothesis,  which  may  fairly  be  considered  the  first  meas- 
urably scientific  attempt  ever  made  to  explain  the  origin  of  the  world. 
The  hypothesis  conceives  that,  at  a  time  indefinitely  remote,  the  entire  solar 
system  and  space  far  beyond  it  was  filled  with  a  "  fire  mist,"  consisting  of 
the  material  in  a  gaseous  state  which  now  forms  the  sun  and  planets.  This 
gaseous  body,  contracting  through  loss  of  heat,  and  rotating  on  its  axis, 
left  behind  from  time  to  time,  successive  rings  of  its  own  substance,  that, 
consolidating,  became  the  planets ;  the  remaining  core  of  substance  contract- 
ing finally  to  constitute  the  body  that  we  call  the  sun. 

Nineteenth  century  science  elaborated,  without  essentially  modifying,  this 
nebular  hypothesis.  Elaborate  attempts  have  been  made  by  Dr.  Croll  and 
by  Sir  Norman  Lockyer  to  explain  the  origin  of  the  "  fire  mist "  itself,  from 
which  per  hypothesis  our  solar  system  and  an  infinity  of  like  stellar  systems 
were  formed.  The  meteoritic  hypothesis  of  Lockyer  supposes  that  the  pri- 
meval fire  mist  was  due  to  the  collision  of  swarms  of  meteors ;  Croll's  theory 
postulates  the  smashing  together  of  dark  stars  :  but  the  two  theories  are 
essentially  identical  in  their  main  thought,  which  is,  that  previously  solidified 
bodies  of  the  universe  are  made  gaseous  through  mutual  impact,  thus  afford- 
ing material  for  the  operation  of  those  changes  outlined  in  the  nebular  hy- 
pothesis of  Laplace.  True  or  false,  this  hypothesis  stands  to-day  as  the 
expression  of  the  prof  oundest  cosmogonic  scientific  guess  that  modern  thought 
has  been  able  to  substitute  for  the  poetic  guesses  of  antiquity. 

As  to  the  creation  of  the  living  things  on  the  globe,  including  man, 
the  Oriental  idea,  which  amounted  to  no  explanation  at  all,  but  was  rather 
the  hiding  of  utter  ignorance  behind  a  screen  of  positive  assertion,  has  been 
supplanted  in  the  latter  part  of  the  nineteenth  century  by  the  scientific 
explanations  of  the  evolutionists.  The  theory  of  evolution,  as  first  formu- 
lated in  anything  like  scientific  terms,  about  the  close  of  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury, by  the  elder  Darwin,  the  poet  Goethe,  and  the  French  philosophical 
zoologist  Lamarck,  and  as  given  such  amazing  fertility  by  Darwin's  Theory 
of  Natural  Selection  in  1859,  has  taken  full  possession  of  the  field  as  an 
explanation  of  the  development  of  man  through  a  series  of  lower  organisms. 
But  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  this  theory,  with  all  of  its  revolutionary 
implications,  does  not  as  yet  explain  in  clear  scientific  terms  the  origin  of 
that  lowliest  organism  which  is  the  first  in  its  series  of  living  beings.  It  is 
for  the  science  of  the  future  to  take  this  remaining  step.  Meantime,  the 
developmental  theory  of  to-day  suffices  to  substitute  in  precise  terms  a 
scientific  explanation  of  the  origin  of  man  for  the  vagaries  of  the  old-time 
dreamers ;  and  the  more  daring  thinkers  feel  that  the  gap  between  the  in- 
organic world  and  the  lowest  of  man's  ancestors  is  not  an  impassable  barrier 
to  the  application  of  a  theory  of  universal  evolution. 


38 


PROLEGOMENA 


CHAPTER  III 


COSMOLOGY   AND   GEOGRAPHY — ANCIENT   AND   MODERN   IDEAS 

The  vague  notions  of  tlie  ancients  as  to  the  origin  of  the  world  were 
inseparably  linked  with  their  restricted  notions  as  to  the  present  status  of 
the  world  itself. 

It  is  curious  to  reflect  how  small  a  portion  of  the  habitable  globe  was  the 
theatre  of  all  those  human  activities,  the  record  of  which  constitutes  ancient 
history.  Egypt,  Mesopotamia,  Syria,  Greece,  and  Italy  taken  as  a  whole 
constitute  but  a  small  patch  of  territory  encircling  the  Mediterranean  Sea. 
Persia  and  India,  stretching  away  to  the  East,  lay  vaguely  at  the  confines  of 
the  world  as  conceived  even  in  relatively  late  classical  times.  From  a  very 
early  day,  doubtless,  there  had  been  intercomnnmication  between  India  and 
the  'West.  Nevertheless,  the  conquest  of  Alexander  was  regarded  as  ex- 
tending into  regions  hitherto  utterly  unknown,  and  as  opening  up  a  new 
world  to  (xreek  thought.  Similarly  two  centuries  later,  Csesar's  invasion  of 
Britain  brought  regions  to  the  attention  of  the  geographer  concerning  which 
only  the  vaguest  notions  had  been  current. 

Spain  had  long  been  known  through  the  explorations  and  commercial 
enterprises  of  the  Phanicians  and  (xreeks,  and  when  it  became  a  part  of 
Roman  territory,  it  was  as  familiarly  known  as  Gaul  or  Britain.  But  these 
bounds,  India  on  the  east,  Britain  at  the  north,  Spain  in  the  west,  and 
Upper  Egypt  toward  the  equator  were  the  limits  of  the  known  world  as 
understood  by  the  classical  mind.  The  vague  traditions  probably  based  on 
fact,  as  recorded  by  Herodotus,  that  a  company  of  Phoenicians  had  sailed 
out  of  the  Red  Sea  and  gone  by  water  about  all  the  southern  continent,  to 
reappear  from  the  west  by  way  of  the  pillars  of  Hercules  —  or  present 
Gibraltar,  —  served  to  give  support  to  the  theory  that  all  the  continental 
mass  was  encompassed  in  a  universal  sea,  rather  than  to  extend  geographical 
knowledge  in  any  precise  sense. 

Considering,  then,  the  limitations  of  ancient  geographical  knowledge,  it 
is  wonderful  how  clear,  precise,  and  correct  an  idea  as  to  the  shape,  and  even 
in  a  general  way,  as  to  the  size,  of  the  earth  were  attained  by  the  classical 
geographers.  To  be  sure,  the  Oriental  thinkers  applied  the  same  poetical 
conceptions  to  cosmology  that  dominated  them  in  other  fields.  The  Hindu 
conceived  the  world  as  resting  on  the  back  of  a  mammoth  elephant,  which 
stood  in  turn  on  the  back  of  a  tortoise,  and  was  transported  thus  across  a 
boundless  sea  of  milk.  Greek  mythology  gives  us  the  familiar  picture  of 
a  human  giant.  Atlas,  supporting  the  world.  But  such  poetic  conceptions  as 
these,  whatever  their  force  may  once  have  been  with  the  Greeks,  had  been 
supplanted  before  the  close  of  the  classical  epoch  by  ideas  of  a  strictly  scien- 
tilic  nature. 

Not  long  after  the  beginning  of  the  Christian  era  there  lived  a  Greek 
named  Straljo,  whose  status  as  a  truly  scientific  geographer  is  gladly  ac- 
knowledged to-day.  Strabo's  remarks  on  cosmology  may  well  be  quoted 
here  as  sliowing  the  heights  to  which  the  science  of  geography  had  attained 
among  the  Greeks.  Making  due  allowance  for  the  clianged  phraseology  of 
another  age,  these  are  such  things  as  might  be  said  by  a  geographer  of  to-day, 
yet  they  were  written  over  two  thousand  years  ago  : 

"  We  have  treated  these  subjects  at  hmgth  in  the  first  Book  of  the 
(ieograpliy.     At  present  we  sliall  make  a  few  remarks  on  the  operaticjns  of 


( 


A   GLIMPSE   INTO  THE   PREHISTORIC   PERIOD 


39 


nature  and  of  Providence  conjointly.  On  the  operations  of  nature,  that  all 
things  converge  to  a  point,  namely,  the  centre  of  the  whole,  and  assume  a 
spherical  shape  around  it.  The  earth  is  the  densest  body  and  nearer  the 
centre  than  all  others  :  the  less  dense  and  next  to  it  is  water  :  but  both  land 
and  water  are  spheres,  the  first  solid,  the  second  hollow,  containing  this 
earth  within  it.  On  the  operations  of  Providence,  that  it  has  exercised  a 
will,  is  disposed  to  variety,  and  is  the  artificer  of  innumerable  works.  In 
the  first  rank,  as  greatly  surpassing  all  the  rest  is  the  generation  of  animals, 
of  which  the  most  excellent  are  gods  and  man,  for  whose  sake  the  rest  were 
formed.  To  the  gods  Providence  assigned  heaven  ;  and  the  earth  to  men : 
the  extreme  parts  of  the  world  ;  for  the  extreme  parts  of  the  sphere  are  the 
centre  and  the  circumference.  But  since  water  encompasses  the  earth,  and 
man  is  not  an  aquatic,  but  a  land  animal,  living  in  the  air,  and  requiring 
much  light.  Providence  formed  man}'  eminences  and  cavities  in  the  earth,  so 
that  these  cavities  should  receive  the  whole  or  a  great  part  of  the  water 
which  covers  the  land  beneath  it  ;  and  that  the  eminences  should  rise  and 
conceal  the  water  beneath  them,  except  as  much  as  was  necessary  for  the 
use  of  the  human  race  and  the  animals  and  plants  about  it. 

"  But  as  all  things  are  in  constant  motion,  and  undergo  great  changes 
(for  it  is  not  possible  that  such  things  of  such  a  nature,  so  numerous  and  vast, 
could  be  otherwise  regulated  in  the  world),  we  must  not  suppose  the  earth 
or  the  water  always  to  continue  in  this  state,  so  as  to  retain  perpetually  the 
same  bulk,  without  increase  or  diminution,  or  that  each  preserves  the  same 
fixed  place,  particularly  as  the  reciprocal  change  of  one  into  the  other  is 
most  consonant  to  nature  from  their  proximity  ;  but  that  much  of  the  land 
is  changed  into  water,  and  a  great  portion  of  water  becomes  land,  just  as 
we  observe  great  differences  in  the  earth  itself.  For  one  kind  of  earth 
crumbles  easily,  another  is  solid  and  rocky,  and  contains  iron  ;  and  so  of 
others.  There  is  also  a  variety  in  the  quality  of  water  ;  for  some  waters 
are  saline,  others  sweet  and  potable,  others  medicinal,  and  either  salutary 
or  noxious  ;  others  cold  or  hot.  Is  it  therefore  surprising  that  some  parts 
of  the  earth  which  are  now  inhabited  should  formerly  have  been  occupied 
by  sea,  and  that  what  are  now  seas  should  formerly  have  been  inhabited 
land  ?  So  also  fountains  once  existing  have  failed  and  others  have  burst 
forth  ;  and  similarly  in  the  case  of  rivers  and  lakes  ;  again,  mountains  and 
plains  have  been  converted  reciprocally  one  into  the  other.  On  this  subject 
I  have  spoken  before  at  length,  and  now  let  this  be  said  : 

"  Geometry  and  astronomy,  as  we  before  remarked,  seem  absolutely 
indispensable  in  this  science.  This  in  fact  is  evident,  that  without  some 
such  assistance,  it  would  be  impossible  to  be  accurately  acquainted  with  the 
configuration  of  the  earth  ;  its  climate,  dimensions,  and  the  like  information. 

"As  the  size  of  the  earth  has  been  demonstrated  by  other  writers,  we  sliall 
here  take  for  granted  and  receive  as  accurate  what  they  have  advanced. 
We  shall  also  assume  that  the  earth  is  spheroidal,  that  its  surface  is  likewise 
spheroidal,  and  above  all,  that  bodies  have  a  tendency  toward  its  centre, 
which  later  point  is  clear  to  the  perception  of  the  most  average  understand- 
ing. However,  we  may  show  summarily  that  the  earth  is  spheroidal,  from 
the  consideration  that  all  things  however  distant  tend  to  its  centre,  and  that 
everybody  is  attracted  toward  its  centre  of  gravity  ;  this  is  more  distinctly 
proved  from  observations  of  the  sea  and  sky,  for  here  the  evidence  of  the 
senses,  and  common  observation  is  alone  requisite.  The  convexity  of  the 
sea  is  a  further  proof  of  this  to  those  who  have  sailed  ;  for  they  cannot  per- 
ceive lights  at  a  distance  when  placed  at  the  same  level  as  their  eyes,  but  if 


38  PROLEGOMENA 

CHAPTER  III 

COSMOLOGY   AND   GEOGRAPHY— ANCIENT   AND   MODERN   IDEAS 

The  viif^ue  notions  of  the  ancients  as  to  the  origin  of  the  workl  Avere 
insei)aral)l,y^linked  with  their  restricted  notions  as  to  the  present  status  of 
the  worhi  itself. 

It  is  curious  to  reflect  how  small  a  portion  of  the  habitable  globe  was  the 
theatre  of  all  those  human  activities,  the  record  of  which  constitutes  ancient 
history.  Egypt,  Mesopotamia,  Syria,  Greece,  and  Italy  taken  as  a  whole 
constitute  but  a  small  patch  of  territory  encircling  the  Mediterranean  Sea. 
Persia  and  India,  stretching  away  to  the  East,  lay  vaguely  at  the  confines  of 
the  world  as  conceived  even  in  relatively  late  classical  times.  From  a  very 
early  day,  doubtless,  there  had  been  intercomnninication  between  India  and 
the  'West.  Nevertheless,  the  conquest  of  Alexander  was  regarded  as  ex- 
tending into  regions  hitherto  utterly  unknown,  and  as  opening  up  a  new 
world  to  (ireek  tliought.  Similarly  two  centuries  later,  Csesar's  invasion  of 
Britain  brought  regi()ns  to  the  attention  of  the  geographer  concerning  which 
only  the  vaguest  notions  had  been  current. 

Spain  had  long  been  known  through  the  explorations  and  commercial 
enterprises  of  tlie  Phoenicians  and  Greeks,  and  when  it  became  a  part  of 
lloman  territory,  it  was  as  familiarly  known  as  Gaul  or  Britain.  But  these 
bounds,  India  on  the  east,  Britain  at  the  north,  Spain  in  the  west,  and 
Upper  Egypt  toward  the  equator  were  the  limits  of  the  known  world  as 
understood  by  the  classical  mind.  The  vague  traditions  probably  based  on 
fact,  as  recorded  by  Herodotus,  that  a  company  of  Phoenicians  had  sailed 
out  of  the  Red  Sea  and  gone  by  water  about  all  the  southern  continent,  to 
reappear  from  the  west  by  way  of  tlie  pillars  of  Hercules  —  or  present 
Gibraltar,  —  served  to  give  support  to  the  theory  that  all  the  continental 
mass  was  encompassed  in  a  universal  sea,  rather  than  to  extend  geographical 
knowledge  in  any  precise  sense. 

Considering,  then,  the  limitations  of  ancient  geographical  knowledge,  it 
is  wonderful  how  clear,  precise,  and  correct  an  idea  as  to  the  shape,  and  even 
in  a  general  way,  as  to  the  size,  of  the  earth  were  attained  by  the  classical 
geographers.  To  be  sure,  the  Oriental  thinkers  applied  the  same  poetical 
conceptions  to  cosmology  that  dominated  them  in  other  fields.  The  Hindu 
conceived  the  world  as  resting  on  the  back  of  a  mammoth  elephant,  which 
stood  in  turn  on  the  back  of  a  tortoise,  and  was  transported  thus  across  a 
boundless  sea  of  milk.  Greek  mythology  gives  us  the  familiar  picture  of 
a  human  giant.  Atlas,  supporting  the  world.  But  such  poetic  conceptions  as 
these,  whatever  their  force  may  once  have  been  with  the  Greeks,  had  been 
supplanted  before  the  close  of  the  classical  epoch  by  ideas  of  a  strictly  scien- 
tific nature. 

Not  long  after  the  beginning  of  the  Christian  era  there  lived  a  Greek 
named  Sti'al)o,  whose  status  as  a  truly  scientific  geographer  is  gladly  ac- 
knowledged to-da}'.  Strabo's  remarks  on  cosmology  may  well  be  quoted 
here  as  showing  the  heights  to  which  the  science  of  geography  had  attained 
among  the  Greeks.  Making  due  allowance  for  the  changed  phraseology  of 
another  age,  these  are  such  things  as  miglit  be  said  by  a  geograjiher  of  to-day, 
yet  they  were  written  over  two  thousand  years  ago  : 

"  We  have  treated  these  subjects  at  length  in  the  first  Book  of  the 
(Jeograpliy.     At  present  we  shall  make  a  few  remarks  on  the  operations  of 


A  GLIMPSE   INTO  THE  PREHISTORIC   PERIOD  41 

more  of  scepticism  upon  such  claims.  Cicero  announces  himself  as  distinctly 
sceptical  regarding  the  allegation  that  the  Babylonian  records  extend  over  a 
period  of  two  hundred  and  seventy  thousand  years.  His  scepticism,  how- 
ever, was  probably  based  rather  upon  a  shrewd  common-sense  estimate  of 
human  affairs  than  upon  any  preconception  as  to  the  antiquity  of  man.  In 
a  word,  the  ancients  as  a  class  had  no  fear  of  time,  and  most  of  them  had  no 
religious  or  other  preconception  that  limited  their  estimate  as  to  the  age  of 
a  nation  or  the  exact  age  of  the  world  itself.  The  latter-day  Hebrew  was  an 
exception  to  this  rule.  He  came  at  last  to  look  upon  the  vague  historical 
records  of  his  people  as  sacred  books,  inspired  in  their  every  word,  and 
detailing  among  other  things  the  exact  genealogy  of  the  leaders  of  his  race 
from  the  creation  to  his  own  time.  It  is  not,  indeed,  probable  that  the 
ancient  Hebrew  made  any  great  point  of  the  exact  period  of  time  compassed 
by  his  records,  since,  as  has  been  said,  questions  of  exact  chronology 
entered  but  little  into  the  thoughts  of  man  in  that  day  ;  but  in  a  more 
recent  time  students  of  Hebrew  records  have  attempted  to  ascertain  the 
exact  age  of  the  earth  and  the  exact  period  of  human  existence  by  aggregat- 
ing the  various  disconnected  records  of  the  Hebrew  scriptures,  long  after 
the  modern  historical  method  had  been  applied  acutely  to  all  other  accessible 
writings  of  antiquity. 

These  writings  of  the  Hebrews  were  held  to  constitute  a  class  apart,  and 
were  looked  to  as  having  an  authenticity  not  to  be  claimed  by  any  other 
ancient  documents ;  and  while  no  two  scholars  of  authority,  making  indepen- 
dent computations,  were  ever  able  to  agree  as  to  the  exact  facts  connoted  by 
the  Hebrew  chronology,  yet  none  the  less,  each  prominent  investigator  clung 
with  full  faith  to  his  own  estimate,  and  several  of  them  found  schools  of  fol- 
lowers who  battled  as  eagerly  as  the  masters  themselves  for  the  exact  dates 
they  believed  to  be  represented  by  the  vague  Hebrew  estimates.  Generally 
speaking,  these  estimates  ascribe  the  creation  of  the  world  and  of  man  to  a 
period  about  four  thousand  years  before  the  Christian  era ;  the  year  of  the 
Deluge,  which  was  supposed  to  have  engulfed  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  earth 
except  a  single  family,  being  variously  estimated  between  the  years  3200 
and  2300  B.C.  That  some  such  figures  as  these  represented  the  truth  regard- 
ing a  period  of  man's  residence  here  on  the  earth  came  to  be  accepted 
throughout  Christendom  as  an  article  of  faith,  to  question  which  was  a  rank 
heresy. 

The  larger  figures  which  the  Greeks,  Egyptians,  Mesopotamians  and 
other  nations  had  employed  came  to  be  regarded  as  absurd  guesses,  which  it 
were  a  sacrilege  to  countenance  now  that  the  truth  was  known ;  and  yet,  as 
every  one  nowadays  knows,  these  larger  figures,  vague  guesses  though  they 
were,  approach  much  nearer  to  the  actual  truth  than  the  restricted  numbers 
that  supplanted  them. 

The  changed  point  of  view  with  which  the  modern  historian  regards  the 
ancient  chronology  has  been  attained  through  a  process  of  scientific  develop- 
ment extending  over  about  a  century.  A  truer  knowledge  of  the  cosmic 
scheme  did  not  bring  with  it  as  a  necessary  counterpart  the  correct  concep- 
tion as  to  the  length  of  time  that  this  scheme  had  been  in  operation. 

Laplace,  in  formulating  his  nebular  hypothesis,  had  nothing  definite  to 
say  as  to  the  length  of  time  required  for  its  development,  and  there  was 
nothing  in  his  computation  to  throw  any  light  whatever  upon  the  antiquity 
of  the  earth  as  a  habitable  sphere. 

Cuvier,  the  great  contemporary  of  Laplace,  no  doubt  accepted  the  nebular 
hypothesis  as  a  valid  explanation  of  the  origin  of  the  world,  but  he  held  to 


42  PROLEGOMENA 

the  conception  of  about  six  thousand  years  for  the  age  of  man  as  rigidly  as 
did  any  Middle  Age  monk.  Cuvier  was  the  first  to  demonstrate  that  certain 
fossil  skeletons  belonged  to  no  existing  species  of  animal.  In  other  words, 
he  believed  that  races  of  great  beasts  had  once  inhabited  the  earth,  but  no 
longer  have  living  representatives.  This,  however,  did  not  suggest  to  him 
that  the  earth  had  long  been  peopled,  but  only  went  to  show,  as  he  believed, 
that  a  great  catastrophe,  as  the  universal  flood  was  supposed  to  have  been, 
had  actually  taken  place.  It  remained  for  Charles  Lyell,  the  famous  English 
geologist,  working  along  the  lines  first  suggested  by  another  great  Eng- 
lishman, James  Ilutton,  to  prove  that  the  successive  populations  of  the  earth, 
whose  remains  are  found  in  fossil  beds,  had  lived  for  enormous  periods  of 
time,  and  had  supplanted  one  another  on  the  earth,  not  through  any  sudden 
catastrophe,  l)ut  by  slow  processes  of  the  natural  development  and  decay  of 
dift'ereiit  kinds  of  beings. 

Following  the  demonstrations  of  Lyell  there  came  about  a  sudden  change 
of  belief  among  geologists  as  to  the  age  of  the  earth,  until,  in  our  day,  the 
period  during  whicli  the  earth  has  been  inhabited  by  one  kind  of  creature 
and  another  is  computed,  not  by  specific  thousands,  but  by  vague  hundreds 
of  thousands  or  even  millions  of  years. 

The  last  refuge  for  champions  of  the  old  chronology  was  found  in  the 
claim  that  man  himself  had  been  but  about  six  thousand  years  upon  the 
earth,  whatever  might  be  true  of  his  non-human  forerunners.  But  even 
this  chiim  had  presently  to  be  abandoned  when  the  researches  of  the  palaeon- 
tologists had  been  directed  to  the  subject  of  fossil  man. 

The  researches  of  Schmerling,  of  Boucher  de  Perth,  of  Lyell  himself,  and 
of  a  host  of  later  workers  demonstrated  that  fossil  remains  of  man  were 
found  commingled  in  embedded  strata  and  in  cave  bottoms  under  conditions 
that  demonstrated  their  extreme  antiquity ;  and  in  the  course  of  the  quarter 
century  after  1865,  in  which  year  Lyell  had  published  his  epoch-marking 
work  on  the  antiquity  of  man,  the  new  idea  had  made  a  complete  conquest, 
until  now  no  one  any  more  thinks  of  disputing  the  extreme  antiquity  of  man 
than  he  thinks  of  questioning  the  great  age  of  the  earth  itself.  To  be  sure, 
no  one  pretends  any  longer  to  put  a  precise  date  upon  man's  first  appearance. 
The  new  figures  take  on  something  of  the  vagueness  that  characterise  the  esti- 
mates of  the  Babylonians ;  but  it  is  accepted  as  clearly  proven  that  the  racial 
age  of  man  is  at  least  to  be  numbered  in  tens  of  thousands  of  years.  The 
only  clues  at  present  accessible  that  tend  to  give  anything  like  definiteness 
to  the  computations  are  the  researches  of  Egyptologists  and  Assyriologists. 

In  Egyi)t  remains  are  found,  as  we  shall  see,  which  carry  the  liistory  of 
civilisation  back  to  something  like  5000  B.C.,  and  in  Mesopotamia  the  latest 
finds  are  believed  to  extend  the  record  by  yet  another  two  thousand  years. 
Man  tlien  existed  in  a  state  of  high  civilisation  at  a  period  antedating  the 
Christian  era  by  about  twice  the  length  of  time  formerly  admitted  for  the 
age  of  earth  itself. 

How  much  more  ancient  the  remains  of  barbaric  man,  as  preserved  in  the 
oldest  caves,  may  be,  it  would  be  but  vague  guess  work  and  serve  no  useful 
purpose,  to  attempt  to  estimate.  History  proper,  as  usually  conceived,  is 
concerned  only  with  the  doings  of  civilised  man ;  and,  indeed,  in  one  sense, 
such  a  restricted  view  is  absolutely  forced  upon  the  historian,  for  it  is  only 
civilised  man  who  is  able  to  produce  records  that  are  preserved  through  the 
ages  in  such  manner  as  to  tell  a  connected  story  to  after  generations.  The 
arrow-heads  and  charred  sticks  of  the  stone  age  of  man  are  indeed  proofs 
that  tliis  man  existed,  and  that  he  led  his  certain  manner  of  life,  some  clear 


A   GLIMPSE   INTO   THE   PREHISTORIC   PERIOD  43 

intimations  as  to  which  are  given  by  these  momentoes  ;  but  they  point  to 
no  path  by  which  we  may  hope  to  follow  the  precise  history  of  those  suc- 
ceeding generations  by  which  the  man  of  the  stone  age  was  connected  with, 
for  example,  the  builder  of  the  Egyptian  Pyramids.  We  can,  indeed,  trace 
in  general  terms  the  course  of  human  progress.  We  know  that  from  using 
rough  stone  implements  chipped  into  shape,  man  came  finally  to  acquire  the 
art  of  polishing  stones  by  friction,  thus  making  more  finished  implements. 
We  know  that  later  on  he  learned  to  smelt  metals,  marvellous  achievement 
that  it  was ;  and  when  this  had  been  accomplished,  we  may  supj^ose  that  he 
pretty  rapidly  developed  cognate  arts  ishat  led  to  higher  civilisation. 

Reasoning  from  this  knowledge,  we  speak  of  the  palaeolithic  or  rough 
stone  age,  of  the  neolithic  or  polished  stone  age,  of  the  age  of  bronze,  and 
finally  of  the  age  of  iron,  as  representing  great  epochs  in  human  progress. 
But  it  is  only  in  the  vaguest  terms  that  we  can  connect  one  of  these  ages  with 
another,  and  any  attempt  at  a  definite  chronology  in  relation  to  them  utterly 
fails  us.  This  would  not  so  much  matter  if  we  were  sure  in  any  given  case 
that  we  were  tracing  the  history  of  the  same  individual  race  through  the  suc- 
cessive periods;  but,  in  point  of  fact,  no  such  unity  of  race  can  be  predicated. 
There  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  each  and  every  race  that  ever  attained 
to  higher  civilisation  passed  through  these  various  stages,  but  the  familiar 
examples  of  the  American  Indians,  who  were  in  the  rough  stone  age  when 
their  continent  was  discovered  by  Columbus,  and  of  the  African  and 
Australian  races,  who,  even  now,  have  advanced  no  farther,  illustrate  the 
fact  that  different  races  have  passed  through  these  various  stages  of  develop- 
ment in  widely  separated  periods  of  time,  and  take  away  all  certainty  from 
any  attempts  to  compute  exact  chronologies. 


CHAPTER  V 

THE  RACES   OF   MAN   AND   THE   ARYAN   QUESTION 

The  question  of  races  of  mankind  is  one  that  has  given  rise  to  great 
diversity  of  opinion  among  scientists  and  students  of  ethnology,  and  it  may 
as  well  be  admitted  at  the  outset  that  no  very  definite  conclusions  have  as 
yet  been  arrived  at.  One  set  of  ethnologists  have  been  disposed  to  look  to 
physical  characters  as  the  basis  of  a  classification  ;  others  have  been  guided 
more  by  language.  In  the  earlier  stages  of  the  inquiry  the  Biblical  tradi- 
tions have  entered  into  the  case  with  prejudicial  effect,  and  with  the  ad- 
vances of  science  this  subject  as  a  whole  has  seemed  to  grow  more  confused 
rather  than  clearer.  For  a  time  there  was  a  certain  unanimity  in  regarding 
the  Egyptians  and  their  allies  as  Hamites,  the  Babylonians,  Hebrews,  Phoe- 
nicians, and  their  allies  as  Semites,  and  in  bringing  all  other  non-Aryan 
races  into  a  conglomerate  class  under  the  title  of  Turanians.  Latterly,  how- 
ever, the  artificial  character  of  such  a  classification  as  this  has  been  more 
and  more  apparent,  and  a  growing  belief  tends  to  consider  all  the  peoples 
grouped  about  the  Mediterranean  as  forming  a  single  race,  including  within 
that  race,  as  is  apparent,  members  of  the  old  races  of  Hamites,  Semites,  and 
Aryans.  Yet  another  classification  would  group  tlie  peoples  of  the  earth 
according  to  their  several  stages  of  civilisation.  But,  without  attempting  a 
complete  enumeration  of  all  the  various  systems  that  liave  been  suggested, 
one  may  summarise  them  all  by  repeating  that  there  is  no  complete  uni- 
formity of  classification  accepted  by  all  authoritative  students  of  the  subject. 


44  PROLEGOMENA 

Here  as  elsewhere,  however,  there  is  a  tendency  for  old  systems  and  old 
names  to  maintain  their  hold,  and  notwithstanding  the  disavowals  of  the 
most  recent  schools  of  ethnology,  the  classification  into  Hamites,  Semites, 
Aryans,  and  Turanians  is  doubtless  the  one  that  has  still  the  widest  vogue. 
In  particular  the  Aryan  race,  to  which  all  modern  European  races  belong, 
has  seemed  more  and  more  to  make  good  its  claims  to  recognition.  Thanks 
to  the  relatively  new  science  of  comparative  philology,  it  has  been  shown, 
and  has  now  come  to  be  familiarly  understood,  that  the  languages  of  the 
Hindu  and  the  Persian  in  the  far  East  are  based  upon  the  same  principles 
of  phonation  as  the  Greek  and  Latimand  their  daughter  languages,  and  the 
language  of  the  great  Teutonic  race. 

It  is  this  affinity  of  languages  that  is  the  one  defining  feature  of  the 
Aryan  race.  Since  historical  studies  have  made  it  more  and  more  plain  that 
a  nation  in  its  wanderings,  whether  as  a  conquering  or  a  conquered  people, 
may  adopt  the  language  of  another  nation,  it  has  become  clear  that  a  classi- 
fication of  mankind  based  on  ethnic  features  would  have  no  necessary  cor- 
respondence with  a  classification  based  upon  language.  The  philologists, 
therefore,  who  cling  to  the  word  "  Aryan,"  or  to  the  idea  which  it  connotes, 
have  latterly  been  disposed  to  urge,  as  for  example  Professor  Max  M tiller 
does  in  the  most  strenuous  terms,  that  in  contending  for  an  Aryan  race  they 
refer  solely  to  a  set  of  people  speaking  the  Aryan  language,  quite  regardless 
of  the  physical  affinities  of  these  people.  And  it  is  in  this  sense  of  the  word, 
and  this  alone,  that  the  dark-skinned  race  of  India  is  to  be  considered  brother 
to  the  fair-skinned  Scandinavian  ;  that,  in  short,  all  the  nations  of  modern 
Europe  and  the  classical  nations  of  antiquity  are  to  be  jumbled  together  in 
an  arbitrary  union  with  the  people  of  far-off  Persia  and  India. 

While  this  classification  establishing  an  Aryan  race  on  the  basis  of  lan- 
guage has  the  support  of  all  philologists,  and,  indeed,  is  susceptible  of  the 
readiest  verification,  there  is  a  growing  tendency  to  frown  upon  the  use  of 
the  word  "  Aryan  "  itself.  The  word  came  into  vogue  at  a  time  when  it 
was  supposed  on  all  hands  that  the  original  home  of  the  people  to  whom 
it  was  applied  was  Central  Asia ;  that  this  was  the  cradle  of  the  Aryan  race 
was  long  accepted  quite  as  a  matter  of  course  —  hence  the  general  accept- 
ance of  the  name.  But,  in  the  course  of  the  last  century,  the  supposed  fact 
of  the  Asiatic  origin  of  the  Aryans  has  been  placed  in  dispute,  and  there  is 
a  seemingly  growing  school  of  students,  who,  basing  their  claims  on  the 
evidence  of  philology,  are  disposed  to  believe  that  the  cradle  of  this  race  — 
if  race  it  be — was  not  Central  Asia,  but  perhaps  Western  or  Northwestern 
Europe.  We  must  not  pause  to  discuss  the  evidence  for  this  new  view  here; 
suilice  it  that  the  evidence  seems  highly  suggestive,  if  not  conclusive. 

To  many  philologists,  including  some  who  still  hold  that  the  probabilities 
favour  an  Asiatic  origin  of  the  race,  it  now  seems  advisable  to  adopt  a  name 
of  less  doubtful  import,  and  of  late  it  has  become  quite  usual  to  substitute 
for  the  word  "  Aryan  "  the  compound  word  "  Indo-European,"  or,  what  is 
perhaps  better,  "  Indo-Germanic."  Such  a  word,  it  is  clear,  summarises  the 
fact  that  the  Indians  in  the  far  East  and  the  Germanic  race  in  the  far  West 
have  a  language  that  is  fundamentally  the  same,  without  connoting  any 
theory  whatever  as  to  the  origin  or  other  relations  of  these  widely  scattered 
peoples.  The  name  thus  has  an  undoubted  scientific  status  that  makes  it 
attractive,  but  nevertheless  it  is  too  cumbersome  to  be  accepted  at  once  as 
a  substitute  for  the  word  "Aryan"  in  ordinary  usage.  Nor,  indeed  does  there 
seem  to  be  any  good  reason  why  such  substitution  should  be  made.  Words 
very  generally  come  in  the  course  of  time  to  have  an  application  which  their 


A   GLIMPSE   INTO   THE  PREHISTORIC   PERIOD  45 

original  derivation  would  not  at  all  justify,  and  there  is  no  more  reason  for 
ruling  out  the  word  "  Aryan,"  even  should  it  be  proven  absolutely  that  Asia 
was  not  the  original  cradle  of  the  Indo-Germanic  race,  than  there  would  be 
for  discarding  a  very  large  number  of  words  of  Greek  and  I-,atin  derivation 
that  are  familiarly  employed  in  the  various  modern  European  languages. 
Indeed,  it  may  be  taken  for  granted  that  the  generality  of  people  to  whom 
the  word  "  Aryan  "  is  familiar  have  no  such  preconception  aroused  in  their 
minds  by  the  word  as  it  conveys  to  the  mind  of  special  scholars,  and  in  any 
event  where  a  distinct  disavowal  is  made  of  any  ethnological  preconceptions 
in  connection  with  the  word,  one  is  surely  justified  for  convenience  sake  in 
continuing  to  use  the  word  "Aryan"  as  a  synonym  for  the  more  complicated 
term  "Indo-Germanic." 


CHAPTER  VI 

ON   PREHISTORIC   CULTURE 

It  has  been  said  that  history  proper  is  usually  regarded  as  having  to  do 
solely  with  the  deeds  of  civilised  man,  but  in  point  of  fact  the  scope  of  his- 
tory as  written  at  the  present  day  necessarily  falls  far  short  of  comprehend- 
ing the  entire  history  of  civilisation.  Before  the  dawn  of  recorded  history 
man  had  evolved  to  a  stage  in  which  the  greater  number  of  the  greatest  arts 
had  been  attained.  That  is  to  say,  he  was  possessed  of  articulate  language. 
He  had  learned  to  clothe  and  to  house  himself.  He  knew  the  use  of  fire.  He 
could  manufacture  implements  of  war  and  of  peace.  He  had  surrounded 
himself  with  domesticated  animals.  He  added  to  his  food  supply  by  prac- 
tising agriculture.  He  had  established  systems  of  government.  He  knew 
how  to  embellish  his  surroundings  by  the  practice  of  painting  and  of  decora- 
tive architecture,  and  last,  and  perhaps  greatest,  he  had  invented  the  art  of 
writing,  and  carried  it  far  toward  perfection. 

With  the  development  of  these  arts  history  proper  is  not  concerned,  but 
this  is  not  because  the  development  of  these  arts  would  not  constitute  true 
history  if  its  course  were  known,  but  simply  because  of  our  entire  ignorance 
of  all  details  of  the  subject. 

In  order  to  gain  a  clearer  idea,  however,  of  the  status  of  human  culture 
at  the  dawn  of  history  proper,  it  may  be  worth  while  to  glance  in  the  most 
cursory  way  at  each  of  the  great  inventions  and  developments  upon  which 
the  entire  structure  of  civilisation  depends. 

First.     Language. 

Perhaps  the  greatest  single  step  ever  made  in  the  history  of  man's  upward 
progress  was  taken  when  the  practice  of  articulate  speech  began.  It  would 
be  contrary  to  all  that  we  know  of  human  evolution  to  suppose  that  this 
development  was  a  sudden  one,  or  that  it  transformed  a  non-human  into  a 
human  species  at  a  sudden  vault.  It  is  well  known  that  many  of  the  lower 
animals  are  able  to  communicate  with  one  another  in  a  way  that  implies  at 
least  a  vague  form  of  speech,  and  it  has  been  questioned  whether  the  higher 
species  of  apes  do  not  actually  articulate  in  a  way  strictly  comparable  to  the 
vocalisation  of  man.  Be  that  as  it  may,  the  clear  fact  remains  that  one  spe- 
cies of  animal  did  at  a  very  remote  time  in  the  past  develop  the  power  of 
vocalisation  in  the  direction  of  articulate  speech  to  a  degree  that  in  course 
of  time  broadened  the  gap  between  that  species  and  all  others,  till  it  became 
an  impassable  chasm. 


46  PROLEGOMENA 

Without  language  of  an  explicit  kind  not  even  the  rudiments  of  civili- 
sation would  be  possible.  No  one  perhaps  ever  epitomised  the  value  of 
articulate  speech  in  a  single  phrase  more  tellingly  than  does  Herder  when 
he  says  :  "  The  lyre  of  Amphion  has  not  built  cities.  No  magic  wand  has 
transformed  deserts  into  gardens.  Language  has  done  it,  —  that  great  source 
of  sociality." 

Obviously,  then,  could  we  know  the  history  of  the  evolution  of  articulate 
speech  it  would  be  one  of  the  very  greatest  chapters  in  all  human  records  ; 
but  it  is  equally  obvious  that  we  can  never  hope  to  know  that  history  except 
inferentially.  When  the  dawn  of  history  proper  came,  man  had  so  long 
practised  speaking  that  he  had  developed  countless  languages  so  widely 
divergent  from  one  another  that  they  are  easily  classified  into  several  great 
types.  P'rom  the  study  of  these  languages  the  philologist  draws  more  or 
less  valid  inferences  as  to  the  later  stages  of  linguistic  growth  and  develop- 
ment. But  he  gains  no  inklings  whatever  as  to  any  of  those  earlier  devel- 
opments which  constituted  the  origin  or  the  creation  of  language. 

Second.      Clothing  and  Housing  of  Prehistoric  Man. 

Nothing  is  more  surprising  to  the  student  of  antiquity  than  to  find  at 
what  seems  the  very  beginning  of  civilisation  such  monuments  as  the  Pja-a- 
mids  and  the  great  sculptures  of  Egypt  and  Mesopotamia.  But  a  moment's 
reflection  makes  it  clear  that  man  must  have  learned  to  house  himself,  as 
well  as  to  clothe  himself,  before  he  can  have  started  on  that  tour  of  conquest  of 
the  world  which  was  so  far  advanced  before  the  dawn  of  history.  Doubt- 
less the  original  home  of  man  must  have  been  in  a  tropical  or  subtropical 
climate,  and  he  cannot  well  have  left  these  pampering  regions  until  he  had 
made  a  considerable  development,  almost  the  first  step  of  which  required 
that  he  should  gain  the  means  of  protecting  himself  from  the  cold.  The 
idea  of  such  protection  once  acquired,  its  elaboration  was  but  a  question  of 
time.  It  is  amazing  to  observe  how  closely,  both  as  regards  attire  and  build- 
ing, man  liad  approximated  to  the  modern  standards  at  the  time  when  he 
first  produced  monumental  or  other  records  that  have  come  down  to  us. 

Third.     The  Use  of  Fire. 

Quite  as  fundamental  as  the  matter  of  housing  and  clothing,  and  even 
more  marvellous,  considered  as  an  invention,  was  the  recognition  of  the 
uses  of  fire,  and  the  development  of  the  methods  of  producing  fire  at  will. 
It  is  conceivable  that  some  individual  man  at  a  relatively  early  stage  of 
human  progress  developed  and  elaborated  this  idea,  becoming  the  actual 
inventor  of  fire  as  applied  to  human  uses.  If  such  was  really  the  case,  no 
greater  inventor  ever  lived.  But  the  wildest  flight  of  speculative  imagina- 
tion does  not  sulfice  to  suggest  where  or  when  this  man  may  have  lived.  It 
cannot  well  be  doubted,  however,  that  the  use  of  fire  must  have  been  well 
known  to  the  earliest  generations  of  men  that  attempted  to  wander  far  from 
the  tropics.  Clothed,  housed,  and  provided  with  fire,  man  was  able  to 
undertake  the  conquest  of  all  regions,  but  without  fire  he  dare  not  have 
braved  the  winters  even  of  the  middle  latitudes,  to  say  nothing  of  Arctic 
regions. 

No  doubt  the  earliest  method  of  producing  fire  practically  employed  was 
by  friction  of  dry  sticks,  much  after  the  manner  still  in  use  among  certain 
savage  tribes.  Obviously  the  flint  and  steel,  which  for  so  many  thousands 
of  years  was  to  be  the  sole  practical  means  of  producing  fire  among  the  civ- 
ilised races,  could  not  have  come  into  vogue  until  the  age  of  iron.  The 
lucifer  match,  which  was  finally  to  banish  flint  and  steel,  was  an  invention 
of  the  nineteenth  century. 


A   GLIMPSE   INTO   THE  PREHISTORIC   PERIOD  47 

Fourth.     Implements  of  Peace  and  War. 

A  gigantic  bound  was  made  when  man  first  learned  to  use  a  club  habitu- 
ally, and  doubtless  the  transition  from  a  club  to  a  mechanically  pointed  spear 
constituted  a  journey  as  long  and  as  hard  as  the  evolution  from  the  spear  to 
the  modern  repeating  rifle.  But  before  the  dawn  of  history  there  had  been 
evolved  from  the  club  the  battle-axe  of  metal,  and  from  the  crude  spear  the 
metal-pointed  javelin,  the  arrow,  the  sword,  and  the  dagger  ;  the  bow,  too, 
of  which  the  arrow  was  the  complement,  had  long  been  perfected,  and  from 
it  had  evolved  various  other  implements  of  warfare,  culminating  in  the 
gigantic  battering-ram. 

Of  implements  of  a  more  pacific  character,  boats  of  various  types  fur- 
nished means  of  transportation  on  the  water,  and  wagons  with  wheel  and 
axle,  acting  on  precisely  the  same  principle  which  is  still  employed,  had  been 
perfected,  both  of  these  being  used  in  certain  of  their  types  for  purposes  of 
war  as  well  as  in  the  arts  of  peace.  Manufacture  included  necessarily  the 
making  of  materials  for  clothing  from  an  early  stage,  and  this  had  advanced 
from  the  crude  art  of  dressing  skins  to  the  weaving  of  woollen  fabrics  and 
fine  linens  that  would  bear  comparison  with  the  products  of  the  modern  loom. 
Stones  were  shaped  and  bricks  made  as  materials  for  building.  The  princi- 
ple of  the  pulley  was  well  understood  as  an  aid  to  human  strength ;  and  the 
potter's  wheel,  with  which  various  household  utensils  were  shaped,  was 
absurdly  like  the  ones  that  are  still  used  for  a  like  purpose.  In  all  of  these 
arts  of  manufacture,  indeed,  a  degree  of  perfection  had  been  attained  upon 
which  there  was  to  be  singularly  little  advance  for  some  thousands  of  years. 
It  was  not  until  well  toward  the  close  of  the  eighteenth  century  that  the 
series  of  great  mechanical  advances  began  with  the  application  of  steam  to 
the  propulsion  of  machinery,  which  has  revolutionised  manufacture  and  for  the 
first  time  made  a  radical  change  from  the  systems  of  transportation  that 
were  in  vogue  before  the  dawn  of  history ;  and  it  was  only  a  few  centuries 
earlier  that  the  invention  of  gunpowder  metamorphosed  the  methods  of  war- 
fare that  had  been  in  vogue  for  a  like  period. 

Fifth.      The  Domestication  of  Animals. 

It  is  not  difficult,  if  one  considers  the  matter  attentively,  to  imagine  how 
revolutionary  must  have  been  the  effect  of  the  domestication  of  animals. 
Primitive  man  can  at  first  have  had  no  idea  of  the  possible  utility  of  the 
animals  about  him,  except  as  objects  of  pursuit  ;  but  doubtless  at  a  very 
early  stage  it  became  customary  for  children  to  tame,  or  attempt  to  tame, 
such  animals  as  wolves,  foxes,  and  cats  of  various  tribes  when  taken  young, 
much  as  children  of  to-day  enjoy  doing  the  same  thing.  This  more  readily 
led  to  the  early  domestication  or  half-domestication  of  such  animals  as  that 
species  of  wolf  from  which  the  various  races  of  dogs  sprang.  It  is  held 
that  the  dog  was  the  first  animal  to  become  truly  domesticated.  Obviously 
this  animal  could  be  of  advantage  to  man  in  the  chase,  even  in  very  early 
stages  of  human  evolution ;  and  it  is  quite  possible  that  a  long  series  of  gen- 
erations may  have  elapsed  before  any  animal  was  added  to  the  list  of  man's 
companions.  But  the  great  step  was  taken  when  herbivorous  animals,  use- 
ful not  for  the  chase,  but  as  supplying  milk  and  flesh  for  food,  were  made 
tributary  to  the  use  of  man.  From  that  day  man  was  no  longer  a  mere 
hunter  and  fisher  ;  he  became  a  herdsman,  and  in  the  fact  of  entering  upon 
a  pastoral  life,  he  had  placed  his  foot  firmly  on  the  first  rung  of  the  ladder 
of  civilisation.  An  obvious  change  became  necessary  in  the  life  of  pastoral 
people.  They  could  still  remain  nomads,  to  be  sure,  but  their  wanderings 
were  restricted  by  a  new  factor.     They  must  go  where  food  could  be  found 


48  PROLEGOMENA 

for  their  herds.  Moreover,  economic  features  of  vast  importance  were 
introduced  in  the  fact  that  the  herds  of  a  people  became  a  natural  prey  of 
less  civilised  peoples  of  the  same  region.  It  became  necessary,  therefore,  to 
make  provision  for  the  protection  of  the  herds,  and  in  so  doing  an  in- 
creased feeling  of  communal  unity  was  necessarily  engendered.  Hitherto 
we  may  suppose  that  a  single  family  might  live  by  itself  without  greatly 
encountering  interference  from  other  families.  So  long  as  game  was  abun- 
dant, and  equally  open  to  the  pursuit  of  all,  there  would  seem  to  be  no 
reason  why  one  family  should  systematically  interfere  with  another,  except 
in  individual  instances  where  quarrels  of  a  strictly  personal  nature  had 
arisen.  But  the  pastoral  life  introduced  an  element  of  contention  that  must 
necessarily  have  led  to  the  perpetual  danger  of  warfare,  and  concomitantly 
to  the  growing  necessity  for  such  aggregate  action  on  the  part  of  numerous 
families  as  constituted  the  essentials  of  a  primitive  government.  It  is  curi- 
ous to  reflect  on  these  two  opposite  results  that  must  have  grown  almost 
directly  from  the  introduction  of  the  custom  of  domesticating  food  animals. 
On  the  one  hand,  the  growth  of  the  spirit  of  war  between  tribes  ;  on  the 
other,  the  development  of  the  spirit  of  tribal  unity,  the  germs  of  nationality. 

Much  thought  has  been  given  by  naturalists  to  the  exact  origin  of  the 
various  races  of  domesticated  animals.  Speaking  in  general  terms,  it  may 
be  said  that  Asia  is  the  great  original  home  of  domesticated  animals  as  a 
class.  Possibly  the  dog  may  be  the  descendant  of  some  European  wolf,  and 
he  had  perhaps  become  the  companion  of  man  before  that  great  hypotheti- 
cal eastward  migration  of  the  Aryans  took  place,  which  the  modern  ethnol- 
ogist believes  to  have  preceded  the  Asiatic  settlement  of  that  race.  The 
cat  also  may  not  unlikely  be  a  descendant  of  the  European  wild  cat,  but 
the  sheep,  the  cow,  the  donkey,  and  the  horse,  as  well  as  the  barnyard  fowl, 
are  almost  unquestionably  of  Asiatic  origin.  Of  these  the  horse  was  prob- 
ably the  last  to  be  domesticated,  since  we  find  that  the  Egyptians  did  not 
employ  this  animal  until  a  relatively  late  stage  of  the  historic  period, 
namely,  about  the  twentieth  century  B.C.  This  does  not  mean  that  the 
horse  was  unknown  to  the  Asiatic  nations  until  so  late  a  period,  but  it 
suggests  a  relatively  recent  use  of  this  animal  as  compared,  for  example, 
with  the  use  of  cattle,  which  had  been  introduced  into  Egypt  before  the 
beginning  of  the  historic  period.  No  animal  of  importance  and  only  one 
bird  —  the  turkey  —  has  been  added  to  the  list  of  domesticated  creatures 
since  the  dawn  of  history. 

Sixth.     Agriculture. 

The  studies  of  the  philologists  make  it  certain  that  long  periods  of  time 
elapsed  after  man  had  entered  on  a  pastoral  life  before  he  became  an  agri- 
culturist. The  proof  of  this  is  found,  for  example,  in  the  fact  that  the 
(xreeks  and  Romans  use  words  obviously  of  the  same  derivation  for  the  names 
of  various  domesticated  animals,  while  a  similar  uniformit}^  does  not  per- 
tain to  their  names  for  cultivated  cereals  or  for  implements  of  agriculture. 
Theoretical  considerations  of  the  probable  state  of  pastoral  man  would  lead 
to  the  same  conclusion,  for  the  gap  between  the  wandering  habits  of  the 
owners  of  flocks,  whose  chief  care  was  to  lind  pasture,  and  the  fixed  abode 
of  an  agricultural  people,  is  indeed  a  wide  one.  To  be  sure,  the  earliest  agri- 
culturist may  not  have  been  a  strictly  permanent  resident  of  any  particular 
district  ;  he  might  migrate  like  the  bird  with  the  seasons,  and  change  the 
region  of  his  abode  utterly  from  year  to  year,  but  he  must  in  the  nature  of 
the  case  have  remained  in  one  place  for  several  months  together,  that  is  to 
say,  from  sowing  to  harvest  time ;  and  to  people  of  nomadic  instincts  this 


A   GLIMPSE   INTO  THE   PREHISTOEIC   PERIOD  49 

interference  with  their  desires  might  be  extremely  irksome,  to  say  nothing 
of  the  work  involved  in  cultivating  the  soil.  But  once  the  advantages  of 
producing  a  vegetable  food  supply,  according  to  a  preconceived  plan, 
instead  of  depending  upon  the  precarious  supply  of  nature,  were  fully 
understood  and  appreciated,  another  great  forward  movement  had  been 
made  in  the  direction  of  ultimate  civilisation.  Incidentally  it  may  be 
added  that  another  incentive  had  been  given  one  tribe  to  prey  upon  another, 
and  conversely  another  motive  for  strengthening  the  bonds  of  tribal  unity. 

Agricultural  plants,  like  domesticated  animals,  are  practically  all  of 
Asiatic  origin.  There  are,  however,  three  important  exceptions,  namely, 
maize  among  cereals  and  the  two  varieties  of  potato,  all  of  which  are 
indigenous  to  the  Western  hemisphere,  and  hence  were  necessarily  unknown 
to  the  civilised  nations  of  antiquity.  With  these  exceptions  all  the  impor- 
tant agricultural  plants  had  been  known  and  cultivated  for  numberless 
generations  before  the  opening  of  the  historic  period. 

Seventh.      Government. 

We  have  just  seen  how  the  introduction  of  domesticated  animals  and 
agricultural  plants  must  have  influenced  the  communal  habits  of  primitive 
man  in  the  direction  of  the  establishment  of  local  government.  There  are 
reasons  to  believe  that,  prior  to  taking  these  steps,  the  most  advanced  form 
of  human  settlement  was  the  tribe  or  clan  consisting  of  the  members  of  a 
single  family.  The  unit  of  this  settlement  was  the  single  family  itself  with 
a  man  at  its  head,  who  was  at  once  provider,  protector,  and  master.  As  the 
various  members  of  a  family  held  together  in  obedience  to  the  gregarious 
instinct,  which  man  shares  with  the  greater  number  of  animals,  it  was 
natural  that  some  one  member  of  the  clan  should  be  looked  to  as  the  leader 
of  the  whole.  In  the  ordinary  course  of  events,  such  leader  would  be  the 
oldest  man,  the  founder  of  the  original  family  ;  but  there  must  have  been  a 
constant  tendency  for  younger  men  of  pronounced  ability  to  aspire  to  the 
leadership,  and  to  wrest  from  the  patriarch  his  right  of  mastery. 

Such  mastery,  however,  whether  held  by  right  of  age,  or  of  superior  capac- 
ity, must  have  been  in  the  early  day  very  restricted  in  scope,  for  of  necessity 
primitive  man  depended  largely  on  his  own  individual  efforts  both  for 
securing  food,  and  for  protection  of  himself  and  his  immediate  family 
against  enemies,  and  under  such  circumstances  an  independence  of  character 
must  have  been  developed  that  implies  an  unwillingness  to  submit  to  the 
autocratic  authority  of  another.  Only  when  the  pastoral  and  agricultural 
phases  of  civilisation  had  become  fully  established,  would  communities 
assume  such  numerical  proportions  as  to  bring  the  question  of  leadership 
of  the  clan  into  perpetual  prominence ;  and  no  doubt  a  very  long  series  of 
internal  strifes  and  revolutionary  dissensions  must  have  preceded  the  final 
recognition  of  the  fact  that  no  large  community  of  people  can  aspire  to  any- 
thing like  integrity  without  the  clear  recognition  of  some  centralised 
authority.  Under  the  conditions  incident  to  the  early  stages  of  civilisation, 
where  man  was  subject  to  the  marauding  raids  of  enemies,  it  was  but  natural 
that  this  centralised  authority  should  be  conceded  to  some  man  whose  recog- 
nised prowess  in  warfare  had  aroused  the  respect  and  admiration  of  his 
fellows.  Thus  arose  the  system  of  monarchial  government,  which  we  find 
fully  established  everywhere  among  the  nations  of  antiquity  when  they 
first  emerge  out  of  the  obscuration  of  the  prehistoric  period.  The  slow  steps 
of  progress  by  which  the  rights  of  the  individual  came  to  strike  an  evener 
balance,  as  against  the  all-absorbing  usurpations  of  the  monarch  and  a  small 
coterie  of  his  adherents,  constitute  one  of  the  chief  elements  of  the  story  of 

H.   W.  VOL.    I.   E 


60  PROLEGOMENA 

history  that  is  to  be  unfolded  in  our  pages.  But  when  the  story  opens, 
there  is  no  intimation  of  this  reaction.  The  monarch  is  all  dominant ;  his 
individual  subjects  seem  the  mere  puppets  of  his  will. 

Eighth.      The  Arts  of  Painting,  Sculpture,  and  Decorative  Architecture. 

The  graven  fragments  of  ivory  and  of  reindeer  horn,  found  in  the  cave 
deposits  of  the  stone  age,  give  amjjle  proof  that  man  early  developed  the 
desire  and  the  capacity  for  drawing.  Doubtless  there  was  a  more  or  less 
steady  advance  upon  this  art  of  the  cave-dweller  throughout  succeeding 
generations,  though  the  records  of  such  progress  are  for  the  most  part  lost. 
The  monuments  of  Egypt  and  of  Mesopotamia,  however,  have  been  pre- 
served to  us  in  sufficient  completeness  to  prove  that  the  graphic  arts  had 
reached  a  really  high  stage  of  development  before  the  close  of  the  prehis- 
toric period.  It  is  but  fair  to  add,  however,  that  in  this  direction  the 
changes  of  the  earlier  centuries  of  the  historic  period  were  far  greater  than 
were  the  changes  in  the  practical  arts. 

As  early  as  the  ninth  century  B.C.  the  Assyrians  had  developed  the  art 
of  sculpture  in  bas-relief  in  a  way  that  constituted  a  marvellous  advance 
upon  anything  that  may  reasonably  be  believed  to  have  been  performed  by 
prehistoric  man,  and  only  three  centuries  later  came  the  culminating  period 
of  Greek  art,  which  marked  the  stage  of  almost  revolutionary  progress. 

Ninth.     The  Art  of  Writing. 

One  other  art  remains  to  be  mentioned  even  in  the  most  cursory  survey. 
This  is  the  latest,  and  in  some  respects  the  greatest  of  them  all  —  the  art 
of  writing.  In  one  sense  this  art  is  only  a  development  of  the  art  of  draw- 
ing, but  it  is  a  development  that  has  such  momentous  consequences  that  it 
may  well  be  considered  as  distinct.  Moreover,  it  led  to  results  so  important 
for  the  historian,  and  so  directly  in  line  of  all  our  future  studies,  that  we 
shall  do  well  to  examine  it  somewhat  more  in  detail. 

All  the  various  pliases  of  prehistoric  culture  at  which  we  have  just 
glanced  have  left  reminiscences,  more  or  less  vague  in  character,  for  the 
guidance  of  students  of  later  ages ;  but  the  materials  for  history  proper  only 
began  to  be  accumulated  after  man  had  learned  to  give  tangible  expression 
to  his  thoughts  in  written  words.  No  doubt  the  first  steps  toward  this 
accomplisliment  were  taken  at  a  very  early  day.  We  have  seen  that  the 
cave-dweller  even  made  graphic  though  crude  pictures,  including  hunting 
scenes,  that  are  in  effect  the  same  in  intent,  and  up  to  a  certain  point  the 
same  in  result,  as  if  the  features  of  the  event  were  described  in  words. 
Doubtless  there  was  no  generation  after  the  stone  age  in  which  men  did  not 
resort,  more  or  less,  to  the  graphic  delineation  of  ideas. 

The  familiar  story  that  Herodotus  tells  of  the  message  sent  by  the 
Scythians  to  Darius  is  significant.  It  will  be  recalled  that  the  Scythian 
messenger  brought  the  body  of  a  bird,  a  mouse,  and  a  frog,  together  with 
a  bundle  of  five  arrows.  Interrogated  as  to  the  meaning  of  this  strange 
gift,  the  messenger  replied  that  his  instructions  were  to  present  the  objects 
and  retire.  Darius  and  his  officers  were  much  puzzled  to  interpret  the  mes- 
sage, Darius  himself  being  disposed  to  regard  it  as  an  admission  on  the 
part  of  the  Scythians  that  they  conceded  him  lord  of  their  territory,  the  land, 
water,  and  air  ;  but  one  of  the  officers  of  the  great  king  gave  a  different 
interpretation,  which  was  presently  accepted  as  the  correct  one.  As  he  read 
the  message  it  implied  that  unless  the  Persians  could  learn  to  fly  through 
the  air  like  birds,  or  to  burrow  through  the  earth  like  a  mouse,  or  to  dive 
through  the  water  like  a  frog,  they  should  not  be  able  to  escape  the  arrows 
of   the  Scytliians.     Miss  Amelia   B.  Edwards,  in  her   delightful   book   on 


A  GLIMPSE   INTO  THE  PREHISTORIC  PERIOD  61 

Egypt,  has  hazarded  some  conjectures  as  to  the  exact  way  in  which  the 
bird  and  mouse  and  frog  and  arrows  were  presented  to  Darius.  She  believes 
that  they  were  fastened  to  a  piece  of  bark,  or  perhaps  to  a  fragment  of  hide, 
in  fixed  position,  so  that  they  became  virtually  hieroglyphics.  The  question 
is  interesting,  but  of  no  vital  importance,  since  the  exact  manner  of  presen- 
tation would  not  in  any  way  alter  the  intent,  but  would  only  bear  upon 
the  readiness  of  its  interpretation.  The  real  point  of  interest  lies  in  the 
fact  of  this  transmission  of  ideas  by  symbols,  which  constitutes  the  essence 
of  the  art  of  writing. 

It  may  be  presumed  that  crude  methods  of  sending  messages,  not  unlike 
this  of  the  Scythians,  were  practised  more  or  less  independently,  and  with 
greater  or  less  degrees  of  elaboration,  by  barbaric  and  half-civilised  tribes 
everywhere.  The  familiar  case  of  the  American  Indians,  who  were  wont  to 
send  a  belt  of  wampum  and  an  arrow  as  a  declaration  of  war,  is  an  illustration 
in  point.  The  gap  between  such  a  presentation  of  tangible  objects  and  the 
use  of  crude  pictures  to  replace  the  objects  themselves  would  not  seem,  from 
a  civilised  standpoint,  to  be  a  very  wide  one.  Yet  no  doubt  it  was  an  enor- 
mously difficult  gap  to  cross.  Granted  the  idea,  any  one  could  string 
together  the  frog,  the  bird,  the  mouse,  and  the  arrows,  but  only  here  and 
there  a  man  would  possess  the  artistic  skill  requisite  to  make  fairly  recog- 
nisable pictures  of  these  objects.  It  is  true  that  the  cave  man  of  a  vastly 
earlier  period  had  developed  a  capacity  to  draw  the  outlines  of  such  animals 
as  the  reindeer  and  the  mammoth  with  astonishing  verisimilitude.  Professor 
Sayce  has  drawn  the  conclusion  from  this  that  the  average  man  dwelling  in 
the  caves  of  France  at  that  remote  epoch  could  draw  as  well  as  the  average 
Frenchman  of  to-day  ;  but  a  moment's  consideration  will  make  it  clear  that 
the  facts  in  hand  by  no  means  warrant  so  sweeping  a  conclusion.  There  is 
nothing  to  show,  nor  is  there  any  reason  to  believe,  that  the  cave-dweller 
pictures  that  have  come  down  to  us  are  the  work  of  average  men  of  that 
period.  On  the  contrary,  it  is  much  more  likely  that  they  were  the  work, 
not  of  average  men,  but  of  the  artistic  geniuses  of  their  day,  —  of  the  Michel- 
angelos,  Raphaels,  or  if  you  prefer,  the  Landseers,  the  Bonheurs,  and  Corots 
of  their  time. 

There  is  no  more  reason  to  suppose  that  the  average  cave  dweller  could 
have  drawn  the  reindeer  hunting  scene  or  the  famous  picture  of  the  mam- 
moth, than  that  the  average  Frenchman  of  to-day  could  have  painted  the 
Horse  Fair.  There  is  no  reason  then  to  suppose  that  the  average  Scythian 
could  have  made  himself  equally  intelligible  to  Darius  by  drawing  pictures 
instead  of  sending  actual  objects,  though  quite  possibly  there  were  some 
men  among  the  Scythian  hordes  who  could  have  done  so.  The  idea  of  such 
pictorial  ideographs  had  seemingly  not  yet  come  to  the  Scythians,  but  that 
idea  had  been  attained  many  centuries  before  by  other  people  of  a  higher 
plane  of  civilisation.  At  least  four  thousand  years  before  the  age  of  Darius, 
the  Babylonians,  over  whose  descendants  the  Persian  king  was  to  rule,  had 
invented  or  developed  a  picture-writing  and  elaborated  it  until  it  was  able 
to  convey,  not  merely  vague  generalities,  but  exquisite  shades  of  meaning. 
The  Egyptians,  too,  at  a  period  probably  at  least  as  remote,  had  developed 
what  seems  an  independent  system  of  picture-writing,  and  brought  it  to  an 
astonishing  degree  of  perfection. 

At  least  three  other  systems  of  picture-writing  in  elaborated  forms  are 
recognised,  namely,  that  used  by  the  Hittites  in  Western  Asia,  that  of  the 
Chinese,  and  that  of  the  Mexican  Indians  in  America.  No  dates  can  be 
fixed  as  to  when  these  were  introduced,  neither  is  it  possible  to  demonstrate 


PROLEGOMENA 


the  entire  independence  of  the  various  systems  ;  but  all  of  them  were  devel- 
oped in  prehistoric  periods.  There  seems  no  reason  to  doubt  that  in  each 
case  the  picture-writing  consisted  originally  of  the  mere  graphic  presenta- 
tion of  an  object  as  representing  an  idea  connected  with  that  object  itself, 
precisely  as  if  the  Scythians  had  drawn  pictures  of  the  mouse,  the  bird,  the 
frog,  and  the  arrows  in  order  to  convey  the  message  to  Darius.  Doubtless 
periods  of  incalculable  length  elapsed  after  the  use  of  such  ideograms  as  this 
had  come  into  vogue  before  the  next  great  step  was  taken,  which  consisted 
in  using  a  picture,  not  merely  to  represent  some  idea  associated  with  the 
object  depicted,  but  to  represent  a  sound.  Probably  the  first  steps  of  this 
development  came  about  through  the  attempt  to  depict  the  names  of  men. 
Since  the  name  of  a  man  is  often  a  combination  of  syllables,  having  no  inde- 
pendent significance,  it  was  obviously  diOicult  to  represent  that  name  in  a 
picture  record,  and  yet,  in  the  nature  of  the  case,  the  name  of  the  man 
might  often  constitute  the  most  important  part  of  the  record.  Sooner  or 
later  the  difficulty  was  met,  as  the  Egyptian  hieroglyphics  prove  to  us,  by 
adopting  a  system  of  phonetics,  in  which  a  certain  picture  stands  for  the 
sound  of  each  syllable  of  the  name.  The  pictures  selected  for  such  syllabic 
use  were  usually  chosen  because  the  name  of  the  object  presented  by  the  pic- 
ture began  with  the  sound  in  question.  Such  a  syllabary  having  been  intro- 
duced, its  obvious  utility  led  presently  to  its  application,  not  merely  to  the 
spelling  of  proper  names,  but  to  general  purposes  of  writing. 

One  other  step  remained,  namely,  to  make  that  final  analysis  of  sounds 
which  reduces  the  multitude  of  syllables  to  about  twenty-five  elementary 
sounds,  and  to  recognise  that,  by  supplying  a  symbol  for  each  one  of  these 
sounds,  the  entire  cumbersome  structure  of  ideographs  and  syllables  might  be 
dispensed  with.  The  Egyptians  made  this  analysis  before  the  dawn  of  his- 
tory, and  had  provided  themselves  with  an  alphabet ;  but  strangely  enough 
they  had  not  given  up,  nor  did  they  ever  relinquish  in  subsequent  times,  the 
system  of  ideographs  and  syllabics  that  mark  the  stages  of  evolution  of 
the  alphabet.  The  Babylonians  at  the  beginning  of  their  historic  period  had 
developed  a  most  elaborate  system  of  syllabics,  but  their  writing  had  not 
reached  the  alphabet  stage. 

The  introduction  of  the  alphabet  to  the  exclusion  of  the  cruder  methods 
was  a  feat  accomplished  within  the  historic  period  by  the  Phoenicians,  some 
details  of  which  we  shall  have  occasion  to  examine  later  on.  This  feat  is 
justly  regarded  as  one  of  the  greatest  accomplishments  of  the  entire  historic 
period.  But  that  estimate  must  not  blind  us  to  the  fact  that  the  Egyptians 
and  Babylonians,  and  probably  also  the  Chinese,  were  in  possession  of  their 
fully  elaborated  systems  of  writing  long  before  the  very  beginnings  of  that 
historic  period  of  which  we  are  all  along  speaking.  Indeed,  as  has  been 
said,  true  history  could  not  begin  until  individual  human  deeds  began  to  be 
recorded  in  written  words. 


CL 


h 


PART  II 


THE  HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 

BASED  CHIEFLY  UPON  THE  FOLLOWING  AUTHORITIES 

H.  C.  BRUGSCH,  E.  A.  WALLIS  BUDGE,  C.  K.  J.  BUNSEN,  J.  F.  CHABAS,  ADOLF 

ERMAN,  K.  R.  LEPSIUS,  A.  E.  MARIETTE,  G.  C.  C.  MASPERO,  EDUARD 

MEYER,  W.  M.  FLINDERS  PETRIE,  J.  GARDNER  WILKINSON 

TOGETHER  WITH  A  CHARACTERISATION  OF 

EGYPT  AS   A   WORLD   INFLUENCE 


-f 


ADOLF  ERMAN 

WITH  ADDITIONAL  CITATIONS  FROM 

CLAUDIUS  iELIANUS,  WM.  BELOE,  THE  HOLY  BIBLE,  J.  B.  BIOT,  SAMUEL 

BIRCH,  J.  F.  CHAMPOLLION,  DIODORUS  SICULUS,  GEORG  EBERS,  AMELIA 

B.  EDWARDS,  ROBERT  HARTMANN,  A.  H.  L.  HEEREN,  HERODOTUS, 

FLAVIUS  JOSEPHUS,  H.  LARCHER,  J.   P.  MAHAFFY,  MANETHO, 

AMMIANUS  MARCELLINUS,  JOHN  MAUNDEVILLE,  MELA  POM- 

PONIUS,    L.    MENARD,    PAUSANIAS,    PETRONIUS,    PLINY, 

PLUTARCH,   R.  POCOCKE,   PETER  LE  PAGE  RENOUF, 

I.  ROSELLINI,  E.  DE  ROUGE,  C.  SAVARY,  F.  VON 

SCHLEGEL,  G.  SERGI,  SOLINUS,  STRABO,  ISAAC 

TAYLOR,  THE  TURIN  PAPYRUS  AND  THE 

DYNASTIC  LISTS  OF  KARNAK,  ABYDOS, 

AND   SAQQARAH,   A.  WIEDEMANN, 

HENRY  SMITH  WILLIAMS,  AND 

THOMAS  YOUNG 


68 


52  PROLEGOMENA 

the  entire  independence  of  the  various  systems  ;  but  all  of  them  were  devel- 
oped in  prehistoric  periods.  There  seems  no  reason  to  doubt  that  in  each 
case  the  picture-writing  consisted  originally  of  the  mere  graphic  presenta- 
tion of  an  object  as  representing  an  idea  connected  with  that  object  itself, 
precisely  as  if  the  Scythians  had  drawn  pictures  of  the  mouse,  the  bird,  the 
frog,  and  the  arrows  in  order  to  convey  the  message  to  Darius.  Doubtless 
periods  of  incalculable  length  elapsed  after  the  use  of  such  ideograms  as  this 
had  come  into  vogue  before  the  next  great  step  was  taken,  which  consisted 
in  using  a  picture,  not  merely  to  represent  some  idea  associated  with  the 
object  depicted,  but  to  represent  a  sound.  Probably  the  first  steps  of  this 
development  came  about  through  the  attempt  to  depict  the  names  of  men. 
Since  the  name  of  a  man  is  often  a  combination  of  syllables,  having  no  inde- 
pendent significance,  it  was  obviously  difficult  to  represent  that  name  in  a 
picture  record,  and  yet,  in  the  nature  of  the  case,  the  name  of  the  man 
might  often  constitute  the  most  important  part  of  the  record.  Sooner  or 
later  the  difficulty  was  met,  as  the  Egyptian  hieroglyphics  prove  to  us,  by 
adopting  a  system  of  plionetics,  in  which  a  certain  picture  stands  for  the 
sound  of  each  syllable  of  the  name.  The  pictures  selected  for  such  syllabic 
use  were  usually  chosen  because  the  name  of  the  object  presented  by  the  pic- 
ture began  with  the  sound  in  question.  Such  a  syllabary  having  been  intro- 
duced, its  obvious  utility  led  presently  to  its  application,  not  merely  to  the 
spelling  of  proper  names,  but  to  general  purposes  of  writing. 

One  other  step  remained,  namely,  to  make  that  final  analysis  of  sounds 
which  reduces  the  multitude  of  syllables  to  about  twenty-five  elementary 
sounds,  and  to  recognise  that,  by  supplying  a  symbol  for  each  one  of  these 
sounds,  the  entire  cumbersome  structure  of  ideographs  and  syllables  might  be 
dispensed  with.  The  Egyptians  made  this  analysis  before  the  dawn  of  his- 
tory, and  had  provided  themselves  with  an  alphabet ;  but  strangely  enough 
they  had  not  given  up,  nor  did  they  ever  relinquish  in  subsequent  times,  the 
system  of  ideographs  and  syllables  that  mark  the  stages  of  evolution  of 
the  alphabet.  The  Babylonians  at  the  beginning  of  their  historic  period  had 
developed  a  most  elaborate  system  of  syllables,  but  their  writing  had  not 
reached  the  alphabet  stage. 

The  introduction  of  the  alphabet  to  the  exclusion  of  the  cruder  methods 
was  a  feat  accomplished  within  the  historic  period  by  the  Phoenicians,  some 
details  of  which  we  shall  have  occasion  to  examine  later  on.  This  feat  is 
justly  regarded  as  one  of  the  greatest  accomplishments  of  the  entire  historic 
period.  But  that  estimate  must  not  blind  us  to  the  fact  that  the  Egyptians 
and  Babylonians,  and  probably  also  the  Chinese,  were  in  possession  of  their 
fully  elaborated  systems  of  writing  long  before  the  very  beginnings  of  that 
historic  period  of  which  we  are  all  along  speaking.  Indeed,  as  has  been 
said,  true  history  could  not  begin  until  individual  human  deeds  began  to  be 
recorded  in  written  words. 


EGYPT 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

Page 

Introductory  Essay.    Egypt  as  a  World  Influence.     By  Dr.  Adolf  Erman  57 

Egyptian  History  in  Outline 65 

Chapter  I.        The  Egyptian  Race  and  its  Origin 77 

Chapter  II.       The  Old  Memphis  Kingdom 90 

Chapter  III.     The  Old  Theban  Kingdom 106 

Chapter  IV.     The  Restoration 126 

Chapter  V.       The  XIXth  Dynasty 141 

Chapter  VI.      The  Finding  of  the  Royal  Mummies 155 

Chapter  VII.    The  Period  of  Decay 162 

Chapter  VIII.    The  Closing  Scenes 180 

Chapter  IX.     Manners  and  Customs  of  the  Egyptians 196 

Chapter  X.       The  Egyptian  Religion 219 

Chapter  XI.     Egyptian  Culture 240 

Chapter  XII.    Concluding  Summary  of  Egyptian  History        ....  263 

Appendix  A.     Classical  Traditions 267 

Appendix  B.      The  Problem  of  Egyptian  Chronology 287 

Brief  Reference-List  of  Authorities  by  Chapters 293 

A  General  Bibliography  of  Egyptian  History 295 


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Ancient  and  Modern  Egypt 


60 


EGYPT   AS   A   WORLD   INFLUENCE 

A   CHARACTERISATION   OF   EGYPTIAN   HISTORY 

Wbitten  Specially  for  the  Present  Work 
By  Dr.  ADOLF  ERMAN 

Professor  of  Egyptology  in  the  University  of  Berlin  ;  Director  of  the  Berlin  Egyptian  Museum  ; 
Member  of  the  Royal  Prussian  Academy  of  Sciences,  Berlin,  etc. 

The  countries  that  laid  the  foundation  of  our  civilisation  are  not  of 
those  through  which  traffic  passes  on  its  way  from  land  to  land.  Neither 
Babylon  nor  Egypt  lies  on  one  of  the  natural  highways  of  the  world ;  they 
lie  hidden,  encircled  by  mountains  or  deserts,  and  the  seas  that  wash  their 
shores  are  such  as  the  ordinary  seafarer  avoids  rather  than  frequents. 

But  this  very  seclusion,  which  to  us,  with  our  modern  ideas,  seems  a 
thing  prejudicial  to  culture,  did  its  part  toward  furthering  the  development 
of  mankind  in  these  ancient  lands ;  it  assured  to  their  inhabitants  a  less 
troublous  life  than  otherwise  falls  to  the  lot  of  nations  under  primitive  con- 
ditions. Egypt,  more  particularly,  had  no  determined  adversary,  nor  any 
that  could  meet  her  on  equal  terms  close  at  hand.  To  west  of  her  stretched 
a  desert,  leading  by  interminable  wanderings  to  sparsely  populated  lands. 
On  the  east  the  desert  was  less  wide  indeed,  but  beyond  it  lay  the  Red  Sea, 
and  he  who  crossed  it  did  but  reach  another  desert,  the  Arabian  waste. 
Southward  for  hundreds  of  miles  stretched  the  barren  land  of  Nubia,  where 
even  the  waterway  of  the  Nile  withholds  its  wonted  service,  so  that  the  races 
of  the  Sudan  are  likewise  shut  off  from  Egypt.  And  even  the  route  from 
Palestine  to  the  Nile,  which  we  are  apt  to  think  of  as  so  short  and  easy, 
involved  a  march  of  several  days  through  waterless  desert  and  marshy  ground. 
These  neighbour  countries,  barren  as  they  are,  were  certainly  inhabited,  but 
the  dwellers  there  were  poor  nomads  ;  they  might  conquer  Egypt  now  and 
again,  but  they  could  not  permanently  injure  her  civilisation. 

Thus  the  people  which  dwelt  in  Egypt  could  enjoy  undisturbed  all  the  good 
things  their  country  had  to  bestow.  For  in  this  singular  river  valley  it  was 
easier  for  men  to  live  and  thrive  than  in  most  other  countries  of  the  world. 
Not  that  the  life  was  such  as  is  led  in  those  tropic  lands  where  the  fruits  of 
earth  simply  drop  into  the  mouth,  and  the  human  race  grows  enervated  in  a 
pleasant  indolence  ;  the  dweller  in  Egypt  had  to  cultivate  his  fields,  to  tend 
his  cattle,  but  if  he  did  so  he  was  bounteously  repaid  for  his  labour.  Every 
year  the  river  fertilised  his  fields  that  they  might  bring  forth  barley  and 
spelt  and  fodder  for  his  oxen.  He  became  a  settled  husbandman,  a 
grave  and  diligent  man,  who  was  spared  the  disquiet  and  hardships  endured 
by  the  nomadic  tribes.  Hence  in  this  place  there  early  developed  a  civilisa- 
tion which  far  surpassed  that  of  other  nations,  and  with  which  only  that  of 

67 


68  THE   HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 

far-off  Babylonia,  where  somewhat  siiuiLar  local  conditions  obtained,  could 
in  any  degree  vie.  And  this  civilisation,  and  the  national  characteristics  of 
the  Egyptian  nation  which  went  hand  in  hand  with  it,  were  so  strong  that 
they  could  weather  even  a  grievous  storm.  For  long  ago,  in  the  remote 
antiquity  which  lies  far  beyond  all  tradition,  Egypt  was  once  overtaken  by 
the  same  calamity  which  was  destined  to  befall  her  twice  within  historic 
times  —  she  was  conquered  by  Arab  Bedouins,  who  lorded  it  over  the  country 
so  long  that  tlie  Egyptians  adopted  their  language,  though  they  altered  and 
adapted  it  curiously  in  the  process.  This  transplantation  of  an  Asiatic 
language  to  African  soil  is  tlie  lasting,  but  likewise  the  only,  trace  left  by 
this  primeval  invasion  ;  in  all  other  respects  the  conquerors  were  merged 
into  the  Egyptian  people,  to  whom  they,  as  barbarians,  had  nothing  to  offer. 
There  is  nothing  in  the  ideas  and  reminiscences  of  later  Egyptians  to 
indicate  that  a  Bedouin  element  had  been  absorbed  into  the  race  ;  in  spite 
of  their  language  the  aspect  they  present  to  us  is  that  of  the  true  children  of 
their  singular  country,  a  people  to  whom  the  desert  and  its  inhabitants 
are  something  alien  and  incomprehensible.  It  is  the  same  scene,  mutatis 
mutandis,  that  was  enacted  in  the  full  light  of  history  at  the  rise  of  Islam  ; 
then,  too,  the  unwarlike  land  was  subdued  by  the  swift  onset  of  the  Bedouins, 
who  also  imposed  their  language  on  it  in  the  days  of  their  rule  ;  and  yet  the 
Egyptian  people  remains  ever  the  same,  and  the  people  who  speak  Arabic 
to-day  in  the  valley  of  the  Nile  have  little  in  common  with  the  Arabs  of 
the  desert. 

Long  before  the  period  at  which  our  historical  knowledge  begins,  these 
Egyptian  husbandmen  had  laid  the  foundations  of  their  civilisation.  They 
still  went  unclad  and  delighted  to  paint  their  bodies  with  green  pigment ; 
their  ruler  still  wore  a  lion's  tail  at  his  girdle  and  a  strange  savage-looking 
top-knot  on  his  head  ;  his  sceptre  was  still  a  staff  such  as  may  be  cut  from  the 
tree  ;  but  these  staves  already  ruled  a  wide  domain  full  of  townships  large 
and  small.  And  in  each  of  these  there  were  already  nobles,  responsible  to 
the  king  for  the  government  thereof,  looking  with  reverence  toward  his 
"  great  house,"  and  paying  him  tribute  of  their  corn  and  cattle.  And  in  the 
midst  of  the  clay  huts  in  every  place  stood  a  large  hut,  with  wattled  walls, 
the  entrance  adorned  with  poles  ;  no  other  than  the  sanctuary  of  their  god. 
Already  they  carved  his  image  in  wood  and  carried  it  round  the  town  at 
festivals.  Manifold  are  the  accomplishments  which  the  Egyptians  have 
acquired  by  this  time.  They  fashion  the  flint  of  the  desert  into  knives  and 
weapons  of  the  utmost  perfection  of  workmanship,  they  make  cords,  mats, 
and  skiffs  out  of  the  rushes  from  the  marshland,  they  are  acquainted  with  the 
art  of  manufacturing  tiles  and  earthen  vessels  from  the  clay  of  the  soil. 
They  carve  in  wood  and  ivory,  and  their  carvings  have  already  a  peculiar 
character  wholly  their  own.  Moreover,  they  have  prepared  the  way  for  the 
greatest  of  their  achievements  and  have  learned  to  record  their  ideas  by 
drawing  small  pictures  ;  the  character  is  still  for  the  most  part  pictographic, 
but  even  now  certain  particular  pictures  are  used  to  denote  sounds. 

On  this  primitive  period  of  the  Egyptian  nation  we  can  only  gaze  from 
afar  ;  we  do  not  meet  it  face  to  face  until  the  time  when  the  two  kingdoms, 
into  which  the  country  had  hitherto  been  divided,  were  united  for  the  first 
time  by  King  Menes  ;  this  may  have  taken  place  after  the  middle  of  the 
fourth  millennium.  The  union  must  have  given  a  strong  impulse  to  the  life 
of  the  nation,  and  but  a  few  generations  after  the  days  of  King  Menes  the 
monuments  that  have  come  down  to  us  exhibit  most  of  the  features  charac- 
teristic  of    Egyptian   civilisation   in   the   later   centuries.     The   might   of 


EGYPT  AS  A  WORLD  INFLUENCE  69 

Egypt  waxes  apace  ;  a  few  centuries  more  —  at  the  period  we  are  in  the 
habit  of  speaking  of  as  the  Old  Kingdom — and  its  development  has  pro- 
gressed so  far  that  nothing  now  seems  beyond  its  strength.  The  gigantic 
buildings  of  the  I Vth  Dynasty,  whose  great  pyramids  defy  the  tooth  of  time, 
bear  witness  to  this.  How  proudly  self-conscious  must  the  race  have  been 
which  strove  thus  to  set  up  for  itself  a  perpetual  memorial !  And  if  this 
passion  for  the  huge  is  relinquished  in  succeeding  centuries,  it  is  merely  a 
token  of  the  further  development  of  the  nation;  it  has  wearied  of  the 
colossal  scale,  and  turns  its  attention  to  a  greater  refinement  of  life,  the 
grace  of  which  still  looks  forth  upon  us  from  the  monuments  of  the  Vth 
Dynasty. 

Thus,  even  under  the  Old  Kingdom,  Egypt  is  a  country  in  a  high  state  of 
civilisation  ;  a  centralised  government,  a  high  level  of  technical  skill,  a 
religion  in  exuberant  development,  an  art  that  has  reached  its  zenith,  a 
literature  that  strives  upward  to  its  culminating  point, — this  it  is  that  we 
see  displayed  in  its  monuments.  It  is  an  early  blossom,  put  forth  by  the 
human  race  at  a  time  when  other  nations  were  yet  wrapped  in  their  winter 
sleep.  In  ancient  Babylonia  alone,  where  conditions  equally  favourable  pre- 
vailed, the  nation  of  the  Sumerians  reached  a  similar  height.  Any  one 
who  will  compare  these  two  ancient  civilisations  of  Babylonia  and  Egypt 
cannot  fail  to  see  that  they  present  many  similarities  of  custom  ;  thus  in 
both  the  seal  is  rolled  upon  the  clay,  and  both  date  their  years  according 
to  certain  events.  The  idea  that  some  connection  subsisted  between  them, 
and  that  then,  as  in  later  times,  the  products  of  both  countries  were  dis- 
persed by  commerce  through  the  world  about  them,  is  one  that  suggests 
itself  spontaneously.  But  substantial  evidence  in  support  of  this  conjecture 
is  still  lacking  and  will  probably  ever  remain  so. 

The  great  age  of  the  Old  Kingdom  ends  in  a  collapse,  the  body  politic 
breaks  up  into  its  component  parts,  and  the  level  of  civilisation  in  the 
provinces  sinks  rapidly.  But  it  rises  again  no  less  rapidly,  when,  at  the 
close  of  the  third  millennium  B.C.,  Egypt  is  once  more  united  under  a  single 
sovereign. 

The  Middle  Kingdom,  as  we  customarily  call  this  epoch,  is  a  second 
season  of  efflorescence  ;  indeed,  it  is  the  time  upon  which  the  Egyptians  of 
succeeding  generations  looked  back  as  the  classic  period  of  their  literature  ; 
and  many  centuries  later,  boys  at  school  were  still  patiently  copying  out  the 
wise  lessons  which  the  first  king  of  the  period  imparted  to  his  son,  or  the  adven- 
tures of  his  contemporary,  Sinuhe,  and  thereby  learning  the  elegance  of  style 
in  which  the  Egyptians  of  the  Middle  Kingdom  were  such  adepts.  This, 
moreover,  is  the  epoch  in  which,  so  far  as  we  know,  the  Egyptian  arms  were 
first  carried  to  remoter  lands  ;  at  this  time  Nubia  became  an  Egyptian  prov- 
ince, and  the  gold  of  its  desert  thenceforth  belonged  to  the  Pharaohs.  The 
memory  of  this  extension  of  the  sway  of  Egypt  survived  among  the  Egyp- 
tians of  later  days,  embodied  in  the  semi-mythical  figure  of  the  great  King 
Sesostris.  When  legend  reports  that  this  monarch  likewise  subjugated  dis- 
tant lands  to  the  north,  we  have  now  no  means  of  judging  how  much  truth 
there  may  be  in  the  tale.  But  this  we  can  see,  that  at  that  time  Egypt 
maintained  commercial  relations  with  the  countries  of  the  Mediterranean  ; 
for  their  dainty  vases  are  found  in  Egyptian  rubbish  heaps  of  the  period, 
and  may  have  been  imported  into  the  Nile  valley  then,  as  later,  as  vessels 
for  containing  delicate  foreign  oils. 

These  palmy  days  of  the  second  period  of  Egyptian  history  lasted  for 
barely  two  hundred  years,  and  then  a  time  of  political  decadence  again  set  in, 


60  THE   HISTORY  OF   EGYPT 

and  Egypt  for  some  centuries  passes  almost  out  of  sight.  One  thing  only  do 
we  know  of  its  fortunes  during  this  interval,  namely,  that  it  once  more  fell 
a  prey  to  barbarian  conquerors.  The  Hyksos  —  presumably  a  Bedouin  tribe 
from  "the  Syrio-Arabian  desert  —  long  reigned  in  Egypt  as  its  lords.  But  the 
sway  of  these  barbarians  was  naturally  lax,  and  while  the  foreign  great  king 
abode  in  his  camp  on  the  Delta,  Egyptian  princes  ruled  as  his  vassals  in  the 
great  cities  of  Egypt.  And  when,  as  was  inevitable,  the  might  of  the  bar- 
barians waned,  the  might  of  these  dynasts  increased,  till  one  of  them,  who 
ruled  in  the  little  city  of  Thebes  in  distant  Upper  Egypt,  rose  to  such  a  height 
of  power  as  to  gain  the  mastery,  not  only  over  the  other  princes,  but  ultimately 
over  the  Hyksos  themselves.  About  the  year  1600  B.C.  we  find  Egypt  free 
once  more,  and  under  the  sceptre  of  this  same  upper  Egyptian  line  which  has 
rendered  the  names  of  Thebes,  its  city,  and  Amen,  its  god,  forever  famous. 
The  New  Kingdom,  the  greatest  age  that  the  Nile  Valley  ever  saw,  has 
dawned. 

The  power  of  the  kingdom  waxed  apace  beyond  its  borders.  Tehutimes  I 
and  his  son,  the  indefatigable  warrior,  Tehutimes  III,  subdued  a  region  that 
extended  northward  to  northern  Syria  and  southward  to  the  Sudan;  Egypt 
became  the  neighbour  of  the  kingdom  of  Mitani  [or  Mitanni]  on  the  Euphra- 
tes, of  the  rising  power  of  Assyria,  of  ancient  Babylonia.  The  two  ancient  civ- 
ilisations which  had  been  developing  for  thousands  of  years  in  Mesopotamia 
and  the  valley  of  the  Nile  were  thus  brought  into  direct  contact,  and  we  shall 
hardly  be  wrong  in  saying  that  during  these  centuries  a  great  part  of  the 
civilised  world  whose  heirs  we  are,  met  together  in  a  common  life.  A  brisk 
trade  must  have  developed  as  a  result  of  this  new  relation  of  country  to 
country.  The  countries  of  the  Mediterranean,  where  the  so-called  Myce- 
nsean  civilisation  was  then  in  its  prime,  had  their  part  in  it,  as  is  proved 
by  the  discovery  of  numerous  Mycensean  vessels  in  the  tombs  and  ruins 
of  the  New  Kingdom,  and  no  less  by  the  productions  of  Egyptian  tech- 
nical art  wiiich  have  been  brought  to  light  from  the  seats  of  Mycenfean 
civilisation. 

The  effect  of  these  altered  relations  upon  Egypt  is  easy  to  see.  Vast 
wealth  pours  into  the  country  and  enables  the  Pharaohs  to  erect  the  gigantic 
fabric  of  the  Theban  temples.  But  at  the  very  time  when  the  spirit  of 
ancient  Egypt  finds  its  most  splendid  transfiguration  in  these  buildings,  it 
begins  to  suffer  loss  and  change.  The  old  simple  garb  no  longer  beseems 
the  lords  of  so  great  an  empire  ;  it  must  give  place  to  a  costlier.  The  anti- 
quated literary  language  handed  down  from  days  of  old  is  gradually  super- 
seded by  the  vulgar  tongue.  And  if  the  Egyptians  had  up  to  this  time 
looked  proudly  down  upon  all  other  nations  as  wretched  barbarians,  they  must 
have  found  this  narrow-minded  view  untenable  when  once  they  had  met 
face  to  face  the  equally  ancient  civilisation  of  Babylonia  and  the  vigorous 
growth  of  Syrian  and  Mediterranean  cultures.  The  sons  of  Egypt's  Asiatic 
vassals  attend  her  king,  their  daughters  sit  in  his  harem  ;  Syrian  mercenaries 
form  one  regiment  of  his  bodyguard,  foreign  captives  work  on  the  edifices 
he  builds.  His  officers,  military  and  civil,  have  all  made  some  stay  on 
Asiatic  soil,  and  his  "  letter-scribe "  can  read  and  write  the  cuneiform 
characters  of  Babylonia.  The  commerce  wliich  led  foreign  merchants  to 
Egypt  must  have  acted  no  less  powerfully  ;  they  brought  in  silverware, 
wood  of  various  kinds,  horses  and  oxen,  wine,  beer,  oil,  and  unguents, 
and  carried  away  in  return  the  manifold  products  of  Egyptian  industry 
and  Egyptian  crafts.  In  tlie  long  result  not  only  does  their  traditional  fear 
of  foreigners  pass  away,   but   Asiatic  fashions   actually  come  into   vogue 


EGYPT  AS   A  WORLD   INFLUENCE  61 

among  cultured  Egyptians.  They  coquet  with  foreign  Canaanitish  phrases, 
and  think  it  permissible  to  offer  up  prayer  to  Baal  [Bel]  Astarte,  and  other 
gods  of  alien  peoples.  Asiatic  singing-girls  set  the  lyre  of  their  native  land 
in  place  of  the  old  Egyptian  harp,  and  many  an  intellectual  possession  may 
have  migrated  into  Egypt  with  their  songs. 

It  is  far  harder  to  gauge  in  detail  the  effect  of  Egyptian  supremacy  on 
Asia  and  Europe.  We  can  see  from  the  discoveries  made  in  these  countries 
what  a  quantity  of  small  Egyptian  wares  in  glass  and  faience,  silver  and 
bronze,  was  exported  during  this  period,  and  we  may  further  conclude  that 
this  was  the  time  when  the  industrial  art  of  Syrio-Phoenicia  acquired  its 
Egyptianised  style.  Similarly  we  may  conjecture  that  it  was  then  that  our 
civilisation  adopted  all  those  things  which  were  undoubtedly  invented  or 
perfected  on  Egyptian  soil,  and  which  we  meet  with  even  in  the  very  oldest 
Greek  and  Etruscan  times  —  the  forms  of  household  furniture,  of  columns, 
statues,  weapons,  seals,  and  many  other  things  which  still  play  their  part 
in  our  daily  life,  though  we  are  all  unconscious  of  their  Egyptian  origin. 
At  that  period,  when  Egypt  held  the  first  place  in  Asia  and  Europe,  a  stream 
of  Egyptian  influence  must  have  flowed  out  upon  the  whole  world  —  a 
stream  of  which  we  still  can  guess  the  force  only  from  these  traces  it  has  left. 

As  for  the  most  precious  lore  that  other  nations  might  have  learned 
from  the  Egyptians,  we  have  no  information  concerning  it  whatever  ;  though 
it  is  certain  that  their  intellectual  riches,  their  religion  and  poetry,  their 
medical  and  arithmetical  skill,  can  have  been  no  less  widely  spread  abroad 
than  these  productions  of  their  technical  dexterity.  If,  for  example,  our 
religion  tells  us  of  an  immortality  of  the  soul  more  excellent  than  the  melan- 
choly existence  of  the  shades,  the  conception  is  one  first  met  with  in  ancient 
Egypt ;  and  Egyptian,  likewise,  is  the  idea  that  the  fate  of  the  dead  is  deter- 
mined by  the  life  led  upon  earth.  These  conceptions  come  to  us  by  way  of 
the  Jewish  religion.  But  may  not  the  Jews  have  obtained  them  from  Egypt, 
the  land  that  bore  its  dead  so  heedfully  in  mind  ?  The  silent  paths  by  which 
such  thoughts  pass  from  nation  to  nation  are,  it  is  true,  beyond  all  showing. 
Or,  if  much  in  the  gnomic  poetry  of  the  Hebrews  reminds  us  strikingly  of  the 
abundant  proverbial  literature  of  Egypt,  the  idea  of  seeking  its  origin  in  the 
Nile  Valley  is  one  that  occurs  almost  spontaneously.  Here,  too,  of  course, 
we  have  no  proof  to  offer ;  connections  of  the  kind  can  be  no  more  than 
guessed  at. 

Thus  the  first  part  of  the  New  Kingdom,  or  what  we  are  in  the  habit  of 
calling  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty,  is  one  of  those  periods  which  are  pre-eminent 
as  having  advanced  the  progress  of  the  world.  To  Egypt  herself  this 
co-operation  with  other  nations  might  have  brought  a  new  and  loftier  devel- 
opment, had  she  been  able  really  to  assimilate  the  influx  of  new  ideas.  But 
of  this  the  old  nation  was  no  longer  capable  ;  it  had  not  vigour  enough  to 
shake  off  the  ballast  wherewith  its  thousands  of  years  of  existence  had 
laden  it. 

About  1400  B.C.  one  of  the  Pharaohs  —  it  was  Amenhotep  IV — did 
indeed  make  a  serious  attempt  to  break  with  custom  and  tradition  and  adapt 
the  faith  and  thought  of  his  people  to  the  new  conditions.  He  tried  to 
create  a  new  religion,  in  which  only  one  god  should  be  worsliipped  —  the 
Sun,  a  divinity  which  could  be  equally  adored  by  all  peoples  within  his 
kingdom.  And  it  sounds  strangely  un-Egyptian  when  the  hymns  to  this 
new  god  insist  that  all  men,  Syrians,  Ethiopians,  and  Egyptians,  are  alike 
dear  to  him ;  he  has  made  them  to  differ  in  colour  and  speech,  and  has  placed 
them  in  different  lands,  but  he  takes  thought  for  all  alike. 


62  THE   HISTORY   OF  EGYPT 

But  this  attempt  of  the  foui-th  Amenhotep  came  to  naught,  and  the  spirit 
of  ancient  Egypt  triumphed  over  the  abominable  heretic.  And  with  this 
triumph  the  fate  of  Egypt  was  sealed.  True,  in  the  next  century,  under  the 
Sethos  and  the  Ramses  she  enjoyed  a  period  of  external  splendour,  to  which 
the  great  temples  of  Karnak,  Luxor,  and  Medinet  Habu  still  testify.  But  it 
was  an  illusory  glory.  Egypt  was  outworn  and  exhausted;  she  could  no 
longer  maintain  her  political  ascendency,  her  might  falls  to  pitiable  ruin 
while  younger  and  more  vigorous  nations  in  anterior  Asia  take  the  place 
that  once  was  hers.  And  therewith  begins  the  long  and  mournful  death 
struggle  of  the  Egyptian  nation.  The  chief  authority  passes  from  the  hands 
of  the  kings  to  those  of  the  priests,  from  them  to  the  commanders  of  the 
Syrian  mercenaries ;  and  then  Egypt  falls  a  prey  to  the  Ethiopian  barbari- 
ans, with  whom  the  Assyrians  next  dispute  it.  For  five  long  centuries  the 
wretched  nation  is  whelmed  beneath  these  miseries,  and  yet,  so  far  as  we  can 
see,  they  work  no  change  in  it;  it  is,  in  truth,  exhausted  utterly. 

Once  more,  after  the  fall  of  the  Assyrian  empire,  the  political  situation 
changes  in  Egypt's  favour,  and  Psamthek  I  and  his  successors  won  back 
wealth  and  power  for  her.  But  the  aged  nation  had  no  longer  the  skill  to 
take  wise  advantage  of  propitious  fortune ;  it  had  no  thoughts  of  its  own, 
nor  could  it  find  fitting  form  for  its  new  splendour.  The  Egyptians  rested 
content  with  imitating  in  whimsical  fashion,  in  all  things,  the  Old  Kingdom, 
the  earliest  period  of  their  national  glory,  and  the  contemporaries  of  Neku 
and  Apries  [Uah-ab-Ra]  took  pleasure  in  feigning  themselves  the  subjects 
of  Cheops,  in  bearing  the  titles  of  his  court,  and  writing  in  a  language  and 
orthography  which  had  been  in  use  two  thousand  years  before.  Learned 
antiquarianism  is  the  distinguishing  feature  of  this  latest  Egyptian  develop- 
ment. 

The  end  of  the  sixth  century  brought  fresh  calamities  upon  the  land. 
Cambyses  conquered  it,  and  it  became  a  Persian  province.  And  although, 
after  many  a  vain  attempt  at  revolt,  it  shook  off  the  foreign  yoke  for  awhile, 
about  400  B.C.,  yet  in  a  few  decades  it  again  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Per- 
sians. Since  those  days  Egypt  has  never  had  a  ruler  of  her  own  blood ;  she 
has  been  the  hapless  spoil  of  any  who  chose  to  take  her. 

Alexander  the  Great  was  the  first  to  whom  the  country  fell,  and  at  his 
death  it  became  the  heritage  of  his  general,  Ptolemy.  In  his  family  it  was 
handed  down,  to  become  at  length  a  province  of  the  Roman  Empire  in  the 
year  30  B.C.  Throughout  its  length  and  breadth  there  is  but  one  spot  that 
thrives  during  this  period,  the  new  port  of  Alexandria,  founded  by  the  great 
king  in  the  barren  west  of  the  Delta ;  this  becomes  a  metropolis  of  the  Greek 
world,  and  its  merchants  and  manufacturers  extend  their  trade  by  land  and 
sea  to  every  quarter.  But  this  same  Alexandria  was  ever  something  of  an 
alien  in  Egypt,  and  the  rest  of  the  country  took  no  part  in  the  busy  life  that 
ran  its  round  there  ;  it  grew  corn  and  flax  and  wine  and  supplied  them  to  the 
Roman  world,  it  throve,  but  less  for  its  own  profit  than  that  of  the  empire. 
Greek  culture  made  its  way  but  slowly  there,  and  even  in  the  great  cities  of 
the  interior  the  Greek  language  and  the  Greek  religion  were  never  strong 
enough  to  displace  the  native  idiom  and  the  old  faith.  They  influenced  it  by 
degrees,  much  as  the  European  culture  of  to-day  influences  the  ancient  civili- 
sation of  the  far  East,  but  even  as  the  Chinese  remain  Chinese  in  spite  of 
railroads  and  the  telegraph,  so  the  Egyptians  of  the  Graeco-Roman  period 
clung  tenaciously  to  their  own  ways.  They  held  fast  all  points  of  the 
national  customs  they  only  half  understood;  above  all,  they  held  to  their 
ancient  faith.    And  yet  by  tliat  time  the  religion  of  Egypt  was  as  degenerate 


EGYPT  AS  A  WORLD  INFLUENCE  63 

and  debased  as  it  could  possibly  be.  As  is  apt  to  be  the  case  with  antiquated 
beliefs,  its  mere  singularities  had  flourished  at  the  expense  of  its  wholesome 
side ;  cats,  snakes,  and  crocodiles  had  now  become  the  most  sacred  of  beings 
in  the  eyes  of  the  vulgar,  and  every  kind  of  superstition  was  rampant.  The 
depositaries  of  this  religion  were  the  members  of  a  stereotyped  hierarchy 
that  had  long  lost  touch  with  the  outer  world  ;  they  worshipped  their  gods 
according  to  the  old  tradition,  used  the  ample  wealth  of  the  temples  to  build 
them  new  shrines  in  the  old  style,  and  enjoyed  their  fat  benefices  under  the 
benevolent  protection  of  the  foreign  government. 

Thus  the  Egypt  of  this  later  day  had  long  been  empty  of  all  vital  force  ; 
it  continued  to  exist,  but  only  because  the  aged  nation  had  lost  the  power  of 
adapting  itself  to  the  new  world.  And  yet  this  decrepit  Egyptian  character, 
with  its  dead  religion,  cast  a  singular  spell  over  the  sated  spirit  of  the  Roman 
world.  The  worship  of  Isis  and  Serapis  spread  far  and  wide ;  everywhere 
Egyptian  sorcerers  found  a  willing  public  for  their  superstitions.  Roman 
tourists  visited  the  ancient  land,  gazed  in  amazement  at  its  wonders,  while 
at  home  the  nobles  built  themselves  villas  in  the  Egyptian  style  and  adorned 
them  with  statues  from  Memphis.  Even  the  most  highly  educated  looked 
upon  Egypt  as  a  holy  land,  where  everything  was  full  of  mystery  and  mar- 
vel, and  piety  and  the  true  worship  of  the  gods  had  their  dwelling  place  from 
of  old.  And  even  after  the  fashionable  predilection  for  things  Egyptian  had 
passed  away,  this  notion  of  the  mysterious  and  sacred  land  of  Egypt  remained 
fixed  in  men's  minds,  and  was  handed  on  from  generation  to  generation. 
Whenever  ancient  Egypt  is  mentioned  in  later  days  it  suggests  ideas  of  mys- 
tery, symbolism,  and  esoteric  wisdom.  And  so  anything  to  which  it  is  desired 
to  lend  an  air  of  mystery  claims  derivation  preferably  from  Egypt,  the  secret 
lodges  of  the  eighteenth  century  no  less  than  the  spiritualists  and  quacks  of 
our  own  day.  Ancient  Egypt  has  acquired  this  reputation,  and  though,  now 
that  we  know  it  better,  we  perceive  that  it  is  but  little  in  accordance  with 
her  true  character,  all  our  researches  will  not  be  able  to  dispel  the  illusion  of 
two  thousand  years.  In  the  future,  as  in  the  past,  the  feeling  with  which 
the  multitude  regards  the  remains  of  Egyptian  antiquity  will  be  one  of  awe- 
struck reverence.  Nevertheless,  another  feeling  would  be  more  appropriate, 
a  feeling  of  grateful  acknowledgment  and  veneration,  such  as  one  of  a  later 
generation  might  feel  for  the  ancestor  who  had  founded  his  family  and  endowed 
it  with  a  large  part  of  its  wealth.  For  thougli  we  are  seldom  able  to  say  with 
certainty  of  any  one  thing  in  our  possession  that  it  is  a  legacy  we  have  inher- 
ited from  the  Egyptians,  yet  no  one  who  seriously  turns  his  attention  to  such 
subjects  can  now  doubt  that  a  great  part  of  our  heritage  comes  from  them. 
In  all  the  implements  which  are  about  us  nowadays,  in  every  art  and  craft 
which  we  practise  now,  a  large  and  important  element  has  descended  to  us 
from  the  Egyptians.  And  it  is  no  less  certain  that  we  owe  to  them  many 
ideas  and  opinions  of  which  we  can  no  longer  trace  the  origin,  and  which 
have  long  come  to  seem  to  us  the  natural  property  of  our  own  minds. 

This  legacy  of  ideas,  no  less  than  of  technical  dexterity  and  artistic 
form,  which  the  Egyptians  have  bequeathed  to  us,  constitutes  the  service 
they  have  done  to  the  human  race.  They  cannot  vie  with  the  Greeks  in 
intellectual  gifts,  and  they  never  possessed  the  force  that  determines  the 
course  of  history ;  but  they  were  able  to  develop  their  capabilities  earlier 
than  other  nations,  and  thus  secured  for  the  world  the  substantial  ground- 
work of  civilisation. 

Thirty  centuries  have  passed  since  ancient  Egypt  accomplished  this,  her 
real  mission  for  the  world ;  since  then  she  has  hardly  done  more  than  till  her 


64 


THE   HISTOKY  OF  EGYPT 


soil  in  its  service.  Silently  her  existence  has  flowed  on,  and  all  the  catastro- 
phes which  have  befallen  her  since  Roman  times  have  not  been  able  to  stir 
her  to  fresh  vigour.  Christianity  spread  in  Egypt  early,  but  the  philosophic 
labours  accomplished  there  in  connection  with  it  are  the  work  of  the  edu- 
cated Hellenistic  classes,  not  of  the  Egyptians  proper.  What  these  last  added 
to  Christianity,  the  anchoretic  and  monastic  life,  cannot  be  counted  among 
its  advantages.  And  when,  in  the  fifth  century,  the  Egyptians  broke  away 
from  the  Catholic  Church,  the  barbarian  element  to  which  the  nation  suc- 
cumbed thenceforward  liually  triumphed.  The  tie  that  had  bound  the 
Egyptians  to  European  civilisation  was  severed,  and  the  Arab  conquest  had 
only  to  set  the  seal  to  this  divorce. 

This  same  Arab  conquest,  which,  in  the  course  of  centuries,  went  so  far 
as  to  rob  the  ancient  nation  of  its  ancient  language,  and  imposed  a  new  faith 
upon  the  great  majority  of  its  inhabitants,  was  powerless  to  inspire  it  with 
new  life.  Outwardly  Egypt  has  become  Arab,  but  the  Egyptians  had  but 
a  very  small  share  in  the  intellectual  life  of  the  Arab  Middle  Ages,  a  share 
probably  not  much  larger  than  that  which  they  had  taken  in  Alexandrian 
culture. 

Once  again,  in  our  own  days,  the  opportunity  of  rousing  itself  afresh  is 
offered  to  the  Egyptian  nation.  It  is  once  more  linked  with  Europe,  and  its 
prosperity  has  advanced  with  astounding  rapidity.  From  all  sides  new  influ- 
ences stream  in  upon  the  ancient  peojjle,  and  we  would  fain  indulge  in  the 
hope  that  now  at  length  it  might  awake  to  new  life.  But,  unhappily,  this 
hope  has  but  little  prospect  of  fulfilment,  and  all  things  will  but  run  again 
the  course  they  ran  long  ago  in  Grceco-Roman  days.  The  foreigner  will 
prosper  in  Egypt  and  invest  it  with  a  tinge  of  his  own  civilisation,  the  work 
of  European  civilisation  will  inspire  an  Egyptian  here  and  there  with  a  pro- 
found sympathy.  But  the  nation  itself  will  remain  untouched,  it  will  rise 
up  no  more,  it  has  lived  itself  out  and  its  intellectual  capabilities  are 
exhausted.  In  time  to  come,  the  Egyptian  nation  will  probably  do  no  more 
for  the  human  race  than  diligently  provide  it  with  cotton  and  onions,  as  it 
doea  to-day. 


EGYPTIAN   HISTORY   IN   OUTLINE 

A  PRELIMINARY  SURVEY  COMPRISING  A  CURSORY  VIEW  OF  THE  SOURCES 
OP  EGYPTIAN  HISTORY,  THE  SWEEP  OF  EVENTS,  AND  A  TABLE  OF 
CHRONOLOGY 


Until  somewhat  recently  it  has  been  customary  to  think  of  Egyptian 
history  as  constituting  a  single  uniform  period.  Before  our  generation  it 
was  quite  impossible  for  any  one  to  realise  the  extreme  length  of  time  which 
this  history  involves  ;  or  if  a  certain  few  did  realise  it,  a  consensus  of  opinion 
among  the  many  forbade  the  acceptance  of  their  estimate.  Now,  however, 
limitations  of  time  are  no  longer  a  bugbear  to  the  historian,  and  we  are  com- 
ing to  realise  the  full  import  of  the  fact  that  when  one  speaks  of  historic 
Egypt  he  is  referring  to  an  epoch  at  least  four  thousand  years  in  extent. 
Prior  to  the  nineteenth  century  discoveries,  the  historian  had  only  the  most 
meagre  supply  of  material  dealing  with  any  epoch  prior  to  that  age  of 
the  Trojan  War  which  marked  the  extreme  limits  of  the  historic  view  in 
Greece  ;  but  now  we  understand  that  the  men  who  built  the  Pyramids  in 
Egypt  were  at  least  as  far  removed  from  Homer  as  Homer  is  removed  from 
us  :  and  it  is  but  the  expression  of  an  historical  platitude  to  say  that  a  vast 
stretch  of  Egyptian  history  must  lie  back  of  the  Pyramids  ;  for  no  one  any 
longer  supposes  that  a  people  recently  emerged  from  barbarism  could  have 
created  such  structures. 

Throughout  classical  times  very  little  was  known  of  the  histor}'  of 
Egypt,  except  what  was  contained  in  the  fragmentary  remains  'of  Manetho 
and  the  more  lengthy  descriptions  of  Herodotus  and  Diodorus.  There 
were  other  references,  of  course,  but  for  anything  like  a  comprehensive 
knowledge  of  the  history  of  the  country  it  would  have  been  necessary  to 
understand  the  Egyptian  language  and  decipher  the  hieroglyphics  ;  and  no 
person  throughout  classical  times  had  such  understanding. 

There  were  practically  no  additions  to  the  world's  knowledge  of  ancient 
Egyptian  history  from  classical  times  till  about  the  beginning  of  the  nine- 
teenth century.  The  stimulus  to  the  new  knowledge  that  was  then  acquired 
came  about  chiefly  through  the  Egyptian  expedition  of  Napoleon.  The 
French  expedition  included  various  scientists  who  made  a  concerted  effort  to 
study  the  antiquities,  and  to  transport  as  many  of  them  as  might  be  to  Paris. 
In  the  latter  regard  the  expedition  failed,  as  in  some  more  important  partic- 
ulars, through  the  interference  of  the  British,  with  the  result  that  some  of 
the  most  important  antiquities,  including  the  since  famous  Rosetta  stone, 


I.  W. VOL.   I.  F 


66 


66  THE  HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 

found  their  way  to  the  British  Museum.  A  large  amount  of  material,  how- 
ever, was  transported  to  Paris,  and  gave  occupation  to  the  savants  of  France 
for  about  a  generation  before  the  final  publication  of  results  in  a  monu- 
mental work. 

But  before  this  publication,  thanks  to  the  efforts  of  Thomas  Young  in 
England,  and  Champollion  in  France,  the  hieroglyphics  had  been  deciphered, 
and  at  last  tlie  almost  inexhaustible  word  treasures  of  Egypt  were  made 
available  as  witnesses  for  history.  Very  naturally,  a  large  number  of  explor- 
ers entered  the  field,  and  from  that  day  till  this  there  has  been  no  dearth  of 
Egyptologists  either  in  the  field  of  exploration  or  of  interpretation.  Promi- 
nent among  these  in  the  first  half  of  the  century  were  the  pupils  of 
Champollion,  the  Italians,  Rossellini  and  Salvolini.  But  the  most  impor- 
tant work,  perhaps,  was  done  by  the  German,  Lepsius,  who  came  to  be  recog- 
nised as  the  foremost  Egyptologist  of  his  time,  and  whose  Denkmdler  aus 
Aegypteyi  und  Aethiopien  is  still  one  of  the  most  monumental  works  on 
the  subject.  In  England,  Sir  J.  Gardner  Wilkinson  took  up  the  study 
of  Egyptian  life  in  particular,  and  deduced  from  the  inscriptions  of  the 
monuments  and  from  the  pictures  a  comprehensive  understanding  of  Egyptian 
manners  and  customs.  The  various  workers  at  the  British  Museum,  begin- 
ning with  Birch  and  continuing  with  Renouf  and  with  E.  A.  Wallis  Budge, 
liave  added  an  ever  increasing  complement  to  our  knowledge  of  Egyptian 
archieology. 

The  country  of  Champollion  has  been  ably  represented  in  more  recent 
time  by  Mariette  and  Maspero  ;  while  in  Germany,  Diimichen,  Meyer,  and 
Wiedemann  have  worked  and  written  exhaustively,  the  former  with  special 
reference  to  archaeology,  the  two  latter  with  reference  to  history.  But  no 
one  else  perhaps  has  given  quite  such  attention  to  the  language  of  old  Egypt 
as  Professor  Adolf  Erman.  The  field  that  Wilkinson  occupied  earlier  in 
the  century  has  also  been  entered  by  Professor  Erman,  and  the  most  recent 
and  authoritative  studies  of  Egyptian  manners  and  customs  are  those  that  he 
has  deduced  from  the  papyri  and  the  monumental  inscriptions.  Wilkinson 
depended  largely  upon  pictorial  representations  for  his  information,  but 
Erman  has  been  able  to  go  beyond  these  to  the  subtler  and  sometimes  more 
illuminative  written  records. 

As  to  the  early  history  of  Egypt,  no  one  else  has  made  such  exhaustive 
studies  as  Professor  W.  M.  Flinders  Petrie,  whose  publications  cover  a 
wide  range,  from  the  most  technical  to  the  relatively  popular.  For  a 
strictly  popular  presentation  of  the  subject,  however,  the  works  of  George 
Ebers,  of  Baron  Bunsen,  and  of  Amelia  B.  Edwards  should  be  consulted, 
together  with  the  books  of  Sir  J.  Gardner  Wilkinson  and  the  works  of 
Professor  Adolf  Erman. 

A  more  comprehensive  account  of  these  writers  and  their  labours, 
together  with  reasonably  complete  bibliographies  of  the  entire  subject, 
will  be  found  at  the  close  of  the  liistory  of  Egypt.  The  character 
of  the  materials  with  which  the  Egyptologists  have  worked  in  creat- 
ing a  new  history  of  one  of  the  oldest  civilisations,  will  be  revealed  as  we 
proceed. 

The  Egyptians  of  history  are  probably  a  fusion  of  an  indigenous  white 
race  of  northeastern  Africa  and  an  intruding  people  of  Asiatic  origin.  In 
the  Archaic  period  independent  kings  ruled  in  the  Delta  region  (Kings  of 
the  Red  Crown)  and  in  Upper  Egypt  (Kings  of  the  White  Crown).  Under 
King  Menes  the  tAvo  crowns  were  probably  first  united,  and  the  Dynastic 
period  begins.     According  to  Egyptian  traditions  the  pre-dynastic  ages  were 


EGYPTIAJS^   HISTORY   IN  OUTLINE  67 

filled  with  dynasties  of  gods  and  demigods,  who  were  perhaps  primeval 
chiefs  or  tribal  leaders.  Monuments  of  the  pre-dynastic  period  are 
earthenware  vases,  jars,  sculptured  ivory  objects,  and  flint  implements. 

The  dynasties  which  formed  the  foundation  of  all  classifications  of  Egyp- 
tian history  are  based  upon  the  lists  of  the  Egyptian  priest  Manetho,  who 
wrote  a  history  of  Egypt  in  the  time  of  the  Ptolemies.  The  original  work 
of  Manetho  has  not  come  down  to  us,  and  it  is  quite  impossible  to  restore  it 
in  extenso  from  the  fragmentary  excerpts  that  are  preserved.  The  writings 
of  Josephus  and  of  Eusebius  are  our  chief  sources  for  Manetho's  lists,  but 
Josephus  copied  the  lists  only  in  part,  and  Eusebius  seemingly  knew  them 
only  at  second  or  third  hand,  when,  it  is  suspected,  they  had  been  somewhat 
perverted  in  the  interests  of  Hebrew  chronology.  Nevertheless,  the  dynasties 
of  Manetho  as  we  now  know  them  probably  do  not  very  radically  differ  from 
the  original  lists.  Beyond  question  these  are  based  upon  authentic  Egyptian 
documents,  but  there  is  a  good  deal  of  confusion  and  much  difference  of 
opinion  among  Egyptologists,  as  to  whether  some  of  the  dynasties  were  not 
contemporaneous  ;  and  for  many  periods  the  lists  are  only  provisional. 

It  is  notable,  however,  that  the  somewhat  recent  discoveries  of  origi- 
nal Egyptian  lists,  such  as  the  so-called  Turin  Papyrus  and  the  dynastic 
lists  of  Karnak  and  Abydos,  tend  to  corroborate  the  lists  of  Manetho,  and 
show  that  he  was  an  historian  of  very  great  merit.  It  is  convenient  also 
to  regard  the  grand  divisions  of  Egyptian  history  noted  by  Manetho, 
namely,  the  Old  Memphis  Kingdom,  comprising  the  first  ten  dynasties  ; 
the  Middle  Kingdom  or  Old  Theban  Kingdom,  comprising  the  Xlth  to 
the  XVIIth  Dynasties  ;  and  the  New  Theban  Kingdom,  comprising  the 
remaining  dynasties.^ 

As  to  the  dates  employed  in  the  following  chronology,  a  word  of  explana- 
tion is  necessary.  Neither  Manetho's  lists  nor  any  other  available  sources 
enable  us  at  present  to  supply  exact  dates  for  the  earlier  periods  of  Egyptian 
history  with  any  precision.  Authorities  differ  as  to  the  early  period  to 
the  extent  of  more  than  three  thousand  years.  Thus  ChampoUion  gives  the 
date  5867  B.C.  for  the  beginning  of  the  1st  Dynasty,  while  Wilkinson 
supplies  for  the  same  event  the  date  2320  B.C.  Later  authorities  are  pretty 
fully  agreed  that  such  a  date  as  that  of  Wilkinson  is  much  too  recent. 
Meyer  fixes  upon  3180  B.C.  as  the  minimum  date,  and  no  doubt  he  would 
very  willingly  admit  that  the  probable  date  is  much  more  remote.  For  our 
present  purpose  it  has  been  thought  well  to  adopt  an  intermediate  date, 
as  in  some  sense  striking  an  average  among  divergent  opinions.  The  dates 
of  Brugsch,  which  agree  rather  closely  with  those  of  Mariette  and  Petrie, 
have  in  the  main  been  followed  here,  with  certain  modifications  made  neces- 
sary by  recent  discoveries,  chiefly  with  reference  to  synchronism  with  known 
dates  of  the  Assyrian  empire  and  other  countries.  It  will  be  understood, 
therefore,  that  all  the  earlier  dates  of  this  chronology  are  accepted  as  merely 
approximative,  the  approximation  becoming  closer  and  closer  as  we  come 
down  the  centuries.  At  the  middle  of  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty  the  dates  can- 
not be  more  than  twenty  years  out  of  the  way,  while  from  the  XXI Ind 
onward  the  probable  error  is  very  small  indeed,  vanishing  entirely  with  the 
accession  of  Psamtliek  I  of  the  XXVIth  Dynasty. 

For  present  purposes  it  is  undesirable  to  give  a  complete  list  of  the 
names  of  Egyptian  kings.  Fuller  details  as  to  monarclis  and  events  will 
be  given  elsewhere   in   our   text.     But   the   purposes   of   our   preliminary 

[1  For  a  full  discussion  of  Egyptian  chronology,  see  Appendix  B.] 


68  THE  HISTORY  OF   EGYPT 

view  are  better  subserved  by  confining  attention  to  the  more  important 
Pharaohs,  and  to  the  principal  events  that  give  picturesqueness  and  interest 
to  Egyptian  history. 

We  take  up  now  the  synoptical  view  of  the  successive  dynasties.  Such 
a  survey  will,  it  is  believed,  furnish  the  reader  with  the  best  possible  prepa- 
ration for  the  full  comprehension  of  the  more  detailed  presentation  that  is 
to  follow. 

THE   OLD   MEMPHIS   KINGDOM 

g  p  1st   dynasty,  4400-4133  b.c. 

4400  Accession  of  Menea.  1st  Dynasty  founded.  Tradition  ascribes  to  him 
tlie  foundation  of  Memphis,  the  capital  of  the  Old  Memphite  King- 
dom, whither  it  was  moved  from  This  or  Thinis ;  and  states  that  he 
was  killed  by  a  hippopotamus  in  a  campaign  against  the  Libyans. 
Monument.  — A  tomb  discovered  by  De  Morgan  (1897)  is  believed  to 
be  that  of  King  Menes,  or  of  his  wife  Nit-hotep. 
4366  Teta.  —  Second  king,  said  to  have  written  a  work  on  anatomy. 

Monument.  —  A  papyrus  bought  in  Thebes  by  Ebers  refers  to  a  poma- 
tum made  for  Teta's  mother,  Shesh. 
4266  Heaepti  (Semti).  —  Fifth  king.     Several  passages  in  the  Book  of  the 
Dead  refer  to  him.      King  Senta  of  the  Ilnd  Dynasty  owned  a  medi- 
cal work  which  once  belonged  to  Semti. 
Monument.  —  His  tomb  has  been  discovered  by  Amelineau  at  Abydos. 
It  contained  among  other  things  an  ebony  tablet  representing  the 
king  dancing  before  Osiris.     (Now  in  the  British  Museum.) 
4233  Merbapen.  —  Sixth  king. 

Monument.  — Tomb  at  Abydos,  discovered  by  Amelineau. 
4200  Semen-Ptah  (Semsu). — Seventh  king.     Manetho  says  :  "In  his  reign 
a  terrible  pestilence  afflicted  Egypt." 

IInd   dynasty,  4133-3900  b.c. 

4133   Neter-b'au.  —  First  king.     Manetho  says :   "  During  his  reign  a  chasm 
opened  near  Bubastis  and  many  persons  perished." 
Monument.  — Tomb  discovered  by  Amelineau  in  1897  at  Abydos. 

4100  Ka-ka-u.  —  Second   (?)   king ;    establishes  or  expands  the  worship  of 
Apis  ;  also  of  Mnevis  and  the  Mendesian  goat. 

40GG  Ba-en-neter.  — Third  (?)  king;  establishes  the  right  of  female  succession. 

IIIrd  dynasty,  3900-3766  b.c. 
3900   Neb-ka.  —  First  or  third  king.     According  to  Manetho  a  revolt  of  the 
Liljyans  in  which  they  submitted   "on   account  of  an  unexpected 
increase  in  the  moon,"  took  place  in  this  reign. 
386G  Zeaer  (T'er-aa).  —  Second  or  fourth  king.     Builder  of  the  Step  Pyramid 
of  Saqqarah.     Dr.  Budge  says  of  this  :  "  It  is  certainly  the  oldest  of 
all  the  large  buildings  which  have  successfully  resisted  the  action  of 
wind  and  weather,  and  destruction  by  tlie  hand  of  man." 
Monuments.  —  The  Step  Pyramid  ;  the  Great  Sphinx  of  Gizeh. 

Rapid  development  of  civilisation  during  the  first  three  dynasties. 

IVth  dynasty,  3766-3566  b.c. 
3766  Sneferu.  —  First  king.     He  wars  against  the  robber-like  tribes  of  the 
desert.     He  is  said,  on  a  monument  of  the  Xllth  Dynasty,  to  have 


THE    TEMPLE    AT    KARNAK 


EGYPTIAN   HISTORY   IN   OUTLINE 


69 


)unded  Egyptian  dominion  in  the  peninsula  of  Sinai,  which  he  eon- 

(lered  for  its  mineral  wealth. 
M'iuments.  —  A  number  of  carved  stones,  a  bas-relief  at  Wady  Magh- 

rah  showing  him  smiting  an  enemy. 
3733  KUfu    or    Cheops.  —  Builder    of    the   Great    Pyramid,  Khut  —  "The 

lorizon." 
3666  Knf-Ra.  —  Builder  of  the  pyramid  Ur,  —  "  The  Great." 
3633  Ma-kau-Ra.  —  Builder  of  the  pyramid  Her,  —  "The  Supreme."     He 

iihirges  it  after  it  is  built.     He  afterward  builds  another  pyramid 

I.  Abu  Iloash,  and  was  probably  buried  there. 
A.  eaceful  dynasty.     Brilliant  age  of  art  and  literature. 


Vth   dynasty,   3566-3300  B.C. 

3566  A  new  house  from  Elephantine  "  of  priestly  character "  founded  by 

Js-kaf. 
3533  Sau-Ra. — One  of  the  most  renowned  rulers  of  the  Old  Memphis  King- 
lom.     Wars  in  Sinai. 
jniument.  — Pyramid  Kliaba,  at  Abusir. 
3433  Lan-en-Ra.  —  First  Pliaraoh  to  adopt  a  second  cartouche  with  his  pri- 
iite  name,  An.     He  holds  tlie  rule  over  the  peninsula  of  Sinai. 
Innuments. — The  pyramid  Menasu;  a  victory  tablet  at  Wady  Magh- 
irah;  two  statues,  etc. 
3366  it-ka-Ra  ( Aasa).  —  He  continues  to  wage  war  with  even  greater  activity 
iU  the  i)eninsula  of  Sinai. 
lonuments.  —  Tiie  oldest  papyri  of  authentic  date  belong  to  this  reign, 
rhey  are:   "The  Papyrus  of  Accounts"  found  at  Saqqarah  and  the 
"Proverbs  of  Ptah-hotep." 

tah-hotep  was  probably  the  uncle  and  tutor  of  the  king,  under  whose 
patronage  the  work  was  given  to  the  world. 

•lose  of  dynasty  and  first  period  of  Egyptian  history  with  King  Unas. 
lonument. —  Pyramid  Nefer-asu,  at  Saqqarah. 

o  great  monuments  in  this  dynasty.  An  age  of  decline.  The 
art  of  building  shows  a  great  falling  off  from  that  of  the  IVth 
Dynasty.  Methods  are  careless  ;  decoration  becomes  formal,  coarse, 
and  flat. 
lonument  of  Vth  Dynasty.  —  The  Palermo  stele,  containing,  among 
others,  names  of  some  of  the  pre-dynastic  kings  of  Lower  Egypt. 


VIth   dynasty,   3300-3000  b.c. 

330<   V  new  line  of  vigorous  Memphite  kings  founded  by  Teta. 

"^lonument.  —  Pyramid  Tat-asu  at  Saqqarah,  one  of  the  first  and  worst 
despoiled  by  plunderers. 

323  r'epi  Ist.  —  Most  important  ruler  of  this  dynasty.  He  has  left  more 
monuments  than  any  other  ruler  before  the  Xllth  Dynasty.  ^  Great 
and  successful  wars  against  the  Aamu  and  Herusha,  inhabiting  the 
desert  east  of  the  Delta.  War  against  the  people  of  Terebah, 
a  country  of  doubtful  location,  probably  in  western  Asia. 
Monuments.  —  The  long  inscription  on  the  tomb  of  Una,  Pepi's  general, 
is  our  source  of  the  history  of  this  reign.  Pyramid  Men-nefer,  at 
Saqqarah ;  the  red  granite  sphinx  of  Tanis ;  statuettes,  etc. 

306  Queen  Men-ka-Ra.  —  The  Nitocris  of  Herodotus.    The  early  part  of  this 
dynasty  is  characterised  by  foreign  conquest  and  exploration,  but 


EGYPTIAN  HISTORY  IN  OUTLINE  71 

2370  Usertaen  II. 

Monuments.  —  A  curious  and  unusual  temple  at  Illahun ;   a  bust  of 

Queen  Nefert ;  the  tomb  of  Khnum-hotep  with  historical  records. 
2340  Usertsen  III.  —  A  famous  name.     The  conqueror  of  Ethiopia  after  many 

campaigns.     He  makes  the  conquest  secure  by  fixing  the  frontier  of 

Egypt  above  the  Second  Cataract  and  building  the  fortresses  of  Sem- 

neh  and  Kummeh.     Afterward  revered  as  the  founder  of  Ethiopia. 
Monuments.  — A  papyrus  containing  a  long  hymn  to  the  king  ;  statues ; 

pyramid  at  Dahshur  ;  tomb  of  Princess  Set-hathor,  which  contained 

some  remarkable  jewellery. 
2305  Amenemhat  III.  —  Constructs  Lake  Moeris  as  a  storage  reservoir  for  the 

Nile  overflow.    Also  the  Labyrinth  palace.    These  are  his  monuments. 
2265  Amenemhat  IV.  — The  dynasty  begins  to  decline. 
2255  Queen  Sebek-neferu-Ra,  sister  of  Amenemhat  IV. 

The   Xllth  Dynasty  a  great  age  for  art  and  literature.      Immense 

activity  in  building.     The  literary  style  is  the  model  for  future 

ages.     Valuable  historic  records  on  the  tombs. 

THE  XIIIth,   XIVth,   XVth,   XVIth,   AND  XVIIth   DYNASTIES,  2250-1635  B.C. 

2250-1635  A  period  the  length  of  which  is  unknown,  and  which  has  been 
variously  estimated  at  from  four  hundred  to  nearly  a  thousand 
years.  (See  Chapter  III,  pages  120,  121.)  The  XIIIth  Dynasty 
reigns  at  Thebes,  and  Sebekhotep  I  is  its  first  king.  Before  its  close 
the  Hyksos  invaders  have  gained  rapidly  in  power,  and  the  new 
dynasty  (XIVth)  is  driven  to  Xois  in  the  western  Delta.  The 
Hyksos  establish  their  rule,  and  the  later  kings  of  the  XIVth  are 
probably  provincial  governors  with  a  short  tenure  of  office,  retained 
by  the  Hyksos  for  purposes  of  internal  government.  The  XVth 
Dynasty  is  that  of  the  great  Hyksos  kings,  Salatis,  Bnon,  Apachnan, 
Aphobis,  Annas,  Asaeth,  and  marks  the  climax  of  their  power. 
Their  principal  towns  are  Ha-Uar  (Avaris),  Pelusium,  and  Tanis. 
They  adopt  the  customs,  language,  and  writings  of  the  Egyptians. 
Their  chief  god  is  Sutekh,  "  the  Great  Set,"  to  whom  they  build  a 
great  temple  at  Tanis.  The  XVth  Dynasty  is  in  part  contempo- 
raneous with  the  XIVth  and  XVIth  Egyptian  ;  in  the  latter  the 
provincial  governors  gradually  have  their  tenure  of  power  length- 
ened. The  XVIIth  is  of  both  Hyksos  and  Egyptians,  in  which  the 
former  begin  to  lose  their  power. 
Monuments.  —  Many  statues,  inscriptions,  implements  of  war,  etc. 

1800  A  new  house  from  the  south  gradually  regains  Egypt  from  the  Hyksos. 
Its  principal  kings  are  named  Seqenen  Ra.  Seqenen  Ra  III  marries 
Aah-hotep,  a  princess  of  pure  Egyptian  blood.  By  the  time  her  son 
by  a  former  marriage,  Aahmes  I,  comes  to  the  throne,  the  Hyksos 
have  been  driven  and  confined  to  the  district  around  Avaris,  where 
they  prepare  to  make  a  final  stand. 

1730  Descent  of  the  Hebrews  into  Egypt. 

THE   NEW   THEBAN   KINGDOM 

XVIIIth  dynasty,  1635-1366  b.c. 

1635  Aahmes  I.  —  Founds  the  New  Theban  Kingdom.  Defeats  and  drives 
the  Hyksos  from  Avaris;  pursues  them  into  Asia.     Campaign  against 


72  THE  HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 

Nubia,  whose  people  again  need  repelling.     Rebuilds  temples  in  the 
principal  cities.     Thebes  embellished.     Marries  Nefert-ari. 
Monuments.  —  Coffins  and  mummies  of  the  king  and  queen;  statues; 
jewellery  from  coffin  of  Aah-hotep. 

1610  Amenhotep  I.  —  Campaign  against  Cush  and  Libya.     Historical  rec- 
ords on  the  tomb  of  Admiral  Aahmes. 
Monuments.  —  His  coffin  and  mummy  ;  temple  at  Thebes ;  statues. 

1590  Tehutimes  I.  —  Penetrates  into  Asia  as  far  as  the  Euphrates.     Cam- 
paign in  Libya. 
Monuments.  —  Coffin  and  mummy ;  obelisks,  pylons,  and  pillars  at  Kar- 
nak  ;  many  statues,  etc.  ;  tomb  of  Admiral  Aahmes. 

1565  Tehutimes  II. 

3Ionu7nents.  —  Coffin  and  mummy;  part  of  temples  of  Deir-el-Bahari 
and  Medinet  Habu  ;  statues. 

1552  Queen  Hatshepsu,  a  reign  of  peaceful  enterprise.  Mining  industries 
developed,  also  potteries  and  glass  works.  Sends  expedition  of  dis- 
covery to  Punt. 
Monuments.  —  The  Great  Temple  of  Deir-el-Bahari ;  statues ;  a  sculp- 
tured account  of  the  voyage  to  Punt;  furniture;  a  draughtboard 
and  draughtmen,  etc. 

1530  Tehutimes  III.  —  Begins  his  independent  reign.  The  Great  Conqueror 
of  Egyptian  history.  Southern  Syria  had  rebelled  some  time  before 
and,  1529,  he  begins  operations  at  Zaru.  Second  year  of  indepen- 
dent reign,  battle  of  Megiddo  in  campaign  against  the  Ruthennu. 
In  the  following  years  campaigns  in  Syria,  fifteen  in  all ;  cities 
reduced  and  the  Kharu,  Zahi,  Ruthennu,  Kheta  and  Naharaina 
made  tributary.  Great  activity  in  temple  building.  The  influence 
of  Syrian  culture  now  begins  to  be  felt  in  Egypt.  Art  and  manners 
lose  their  distinctive  characteristics,  and  a  decline  sets  in. 
Monuments.  —  Coffin  and  mummy;  obelisks ;  part  of  temple  at  Karnak, 
etc. ;  numerous  statues  and  relics  of  all  kinds,  and  very  full  annals. 

1500  Amenhotep  II.  —  Campaign  in  Asia  to  check  revolt  among  his  vassals. 
Monuments.  —  Portrait  statues;  obelisks  and  columns  at  Karnak. 

1470  Tehutimes  IV.  —  Continues  work  of   keeping  together  the  empire  of 
Tehutimes  IIL     Marries  a  Mitannian  princess. 
Monuments.  —  Statues,  scarabs,  fine  private  tombs. 

1455  Amenhotep  III.  —  With  the  exception  of  one  campaign  in  fifth  year  in 
Egypt,  rests  secure  in  his  supremacy  abroad.  Trade  and  art  are  de- 
veloped at  home.  Close  relations  between  Egypt  and  Syria.  Mar- 
ries Thi,  perhaps  of  Syrian  origin  (mother  of  Amenhotep  IV),  also 
Gilukhipa  (or  Kirgipa),  daughter  of  the  king  of  Mitanni  (Naharain). 
He  becomes  the  ally  of  the  king  of  Mitanni.  He  also  seems  to  have 
married  a  daughter  of  the  king  of  Kardunyash  (Babylon). 
Monuments.  —  Very  numerous.  The  Avenue  of  Sphinxes  between 
Karnak  and  Luxor  ;  temple  of  Mentu  at  Karnak ;  great  temple  of 
Luxor  ;  the  famous  colossi  of  the  Nile  ;  tomb  of  Amenhotep  the 
architect  and  administrator,  etc. 

1420  Amenhotep  IV  (Khun-aten). — Early  in  this  reign  the  king  and  court 
renounce  the  national  religion,  and  substitute  a  strictly  monotheistic 
worship  of  Aten,  the  sun's  disk,  —  a  conception  that  tallies  marvel- 
lously with  modern  knowledge  of  the  sun  as  a  source  of  power  and 
energy.  The  whole  movement  shows  an  intellectual  stride  of  tre- 
mendous proportions.     In  the  hymns  of  the  new  sun-god  we  seem 


EGYPTIAN  HISTOKY  IN   OUTLINE       '  73 

to  have  the  first  trace  of  the  idea  of  the  brotherhood  of  man.  War 
is  no  longer  glorified.  The  king  changes  his  name  to  Khun-aten 
("Splendour  of  the  Sun's  disk"),  and  builds  a  new  capital. 
Monuments.  —  Palace  and  tomb  at  Tel-el-Amarna  ;  temple  of  Aten  ; 
statues,  including  one  perfect  statuette  now  in  the  Louvre  ;  the 
great  hymn  to  Aten.  To  this  and  the  former  reign  belongs  the 
correspondence  in  the  Babylonian  language  and  the  cuneiform 
character.  These  tablets  were  discovered  at  Tel-el-Amarna,  whither 
Amenhotep  IV  carried  them  from  Thebes.  They  deal  principally 
with  the  relations  of  the  kings  of  Egypt  with  those  of  Babylonia 
and  Assyria,  concerning  the  marriages  of  Mesopotamian  princesses, 
etc.  ;  troubles  and  loss  of  power  in  northern  Syria  and  Palestine. 

1400  Saa-nekht. 

1390  Tut-ankh-Amen. 

1380  Ai. 

1368  Hor-em-heb.  —  Suppresses  the  solar  religion ;  reconquers  Ethiopia. 
Monuments.  —  His  private  tomb  ;  numerous  steles,  etc. 
The  XVIIIth  Dynasty  is  a  period  in  which  the  progress  of  the  world 
pre-eminently  advanced. 

XIXth  dynasty,    1365-1235  b.c. 

1365  Ramses  I.  —  The  power  of  the  Kheta  begins  to  make  itself  felt. 

1355  Seti  I.  —  Wars  with  the  Shasu,  Kharu,  and  Kheta.     Capture  of  Kadesh 
and   defeat   of   the   Kheta.     Wars   with   the   Libyans.      Patron  of 
art. 
Monuments.  — Hall  of  Columns  at  Karnak;  temple  of  Osiris  at  Abydos ; 
the  Memnonum  at  Gurnah ;  the  Tablet  of  Abydos. 

1345  Ramses  II,  the  Great.  —  The  Pharaoh  of  the  Oppression.  A  noted 
builder.  Fierce  war  with  the  Kheta  and  their  allies  breaks  out 
(yearV).  Battle  of  Kadesh.  Continual  warfare  and  victories  in 
the  land  of  Canaan.  Treaty  of  peace  with  the  Kheta.  Subjugates 
small  tribes  of  Ethiopia  and  Libya.  Semitic  influence  is  felt  in  the 
customs  and  language. 
Monuments.  —  Northern  court  of  temple  of  Ptah  at  Memphis.  New 
temples  at  Abydos  and  Memphis.  Temples  and  statues  at  Abu  Simbel 
—  on  the  knee  of  one  of  the  statues,  some  Greek  mercenaries  of 
Psamthek  I  cut  an  inscription  in  archaic  Greek.  It  is  the  most 
ancient  piece  of  non-Semitic  alphabetical  writing  extant.  The 
Ramesseum ;  the  poem  of  Pentaur ;  treaty  with  the  Kheta,  etc. ; 
the  Tablet  of  Saqqarah. 

1285  Meneptah.  —  The  Libyans  and  their  allies  invade  Egypt  and  are  re- 
pulsed. Battle  of  Proposis  (year  V).  The  Pharaoh  of  the  Exodus 
{circa  1270).  To  this  king  belonged  the  papyrus  containing  the 
"Tale  of  the  Two  Brothers." 

1250  Seti  II.  —  A  troubled  reign  at  Pa-Ramessu,  worried  by  a  claimant  to  the 
throne,  Amenmes,  who  reigned  as  rival  king,  probably  at  Thebes. 
Monuments.  —  Fine  sepulchre  and  a  small  temple. 

XXth   dynasty,    1235-1075   b.c. 

1235  Set-nekht.  —  Succeeds  his  father  Seti  II.  Siptah-Meneptah  succeeds  his 
father  Amenmes,  as  rival  king.  The  kingdom  is  now  practically  in 
a  state  of  anarchy.     The  power  rests  chiefly  with  the  nomarchs,  and 


74*  THE   HISTOKY  OF  EGYPT 

one  of  them,  Arisu,  a  PhcEnician,  becomes  their  leader  and  seizes  the 
throne.     Set-nekht  drives  him  out  and  restores  the  monarchy. 

1225  Ramses  III  (sometimes  reckoned  as  the  founder  of  the  XXth  Dynasty). 
—  Succeeds  to  a  united  Egypt  but  a  disorganised  empire.  The  prov- 
inces have  ceased  to  pay  tribute.  The  king  begins  a  reconquest  of 
foreign  territory.  Defeats  Libyans  in  the  west  (year  V)  and  the 
great  confederation  of  tribes  in  the  east  (year  VIII).  A  land  and 
sea  war.  Great  naval  battle  near  Pelusium.  Second  campaign 
against  Libyans  (year  XI).  Eastern  provinces  and  tributary  states 
recovered.  The  harem  conspiracy.  Later  years  peaceful.  Mining 
and  trade  encouraged.  The  last  of  the  great  kings  of  Egypt. 
Monuments.  —  The  Turin  and  Harris  papyri ;  effigies  of  conquered 
kings;  temples,  etc. ;  the  account  of  the  harem  conspiracy. 

1195-1075  The  successors  of  Ramses  III  have  short  reigns.  There  were 
some  military  expeditions  but  no  great  wars.  The  kingdom  is  main- 
tained, but  the  power  of  the  high  priests  comes  more  and  more  into 
prominence,  until  in  the  reign  of  Ramses  IX  it  begins  to  exceed  that 
of  the  Pharaohs.  The  structure  of  the  kingdom  begins  rapidly  to 
decay.     Ramses  XIII,  last  king  of  dynasty. 

XXIsT  DYNASTY,  1075-945  B.C. 

1075  Her-Hor.  —  High  priest  of  Amen  of  Thebes,  attains  to  royal  power. 
The  Ramessides  are  banished. 
A  new  house  arises  at  Tanis.  Its  chief,  Se-Amen,  soon  overthrows 
the  dominion  of  the  high  priests,  and  Her-Hor's  son  (Piankhi)  and 
grandson  (Painet'em  I)  have  uncontrolled  power  as  high  priests 
only  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Thebes.  The  land  is  governed  simul- 
taneously by  the  Tanites  and  the  high  priests.  The  Ramessides 
attempt  to  regain  the  throne  in  the  Thebaid.  The  Tanites  crush 
this  rebellion,  and  Men-kheper-Ra,  one  of  the  family,  is  made  high 
priest  at  Thebes.  Solomon  marries  the  daughter  of  the  Tanite  king, 
probably  Pasebkhanu  II.  The  army  has  since  the  time  of  Seti  I  been 
composed  chiefly  of  Libyan  mercenaries,  out  of  which  a  separate  class 
has  now  been  developed.  The  chief  authority  gradually  passes  from 
the  Tanites  and  high  priests  to  the  commanders  of  these  mercenaries, 
and  one  of  them,  Shashanq  of  Bubastis,  by  some  means  gains  the 
crown  of  Egypt.  The  high  priests  and  their  adherents  retire  to 
Ethiopia  and  found  a  new  kingdom  whose  capital  is  at  Napata. 

XXIIxD  DYNASTY,  945-750  b.c. 
945  Shashanq  I.  —  Rules  at  Bubastis.    The  high-priesthood  of  Amen  is  given 

to  princes  of  the  reigning  family. 
Monuments.  —  The  hall  of  the  Bubastites  at  Karnak  ;  inscriptions,  etc. 
925  Shashanq  invades  Judah,  captures  and  sacks  Jerusalem. 
920-750  Under  Shashanq's  successors,  the  high  places  in  the  government 

and  army  are  fllled  with  members  of  the  royal  family,  who  found 

princedoms  for  themselves,  and  the  Pharaoh  becomes  a  nominal  ruler. 

Egypt  is  a  land  of  petty  kings,  into  which  condition  of  affairs  the 

kings  of  Ethiopia  (Napata)  now  intrude. 

XXIIIrd   and   XXIVth   DYNASTIES,  750-728   b.c. 
800  In  the  reign  of  Shashanq  III,  Thebes  falls  into  the  hands  of  the  Ethio- 
pians.    Their  conquests  gradually  extend  to  Hermopolis  under  their 


EGYPTIAN  HISTORY   IN  OUTLINE  75 

king,  Piankhi.  At  the  same  time  Tefnekht,  Prince  of  Sais,  subjects 
the  western  Delta  and  Memphis,  comes  in  contact  with  Piankhi,  but 
ends  by  giving  the  Ethiopian  his  allegiance.  Piankhi's  power  over 
Egypt  not  complete,  for  the  XXIIIrd  Dynasty  of  three  kings  (Uasar- 
ken  III  among  them)  seems  to  have  ruled  in  the  Delta,  probably  at 
Bubastis,  and  is  succeeded  by  the  XXIVth  Dynasty,  composed  of 
Tefnekht's  son,  Bakenranf,  who  is  conquered  by  Piankhi's  grand- 
son, Shabak. 
Monuments.  —  The  memorial  stele  of  Piankhi,  with  account  of  his  reign. 

XXVth  dynasty,  728-655  b.c. 

728  Shabak.  —  Ethiopian  rule  over  Egypt  complete.  He  puts  his  sister 
Ameniritis  and  her  husband  to  rule  over  Egypt.  A  uniform  and 
strict  dominion  is  not  practised  ;  the  local  princes  still  retain  their 
power.  Shabak  advises  Hoshea  of  Israel  to  withhold  tribute  from 
Shalmaneser  IV.     First  connection  of  Egypt  with  the  Sargonides. 

717  Shabatak. 

704  Tirhaqa.  —  Joins  Syrian  coalition  against  the  Assyrians. 

701  The  Assyrian  king,  Sennacherib,  invades  Palestine.  Tirhaqa  hastens 
to  Hezekiah's  assistance.  Sennacherib  compelled  by  pestilence  to 
retire.  673,  The  Assyrian  monarch,  Esarhaddon,  marches  as  far  as 
the  Egyptian  frontier,  but  withdraws.  670,  Esarhaddon  appears 
again,  and  captures  and  destroys  Memphis.  Tirhaqa  flees  to  Nubia. 
The  whole  country  surrenders  to  Esarhaddon,  who  reorganises  the 
government  with  a  native  prince  over  each  nome.  Neku  of  Sais  is 
the  chief  one.  668,  Esarhaddon  abdicates.  Tirhaqa  attempts  to 
win  back  the  country  ;  retakes  Memphis.  667,  Asshurbanapal  sends 
an  army  and  defeats  Egyptians.  Conspiracy  of  several  Egyptian 
princes  to  restore  Tirhaqa.  They  are  taken  and  punished.  664,  Tir- 
haqa dies  ;  Tanut-Amen,  his  stepson  (son  of  Shabak),  succeeds.  Is 
beaten  by  Assyrians  at  Kipkip.  Thebes  is  sacked.  End  of  Ethi- 
opian rule. 

664-655  The  country  is  ruled  by  petty  princes.  In  the  Delta  there  are 
twelve  of  these  who  form  the  Dodecarchy.  Psamthek  of  Sais 
becomes  the  leader.  He  throws  off  the  Assyrian  yoke  with  the  help 
of  Carian  and  Ionian  mercenaries,  and  declares  himself  Pharaoh. 

XXVIth   dynasty,  655-527  b.c. 

655  (Sometimes  dated  from  666-4)  —  PRamthek  I  makes  his  rule  legitimate 
by  marrying  an  Ethiopian  princess,  Shepenapet.  Invasion  of  Syria. 
Capture  of  Ashdod  after  a  long  siege.  Commercial  treaties  with 
the  Greeks.  Two  hundred  thousand  of  his  Egyptian  and  Libyan 
soldiers  desert  to  Ethiopia  through  jealousy  of  the  mercenaries. 
He  restores  Thebes. 

610  Neku  II. — Endeavours  to  reconstruct  the  canal  between  Nile  and  Red 
Sea,  attempted  by  Seti  I.  and  Ramses  II.  By  his  orders  Phoenician 
navigators  circumnavigate  Africa.  Attempts  to  recover  Egypt's 
rule  in  the  east,  and  marches  into  Syria.  608,  Encounters  Josiah 
at  Megiddo.  The  king  of  Israel  is  slain  in  the  battle.  Neku  marches 
toward  the  Euphrates.  605,  Defeat  of  Neku  by  Nebuchadrezzar  at 
Carchemish.     End  of  Egyptian  rule  in  Egypt. 


76  THE   HISTORY   OF  EGYPT 

594  Psamthek  II.  —  flakes  an  expedition  against  the  king  of  Ethiopia. 

589  Uah-ab-Ra.  —  Allies  himself  with  Zedekiah  and  king  of  Phcenicia  against 
Nebuchadrezzar,  who  afterward  invades  Egypt.  The  coalition  is 
unsuccessful,  but  his  fleet  helps  Tyre  to  hold  out  for  thirteen  years. 
Goes  to  war  with  the  Greeks  of  Cyrene,  and  is  defeated.  His 
troops  fear  he  will  destroy  and  replace  them  by  mercenaries  ;  they 
revolt  and  choose  Aahmes,  an  officer,  to  be  king. 

570  Aahmes  II.  —  Defeats  Uah-ab-Ra  and  strangles  him;  marries  the  daugh- 
ter of  Psamthek  II,  to  legitimise  his  pretensions.  He  encourages  com- 
mercial relations  with  Greeks.  Allies  himself  with  Croesus  against 
Cyrus  of  Persia.      Cambyses  attacks  Egypt  on  death  of  Cyrus. 

526  Psamthek  III.  —  In  his  second  year  he  was  defeated  by  Cambyses  at 
Pclusium  and  iSIemphis.     Egypt  a  Persian  province,  525-405  B.C. 

XXVIIth  dynasty,  525-405  b.c. 

525  The  Persian  Cambyses  tolerates  the  religion,  maintains  temples,  and 
does  all  he  can  to  conciliate  the  people.  Leaves  Egypt  in  charge  of 
the  first  satrap  Aryandes.  Cambyses,  in  his  rage,  after  an  unsuccess- 
ful expedition  against  Napata,  orders  destruction  of  temples,  etc. 

521  Darius  I.  — Works  hard  to  conciliate  the  people. 

488  Egyi)tians  revolt  and  expel  Persians.  Set  up  a  native  ruler,  Khab- 
bosh,  who  holds  out  for  three  years. 

485  The  Persian  Xerxes  I.  —  Reconquers  Egypt  and  appoints  Achsemenes, 
his  brother,  governor. 

464  Artaxerxes  I. 

460  Inarus,  King  of  Libya,  aids  Egyptians  to  rise  against  Persia.  Battle 
of  Papramis.     ^Memphis  captured,  but  Persians  regain  supremacy. 

424  Xerxes  II.  1  Continued  endeavours  of  Egyptians  to  throw  off  Persian 
"     Darius  II.  /yoke. 

XXVniTH  DYNASTY,  405-399  B.C. 

405  Amen-Rut.  —  A  native  prince  in  revolt  against  Persia,  on  death  of 
Darius  II  becomes  practically  independent.  At  his  death  the  gov- 
ernment passes  to  the  prince  of  Mendes. 

XXIXth   dynasty,  399-378  b.c. 

399  Nia-faa-urut  I.     393  Haker.     380  Psa-mut.  —  Ally  themselves  with  ene- 
mies of  Persia. 
379  Nia-faa-urut  II. 

XXXth  dynasty,   378-340  B.C. 

378  Nectanebo  I.  — Defeats  Persians  and  Greeks  at  Mendes.     This  victory 

secures  peace  for  some  years.     Revival  of  art. 
364  TachuB.  —  Wars  with  Persia. 
361  Nectanebo  II.  — The  Persians  again  invade  Egypt,  at  first  unsuccessfully. 

XXXIsT  DYNASTY,   340-332  b.c. 

340  Ochus  (Artaxerxes  III). — Defeats  Nectanebo  at  Pelusium.    Nectanebo 

flees  to  Napata.     Ochus  proves  a  cruel  governor. 
332  Alexander  the  Great  appears  at  Pelusium.      The  Persians  surrender 

without  a  struggle.     Beginning  of  Greek  dominion. 


CHAPTER  I.     THE   EGYPTIAN   RACE   AND   ITS   ORIGIN 

Egypt  is  a  long  Contree  ;  but  it  is  streyt,  that  is  to  seye  narrow  ;  for 
thei  may  not  enlargen  it  toward  the  Desert,  for  defaute  of  Watre.  And 
the  Contree  is  sett  along  upon  the  Ry  vere  of  Nyle  ;  be  als  much  as  that 
Ryvere  may  serve  be  Flodes  or  otherwise  that  whanne  it  flowethe  it 
may  spreden  abrood  thorghe  the  Contree ;  so  is  the  Contree  large  of 
Lengthe.  For  there  it  reyneth  not  but  litylle  in  the  Contree  ;  and  for 
that  Cause,  they  have  no  Watre,  but  zif  it  be  of  that  Flood  of  that 
Ryvere.  And  for  als  moclie  as  it  ne  reyeneth  not  in  that  Contree,  but 
the  Eyr  is  alwey  pure  and  clear,  therefor  in  that  Contree  ben  the  gode 
Astronomyeres  ;  for  thei  fynde  there  no  Cloudes  to  letten  hem.  —  The 
voyage  and  travile  of  Sir  John  Maundeville,  Kt. 


Two  theories  as  to  the  origin  of  the  Egyptians  have  been  prominent,  the 
one  supposing  that  they  came  originally  from  Asia,  the  other  that  their  racial 
cradle  lay  in  the  upper  regions  of  the  Nile,  particularly  in  Ethiopia.  Even 
to-day  there  is  no  agreement  among  Egyptologists  as  to  which  of  these  the- 
ories is  correct.  Among  the  earlier  students  of  the  subject,  Heeren  was 
prominent  in  pointing  out  an  alleged  analogy  between  the  form  of  skull  of 
the  Egyptian  and  that  of  the  Indian  races.  He  believed  in  the  Indian  origin 
of  the  Egyptians. 

One  of  the  most  recent  authorities,  Professor  Flinders  Petrie,  inclines  to 
the  opinion  that  the  Egyptians  were  of  common  origin  with  the  Phoenicians, 
and  that  they  came  into  the  Nile  region  from  the  land  of  Punt,  across  the  Red 
Sea.  Professor  Maspero,  on  the  other  hand,  inclines  to  the  belief  in  the 
African  origin  of  the  race;  and  the  latest  important  anthropological  theory,  as 
propounded  by  Professor  Sergi,  contends  for  the  Ethiopic  origin  of  the  entire 
Mediterranean  race,  of  which  the  Egyptians  are  a  part.  According  to  this 
theory,  a  race  whose  primitive  seat  of  residence  was  in  the  upper  regions  of 
the  Nile  spread  gradually  to  the  north,  finally  invading  Asia  by  way  of  the 
Isthmus  of  Suez,  and  crossing  to  the  peninsulas  of  southern  Europe  by  way 
of  Crete  and  Cyprus  and  Sicily,  and  perhaps  also,  after  a  long  journey  to 
the  west  along  the  Mediterranean  coast  of  Africa,  by  way  of  the  Straits  of 
Gibraltar. 

The  true  scientific  status  of  the  matter  amounts  merely  to  a  confession 
of  almost  entire  ignorance.  The  theory  of  Sergi,  just  referred  to,  finds  a 
certain  support  in  the  data  of  cranial  measurements,  but  it  would  be  going 

77 


78 


THE  HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 


much  beyond  warrantable  eonclusions  to  allirra  anything  like  certainty  for  the 
inferences  drawn  from  all  the  observations  as  yet  available.  The  historian  is 
obliged,  therefore,  to  fall  back  npon  the  simple  fact  that  for  a  good  many 
thousands  of  years  before  tiie  Christian  era,  a  race  of  pe(Ji)le  of  unknown  ori- 
gin inhabited  the  Nile  Valley,  and  had  attained  a  very  high  state  of  civilisa- 
tion. Whatever  tlie  origin  of  this  people,  and  however  diversified  the  racial 
elements  of  which  it  was  composed,  the  climatic  conditions  of  Egypt  had  long 
since  imjiosed  upon  the  entire  population  an  iidluence  that  welded  all  the 
diverse  elements  into  a  single  racial  mould,  so  that,  as  J*rofessor  Maspero 
j)oints  out,  at  the  very  dawn  of  Egy})tian  history  the  iidiabitants  of  the 
entire  land  of  l^^gypt  constituted  a  single  race,  speaking  one  language  and 
showing  very  little  diversity  of  culture. 

It  is  one  of  the  standing  sur])rises  fcjr  tlie  student  of  anti(|uity  that  the 
most  massive  structures  ever  built  by  man  should  be  found  in  Egypt,  dating 
from  a  period  so  remote  as  to  be  almost  prehistoric.     (Jne  finds  it  hard  to 


Mummy  ok  tuk  I'rk-dynastic  Pkkiod  discovkrkd  bkckntly  in  Egypt 

(Now  iu  the  UrlliBh  Muueuui) 

avoid  the  feeling  that  there  was  a  race  sprung  suddenly  to  a  very  high  plane 
of  civilisation,  as  if  by  a  sheer  hiap  from  barbarism  ;  but,  of  course,  no  modern 
student  of  the  subject  eonsidcus  the  matter  in  this  light.  It  is  uniforndy 
acce})ted  that  a  vast  pei'iod  of  time  lies  back  of  tlie  Pyramids,  in  which  the 
Egyptians  were  slowly  working  their  way  ui)ward.  Professor  Maspero 
estimates  that  for  at  least  (Ught  or  ten  thousand  yeai's  the  p(!ople  had 
inhabited  this  land,  all  along  developing  their  peculiar  civilisation.  Of 
course  such  an  estimate  makes  no  claim  to  historical  aecuracy  ;  it  is  only 
a  general  conclusion  based  upon  what  seems  a  reasonable  rate  of  progress. 

The  recent  explorations  in  Egypt  liave  endeavoured  to  ])enetrate  the 
mysteries  of  what  has  hitherto  been  the  prehistoric  i)eriod,  and  these  efforts 
have  met  with  a  certain  measure  of  suceess.  In  the  Fayuni,  Professor  Petrie 
has  made  excavations  that  revealed  tlie  remains  of  a  much  earlier  period 
than  that  of  the  (irst  dynasties  hitherto  recognised.  Among  other  interest- 
ing relics,  sarcophagi  were  found  containing  mummified  bodies  in  a  marvel- 
lous stat(!  of  pr(!servation.  One  of  these  now  exhibit(Hl  at  the  British 
Museum  in  London  shows  the  body  of  a  man  of  full  ])ropor(ions  lying  on 
his  side  with  kn(!es  foldcsd  up  against  his  body.  IJnliki^  llu;  mummies  of 
the  later  Egy])tian  jieriod,  this  ancient  elligy  has  no  wrappings  of  any  kind, 
but  80  remarkable  are  the  results  of  the  processes  of  embalming  to  which 


THE   EGYPTIAN   RACE   AND   ITS   ORIGIN 


79 


it  has  been  subjected,  that  the  form  of  the  various  members,  and  the 
features  even,  have  been  preserved  witli  marvellously  little  shrinkage  or 
distortion.  The  skin  is  indeed  dry  and  dark,  yet  its  resemblance  to  the 
skin  of  a  living  person  of  a  dark-hued  race  is  so  striking  tliat  one  can 
hardly  realise,  in  looking  at  it,  that  the  corpse  before  him  is  the  body  of  a 
person  who  lived  perhaps  eight  or  ten  thousand  years  ago. 

As  to  other  remains  found  by  the  later  explorations,  among  the  most  in- 
teresting and  suggestive  are  flint  implements  chifjped  in  the  manner  charac- 
teristic of  the  Paluiolithic  or  rough  stone  age.  We  are  guarded,  however, 
against  drawing  too  sweej)ing  inferences  from  tliese  antiquities  by  Professor 
Petrie's  assurance  that  the  Egyptians  continued  to  use  such  chipped  flint 
implements  throughout  the  period  from  tlie  IVth  to  the  Xth  Dynasty.  It 
has  been  doubted  whether  any  of  these  stone  implements  can  be  regarded 
as  of  strictly  prehistoric  origin,  or  whetlier,  indeed,  any  of  the  antiquities 
discovered  in  Egypt  evidence  an  uncivilised  stage  of  racial  history.  The 
latest  opinion,  however,  is  that  the  makers  of  tlie  pottery  and  flint  imple- 
ments were  the  aborigines  of  the  country,  who  were  displaced  by  the  inva- 
sion of  the  Egyptians  of  history. 

The  most  important  excavations  of  the  last  eight  or  ten  years,  carried  on 
by  Amelineau,  Petrie,  and  De  Morgan  have  had  for  their  object  the  collec- 
tion of  remains  of  this  pre-dynastic  era. 

We  are  not  likely  to  hear  more  of  the  contention  that  the  archaic  objects 
found  at  Naqada  and  other  places  were  the  work  of  a  "  New  Race "  of 
invaders  that  had  intruded  somewhere  in  those  dark  ages  between  the  Vlth 
and  Xlth  Dynasties,  for  this  long  and  bitter  controversy  is  now  replaced 
by  a  state  of  complete  agreement  among  the  authorities  that  the  people 
who  could  lay  chiim  to  tlie  pottery  and  flint  objects  were  the  aborigines, 
living  in  Egypt  when  the  Egyptians  of  history  invaded  the  country. 

In  their  possession  of  the  country  these  aborigines  were  ousted  by  the 
race  which  gradually  loomed  upon  the  historic  horizon  and  to  whom  it  has 
long  been  the  custom  to  assign  Menes  as  the  first  king,  treating  the  pre- 
ceding periods  as  the  time  of  the  gods  and  demigods,  to  whose  rule  tradition 
assigns  an  epoch  which  varies  from  1000  to  nearly  40,000  years.  But  the 
indications  are  that  within  a  few  years  there  will  be  much  light  thrown  on 
the  period  preceding  King  Menes.  Just  why  this  king  should  have  been 
placed  at  the  head  of  the  1st  Dynasty  now  seems  quite  clear.  He  was  the 
first  "  Lord  of   the    Two   Lands"  —  the  united   Upper  and   Lower  Egypt. 

It  must  be  recognised  by  any  one  who  would  gain  a  clear  idea  of  national 
existence,  that  tlie  character  of  a  race  is  enormously  influenced  by  the  physi- 
cal and  climatic  features  of  its  environment.  There  have  been  difl'crences 
of  opinion  among  students  of  the  subject  as  to  the  amount  of  change  that 
may  be  effected  by  altered  surroundings.  But  whoever  considers  the  matter 
in  the  light  of  modern  ideas,  can  hardly  be  much  in  doubt  as  to  the  answer 
to  any  question  thus  raised. 

If  it  be  admitted  that  all  the  races  of  mankind  sprang  originally  from 
a  single  source,  —  an  hypothesis  upon  which  students  of  the  most  diverse 
habits  of  thought  are  agreed,  —  then  in  the  last  analysis  it  wouhl  appear 
that  we  must  look  to  such  environing  conditions  as  soil  and  climate  for 
the  causes  of  all  the  differences  that  are  obscsrved  among  the  different  races 
of  the  earth  to-day.  The  man  inhabiting  equatorial  regions  has  a  dark 
skin  and  certain  well-marked  traits  of  character,  simply  because  his  ances- 
tors for  almost  endless  generations  have  been  subjected  to  the  influences  of 
a  tropical  climate;    and   the   light-skinned   inhabitant   of   noithern   Europe 


78 


THE  HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 


much  beyond  warrantable  conclusions  to  affirm  anything  like  certainty  for  the 
inferences  drawn  from  all  the  observations  as  yet  available.  The  historian  is 
obliged,  therefore,  to  fall  back  upon  the  simple  fact  that  for  a  good  many 
thousands  of  years  before  the  Christian  era,  a  race  of  people  of  unknown  ori- 
gin inhabited  the  Nile  Valley,  and  had  attained  a  very  high  state  of  civilisa- 
tion. Whatever  the  origin  of  this  people,  and  however  diversified  the  racial 
elements  of  which  it  was  composed,  the  climatic  conditions  of  Egypt  had  long 
since  imposed  upon  the  entire  population  an  influence  that  welded  all  the 
diverse  elements  into  a  single  racial  mould,  so  that,  as  Professor  Maspero 
points  out,  at  the  very  dawn  of  Egyptian  history  the  inhabitants  of  the 
entire  land  of  Egypt  constituted  a  single  race,  speaking  one  language  and 
sliowing  very  little  diversity  of  culture. 

It  is  one  of  the  standing  surprises  for  the  student  of  antiquity  that  the 
most  massive  structures  ever  built  by  man  should  be  found  in  Egypt,  dating 
from  a  period  so  remote  as  to  be  almost  prehistoric.     One  finds  it  hard  to 


Mummy  of  the  Pre-dynastic  Period  discovered  recently  m  Egypt 
(Now  in  the  British  Museum) 


avoid  the  feeling  that  there  was  a  race  sprung  suddenly  to  a  very  high  plane 
of  civilisation,  as  if  by  a  sheer  leap  from  barbarism  ;  but,  of  course,  no  modern 
student  of  the  subject  considers  the  matter  in  this  light.  It  is  uniformly 
accepted  that  a  vast  period  of  time  lies  back  of  the  Pyramids,  in  which  the 
Egyptians  were  slowly  working  their  way  upward.  Professor  Maspero 
estimates  that  for  at  least  eight  or  ten  thousand  years  the  people  had 
inhabited  this  land,  all  along  developing  their  peculiar  civilisation.  Of 
course  such  an  estimate  makes  no  claim  to  historical  accuracy  ;  it  is  only 
a  general  conclusion  based  upon  what  seems  a  reasonable  rate  of  progress. 

The  recent  explorations  in  Egyi)t  have  endeavoured  to  penetrate  the 
mysteries  of  wliat  has  hitherto  been  the  prehistoric  period,  and  these  efforts 
have  met  with  a  certain  measure  of  success.  In  the  Fayum,  Professor  Petrie 
has  made  excavations  that  revealed  the  remains  of  a  much  earlier  period 
than  that  of  the  first  dynasties  hitherto  recognised.  Among  other  interest- 
ing relics,  sarcophagi  were  found  containing  mummified  bodies  in  a  marvel- 
lous state  of  preservation.  One  of  these  now  exhibited  at  the  British 
Museum  in  London  shows  the  body  of  a  man  of  full  proportions  lying  on 
his  side  with  knees  folded  up  against  his  body.  Unlike  the  mummies  of 
the  later  Egyptian  period,  this  ancient  efhgy  has  no  wrappings  of  any  kind, 
but  so  remarkable  are  the  results  of  the  processes  of  embalming  to  which 


THE  EGYPTIAN   RACE   AND   ITS   ORIGIN  81 

years  ago,  except  that  he  speaks  Arabic,  and  has  become  a  Mohammedan. 
In  a  modern  Egyptian  village,  figures  meet  one  that  might  have  walked  out 
of  the  pictures  in  an  ancient  Egyptian  tomb.  We  must  not  deny  that  this 
resemblance  is  partly  due  to  another  reason  besides  the  continuance  of  the  old 
race.  Each  country  and  condition  of  life  stamps  the  inhabitants  with  certain 
characteristics.  The  nomad  of  the  desert  has  the  same  features,  whether  he 
wanders  through  the  Sahara  or  the  interior  of  Arabia ;  and  the  Copt,  who 
has  maintained  his  religion  through  centuries  of  oppression,  might  be  mis- 
taken at  first  sight  for  a  Polish  Jew,  who  has  suffered  in  the  same  way. 
The  Egyptian  soil,  therefore,  with  its  ever  constant  conditions  of  life,  has 
always  stamped  the  jDopulation  of  the  Nile  Valley  with  the  same  seal. 

"As  a  nation  the  Egyptians  appear  to  have  been  intelligent,  practical, 
and  very  energetic,  but  lacking  poetical  imagination ;  this  is  exactly  what 
we  should  expect  from  peasants  living  in  this  country  of  toilsome  agricul- 
ture. '  In  his  youth  the  Egyptian  peasant  is  wonderfully  docile,  sensible, 
and  active ;  in  his  riper  years,  owing  to  want  and  care,  and  the  continual 
work  of  drawing  water,  he  loses  the  cheerfulness  and  elasticity  of  mind 
which  made  him  appear  so  amiable  and  promising.'  This  picture  of  a  race, 
cheerful  by  nature,  but  losing  the  happy  temperament  and  becoming  selfish 
and  hardened,  represents  also  the  ancient  people." 

But,  however  freely  it  may  be  admitted  that  soil  and  climate  put  their 
seal  upon  a  race,  opinions  will  always  differ  as  to  just  how  the  racial  charac- 
teristics are  to  be  interpreted.  In  the  case  of  all  Oriental  nations  the 
European  mind  has  found  such  interpretation  peculiarly  difiBcult.  The 
Egyptians  are  no  exception  to  this  rule,  as  we  shall  see. a 

THE   COUNTRY   AND   ITS    INHABITANTS 

The  whole  of  North  Africa  is  covered  by  a  great  desert,  bordered  only 
on  the  northwest  by  a  considerable  arable  district,  which  at  present  forms 
the  states  of  Morocco,  Algiers,  and  Tunis.  Except  for  this,  if  we  set  aside 
a  single  strip  of  coast  land  in  the  country  between  the  two  Syrtes  (Tripolis, 
Leptis)  and  in  Cyrenaica  (Bengari),  this  whole  territory  is  totally  destitute 
of  all  higher  civilisation.  It  forms  the  natural  frontier  of  the  Mediterranean 
world,  beyond  which  not  even  ancient  civilisation  ever  penetrated.  The 
interior  of  Africa  was  practically  unknown  to  the  Greek  and  Roman  world. 

The  formidable  desert  land,  embracing  more  than  three  million  square 
miles,  contains  a  series  of  depressed  levels  in  which  springs  are  harboured, 
and  vegetation,  especially  the  date-palm,  thrives.  These  are  the  oases. 
Here,  and  here  only,  are  permanent  human  settlements  possible.  At  the 
same  time  the  oases  form  stations  in  the  wearisome  and  difficult  way 
through  the  desert,  where  the  trader  who  wants  to  acquire  goods  in  the  coun- 
tries on  the  other  side  is  exposed  not  only  to  the  dangers  that  threaten  him 
from  want  of  water,  loss  of  his  way,  and  sand-storms,  but  also  to  the  attacks 
of  vagrant  robber  hordes  that  traverse  the  desert  in  nomadic  confusion. 

East  of  the  great  desert,  at  a  distance  of  a  few  days'  journey  from  the 
Arabian  Gulf,  lies  a  straggling  fruitful  valley,  which  in  some  sense  may  be 
regarded  as  an  oasis  of  colossal  dimensions.  This  is  Egypt,  the  valley  of 
the  Lower  Nile.  On  both  sides  it  is  bounded  by  desert  land.  On  the  west 
rises  the  plateau  of  the  Libyan  Desert,  flat,  absolutely  barren,  covered  with 
impenetrable  sand-banks.  On  the  east  a  rocky  highland  of  solid  quartz 
and  chalk  rises  in  a  gradual  slope,  at  the  back  of  which  the  crystalline 
masses  of  the  so-called  Arabian  Mountains  ascend  to  a  height  of  about  six 


82 


THE  HISTORY   OF  EGYPT 


thousand  feet.  In  geological  structure  the  two  territorial  districts  are  en- 
tirely different,  but,  although  it  is  true  that  nomadic  hordes  can,  at  a  pinch, 
keep  body  and  soul  together  in  the  eastern  desert,  and  that  they  are  not 
entirely  cut  off  from  vegetation,  from  springs  and  cisterns  in  which  the  rain- 
water is  gathered  up  from  storm  and  tempest,  civilisation 
is  as  much  sealed  to  them  as  it  is  to  the  Libyan  waste, 
througli  which  it  is  impossible  to  penetrate,  and  which  is 
habitable  only  in  the  oases. 

BetAveen  the  two  deserts,  occupying  a  breadth  of  from 
fifteen  to  thirty-three  miles,   lies  the  depression  forming 
the  valley  of  Egypt.     It  forms  the  bed  which  the  river  has 
dug  for  itself  in  the  soft  chalky  soil  with  untiring  activity. 
Formerly,    thousands  of   years  ago,  —  thousands   indeter- 
minate,— it  poured  through  the  country  in  riotous  cascades, 
the  traces  of  which  are  still  clearly  recognisable  in  many 
spots.     Gradually  the  river  cleaned  out  the  whole  bed  and 
established  a  regular  surface  level.     When  the  historical 
period  begins,  the  creative  career  of  the  river  has  already 
long  been  completed  ;  from  this   time   forward,    the   Nile 
flows  in  manifold  curves  and  with  numerous 
tributaries    through    the    wrinkled    valley, 
which  it  floods  to  a  considerable  degree  only 
in   midsummer,   when   the   Ethiopian   snow 
melts  and  seeks  an  outlet.     The  fertile  land 
extends  precisely  as  far  as  the  waters  of  the 
Nile  penetrate,  or  are  guided  by  the  hand 
of  man  in  the  flood  season ;  a  sharp  line  of 
demarcation  separates  the  black  fertile  land 
formed    of   the  muddy  deposit   left  by  the 
river,  from  the  gray-yellow  of  the  bordering 
desert.     The  breadth  of  the  fertile  territory 
is  variable  ;    on  an  average  it  covers  eight, 
rarely  more   than   ten,  miles.     Only  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Nile  it  expands  to  the 
wide  marsh  lands  of  the  Delta,  in- 
tersected by  numerous  swamps  and 
lakes. 

Also  on  the  south  the  border-land 
of  Egypt  has  a  sharp  natural  line  of 
demarcation.  A  little  above  the 
24th  degree  of  latitude,  at  Gebel  Silsilis,  the  sandstone  plateau  joins  right 
on  the  river,  higlier  uj)  covering  the  whole  of  Nubia.  The  narrow  neck  of 
river  at  Gebel  Silsilis  is  the  southern  boundary  of  fertile  Egypt.  A  signifi- 
cant saga  rising  from  the  Arabian  name  of  the  mountain  range  (Silsilis 
means  "  the  chain  ")  tells  how  once  upon  a  time  the  stream  was  cut  off  by 
a  chain  that  connected  the  opposite  mountains.  About  eight  miles  higher  up, 
at  Assuan  (Syene)  a  mountain  range  of  granite  and  syenite  opposes  the 
course  of  the  river  like  a  cross-rail.  True,  the  river  has  broken  through  the 
hard  stone,  but  it  has  not  had  the  power  to  rub  it  away,  as  it  has  done  with 
the  chalk-stone  of  Egypt ;  in  numerous  rapids  it  forces  a  passage  between 
neighbouring  rocks  and  innumerable  islands  raised  from  its  bed.  Without 
doubt,  however,  the  torrent  has  continued  to  make  its  bed  deeper  here  also. 
We  know  from  old  Egyptian  accounts  of  the  Nile  levels  that  about  four 


I 


Statue  of  thk  Goddkss  Sekhet 

(Now  in  the  British  Museum) 


THE  EGYPTIAN   RACE   AND   ITS   ORIGIN 


83 


thousand  years  ago,  at  the  time  of  the  Xllth  Dynasty,  the  Nile  at  the  for- 
tresses of  Semneh  and  Kumneh,  above  the  second  cataract,  must  hav^e  been 
at  least  eight  metres  higher  than  it  is  at  the  present  day.  This  can  be  ex- 
plained only  by  supposing  that,  since  then,  the  river  must  have  burrowed 
an  equivalent  depth  in  the  rocks  of  the  cataract  district. 

This  "First  Cataract,"  which  makes  real  navigation  very  nearly  an  im- 
possibility,— a  vessel  can  be  steered  through  the  rapids 
only  with  considerable  difficulty  and  danger,  —  has  alwaj  s 
formed  the  southern  boundary  of  Egypt.     Above  it,  the 
Nile  flows  in  a  great  curve  through  the  Nubian  sandstone 
plateau.     At  numerous  places  its  way  is  blocked  by  haid 
stone  material,  through  which  it  digs  a  bed  in  cata- 
racts.    The  river  valley  has  throughout  no  more  than 
a  breadth  of  from  five  to  nine  miles.    The  fertile  land, 
which   at  the    time  of  the  old    empire   was  pretty 
thickly  wooded,  confines  itself,  where  it  does  not  cease 
altogether,   to   a   narrow  seam  on  the 
banks,  so  that  the  inhabitants,  in  order 
to  leave  as  little  as  possible  of  it  un- 
utilised,  formed  their   villages  on  the 
barren,    unfruitful    heights    above    it. 
The  whole  stretch  of  1000  miles  from 
Khartum  to  the  first  cataract  contains 
at  the  present  day   only   1125   square 
miles  of  laid-out  land.     South  of  the 
Tropic  only,  the   country  on  the  Red 
Sea   is  gradually  becoming  capable  of 
fertilisation  ;  for  the  most  part,  here  it 
bears    the    character  of    the    Steppes. 
Also  in  the   Nile,  therefore,  Egypt  is 
almost   totally   shut   off   from   Africa. 
The   campaign  of  the  English  against 
the  Mahdi  has  again  given  us  a  vigorous 
picture  of  how  wearisome  and 
difficult  is  the  connection  here  ; 
of  the  dangers  that  a   tropical 
sun,  a  deficiency  of  habitations, 
and  the  difficulties  of  communi- 
cation  offer   to   a   small    army 
that  tries  to  advance  here. 

Egypt  is  the  narrowest  country  in  the  world  ;  embracing  an  expanse  of 
570  miles  in  length,  it  does  not  contain  more  than  12,000  square  miles  of 
fertile  land,  that  is  to  say,  it  is  not  larger  than  the  kingdom  of  Belgium. 
It  is  necessary  to  keep  this  fact  clearly  in  view,  especially  as  the  maps  accessi- 
ble may  only  too  easily  convey  quite  a  false  impression,  because  they  include 
the  desert  land  within  the  boundary  line  of  Egypt,  and  as  a  rule  do  not  dis- 
tinguish it  by  any  sign  from  the  fertile  land.  The  ancient  indigenous  con- 
ception is  in  complete  accordance  with  the  geograi)hical  character  of  the 
land.  Egypt,  or  Kamit,  as  the  country  is  termed  in  the  indigenous  lan- 
guage (the  name  certainly  signifies  "  the  dark  country  "),  is  only  the  fertile 
valley  of  the  Nile.  Here  only  do  the  Egyptians  dwell.  The  oases  in  the 
west  and  the  "red  country"  (Tasherit)  in  the  east,  i.e.  the  naked,  reddish, 
glimmering  plateaus  of  the  Arabian  Desert,  are  reckoned  as  foreign  with 


Statue  of  Meneptah  II,  XIXth  Dynasty 

(Now  in  the  British  Museum) 


84  THE   HISTORY   OF  EGYPT 

consistent  regularity,  and  they  are  not  inhabited  by  Egyptians.  The  true 
state  of  affairs  is  quite  accurately  portrayed  in  the  oracle  which  decreed, 
"  Egypt  is  all  the  country  watered  by  the  Nile,  and  Egyptians  are  all  those 
who  dwell  below  the  town  Elephantine  and  drink  Nile  water." 

Herodotus  defines  Egypt  accurately  as  a  "  bequest  of  the  river "  ;  to 
the  river  alone  it  owes  its  fertility  and  its  well-being.  But  for  the  flowing 
river,  the  sand  of  the  Libyan  Desert  would  cover  that  whole  wrinkled  valley, 
which,  with  the  aid  of  tlie  river,  has  become  one  of  the  most  fertile  and  most 
thickly  populated  countries  on  the  earth. 

At  the  time  in  which  our  historical  information  begins,  we  find  the 
Lower  Nile  Valley  inhabited  by  a  race  which,  after  the  precedent  of  the 
Greeks,  we  call  Egyptians.  Whence  the  word  comes,  we  know  not ;  we 
can  only  say  that  Aigyptos  in  the  first  instance  denotes  the  river  —  almost 
without  exception  in  the  Odyssey  it  is  thus.  The  word  was  then  trans- 
ferred to  the  country  and  its  inhabitants,  and  the  river  received  tlie  name 
of  Neilos  (Nile),  the  origin  of  which  is  equally  obscure.  An  indigenous 
name  of  the  population  did  not  exist;  the  P^gyptians  denoted  themselves, 
in  distinction  from  foreigners,  simply  as  "  men  "  (rometu).  Their  coun- 
try, as  we  have  already  mentioned,  they  called  Kamit,  "Black  Country"; 
the  river  was  named  Ha-pi.  Semitic  people  called  Egypt,  we  know  not  why, 
Mior  or  j\Iusr  (Hebrew  Mizraim,  the  termination  being  a  very  common  one 
with  the  names  of  localities).  In  its  Arabian  form,  Masr,  this  word,  at  the 
present  day,  has  become  the  indigenous  name  of  the  country  and  of  its  capi- 
tal, which  we  call  Cairo.  From  the  name  Egyptians,  on  the  contrary,  was 
developed  the  modern  denotation  of  the  Christian  successors  of  the  old 
indigenous  population,  the  Copts. 

Controversy  has  been  abundant  and  vigorous  with  regard  to  the  ethno- 
graphical place  of  the  Egyptians.  While  philologists  and  historians  assume 
a  relation  with  the  neighbouring  Asiatic  races,  separating  the  Egyptians  by 
a  sharp  line  of  distinction  from  the  negro  race,  ethnologists  and  biologists, 
Robert  Hartmann  pre-eminent  amongst  them,  have  defined  them  as  genuine 
children  of  Africa  who  stood  in  indisputable  physical  relation  with  the  races 
of  the  interior  of  the  continent.  And  certainly  in  the  type  of  the  modern 
Egyptian  there  are  points  of  contact  with  the  typical  negro,  and  we  shall 
not  here  dispute  the  validity  of  the  possible  contention  that  a  gradual  transi- 
tion from  the  Egyptians  to  the  negroes  of  the  Sudan  can  be  demonstrated, 
and  that  in  the  Nile  Valley  we  never  are  confronted  with  an  acute  ethno- 
logical contrast. 

We  should  note,  however,  that  an  acute  contradiction  in  races  is  no- 
where on  earth  perceptible.  Everywhere  may  be  found  members  to  bridge 
over  the  gap,  and  the  classification  which  we  so  much  need  does  not  ever 
start  with  the  intermediate  stages,  but  with  the  extremes  in  which  the  racial 
type  finds  its  purest  illustration. 

Moreover,  the  type  of  the  modern  Egyptian  cannot  straightway  deter- 
mine the  question  as  to  the  origin  of  the  ancient  Egyptian  population,  even 
if  we  do  not  take  into  account  the  difhcult  problem  of  how  far  climate 
and  soil  exercise  a  moderating  influence  upon  a  race.  The  inhabitants  of 
the  Lower  Nile  Valley  at  the  time  of  the  New  Kingdom,  and  from  that 
time  forward  in  the  whole  course  of  history,  have  mingled  so  extensively 
with  pure  African  blood,  that  it  would  have  been  a  miracle  if  no  assimilation 
had  taken  place.  It  is  an  undoubted  fact  that  the  Turks  belong  to  the 
peoples  resembling  the  Mongolians;  but  who  will  put  the  modern  Osman 
in  the  same  line  with  the  Chinaman,  or  fail  to  recognise  the  assimilation  to 


THE   EGYPTIAN  RACE   AND   ITS   ORIGIN  86 

the  Armenian,  Persian,  Semitic,  Greek  type  ?  The  same  is  true,  for 
example,  of  the  Magyars.  A  strictly  analogous  state  of  things  is  found  in 
Egypt.  It  has  been  proved  that,  in  the  skull-formation  of  the  modern 
Egyptian,  the  influence  of  the  African  element  is  more  clearly  discernible 
than  in  the  days  of  the  ancients.  Moreover,  a  careful  comparison  leads  to 
the  conclusion  that  in  ancient,  as  in  modern  Egypt,  there  are  two  co-existent 
types:  one  resembling  the  Nubian  more  closely,  who  is  naturally  more 
strongly  represented  in  Upper  Egypt  than  in  Memphis  and  Cairo;  and  one 
sharply  distinguished  from  him  whom  we  may  define  as  the  pure  Egyptian. 
Midway  between  these  two  stands  a  hybrid  form,  represented  in  numerous 
examples  and  sufficiently  accounted  for  by  the  intermixture  of  the  two  races. 

While  the  Nubian  type  is  closer  akin  to  the  pure  negro  type  and  is  indig- 
enous in  Africa,  we  must  regard  the  purely  Egyptian  type  as  foreign  to 
this  continent ;  this  directs  us  toward  the  assumption  that  the  most  ancient 
home  of  the  Egyptian  is  to  be  sought  in  Asia.  The  Egyptians  have  depicted 
themselves,  times  out  of  number,  on  monuments,  and  enable  us  clearly 
enough  to  recognise  their  type. 

For  the  most  part,  they  are  powerful,  close-knit  figures,  frequently 
with  vigorous  features.  Not  infrequently,  as  Erman  has  sagaciously  sug- 
gested, the  heads  have  a  "  clever,  witty  expression  just  like  what  we  are 
accustomed  to  meet  with  in  cunning  old  peasants."  We  have  a  recurrence 
of  the  same  trait  in  several  early  Roman  portraits.  Side  by  side  with  this 
we  have  finely  cut  features :  for  instance,  we  are  reminded  of  the  almost 
effeminate  expression  in  the  head  of  Ramses  II.  The  Egyptian  type  is 
altogether  different  from  the  negro  type;  the  structure  of  the  nose,  for  in- 
stance, is  delicate  for  the  most  part,  and  there  is  no  trace  of  prognathismus, 
or  the  protrusion  of  the  lower  part  of  the  face. 

On  the  monuments  the  colour  of  the  skin  in  male  Egyptians,  who  in 
ancient  days  went  totally  naked  but  for  a  loin  cloth,  is  a  red-brown.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  women,  who  were  clad  in  a  long  robe  and  were  not 
equally  exposed  to  the  effects  of  air  and  sun,  are  painted  in  a  lighter  brown 
or  yellow.  In  quite  similar  fashion  the  Greeks  of  old  represented  men  on 
their  vases  as  red  and  women  as  white.  We  should  not  forget  that  the  art 
of  depicting  the  finer  shades  of  colours  in  paint  had  not  yet  been  learnt. 

Just  as  the  Egyptians  are  distinguished  from  the  population  of  the  in- 
terior of  Africa,  so  they  have  their  nearest  kinsmen  in  the  inhabitants  of  the 
northern  zone  of  the  continent.  West  of  them,  on  the  coast  lands  on  the 
Mediterranean  as  well  as  in  the  oases  of  the  desert,  dwell  races  which  are 
comprehended  by  Egyptians  under  the  term  Thuhen.  Following  the  prece- 
dent of  the  Greeks,  we  have  transferred  to  all  of  them  the  name  of  the 
Libyans,  that  race  which  was  settled  in  the  territory  of  Gyrene,  where  the 
Greeks  first  learned  of  their  existence.  In  Egyptian* memorials  we  find  them 
again  under  the  name  of  Rebu  (we  should  observe  here,  once  for  all,  that 
neither  Egyptian  speech  nor  Egyptian  writing  has  an  L,  and  so  in  foreign 
words  every  R  may  be  read  as  an  L).  The  name  Rebu,  as  the  Greek  form 
of  the  name  tells  us,  was  pronounced  Lebu  [Libu].  To  the  east  of  these 
Libyans  proper,  in  tlie  desert  plateau  of  the  country  of  Marmariea,  dwell  the 
Tuhennu,  who  spread  as  far  as  the  borders  of  Egypt,  and  even  also  settled 
in  the  western  portion  of  the  Delta.  Further  westward,  presumably  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  the  Syrtes,  we  find  the  Mashauasha.  Tlie  Greeks, 
especially  Herodotus,  have  preserved  for  us  a  great  number  of  other  names. 
All  these  tribes,  to  which  the  dwellers  in  the  oases  also  belong,  are  most 
closely  related  to  one  another,  and  form,  together  with  the  inhabitants  of 


86  THE   HISTOKY   OF  EGYPT 

western  North  Africa,  the  Numidians  and  the  Moors,  a  great  group  of 
nations,  which  we  denote  by  the  term  Libyan  or  Moorish,  or  in  modern 
terminology  the  group  of  Berber  nations.  The  Libyans  are  light  in  colour; 
on  the  Egyptian  monuments  they  are  represented  by  a  white-gray  skin 
tint. 

In  the  Moors  the  old  type  is  to  some  extent  still  preserved.  They 
are  warlike,  brave  tribes,  not  without  talent.  But  none  of  them,  it  is 
true,  developed  a  high  civilisation,  although  they  adopted  certain  ele- 
ments of  civilisation  from  the  Egyptians,  and  later  on,  in  Mauretania, 
from  the  Carthaginians.  According  to  the  representations  on  the  monu- 
ments, the  custom  of  tattooing  their  arms  and  legs  ruled  amongst  them  ; 
among  the  engraved  signs  we  also  meet  with  the  symbol  of  Nit,  the  patron 
goddess  of  Sais,  whose  population  would  appear  to  have  consisted  chiefly 
of  Libyans. 

As  in  the  west,  Libyans  and  Moors,  to  judge  from  their  language,  are 
connected  with  the  Egyptians,  so  this  is  true  in  the  south  of  a  great  number  of 
tribes  east  of  the  Nile  Valley.  These  are  the  ancestors  of  the  modern  Bedia 
tribes  {i.e.  of  the  Ababde,  the  Bischarin,  and  others,  dwelling  in  the  deserts 
and  steppes  east  of  the  Upper  Nile  Valley),  and  of  their  relations-,  the  Fa- 
laschas,  the  Gallas,  the  Somali.  Among  them  the  country  and  people  of 
Cush  attained  particular  pre-eminence  in  antiquity  ;  they  were  the  south- 
eastern neighbours  of  the  Egyptians,  who  had  their  original  settlements  in 
the  wastes  and  steppes  of  the  mountain  country  east  of  the  Nile.  In  the 
course  of  history  they  press  forward  against  the  negroes  of  the  Nile  Valley, 
the  ancestors  of  the  modern  Nubians,  and  finally  establish  here  a  powerful 
empire. 

The  Hebrews  and  the  Assyrians  are  accustomed  to  call  this  country 
Cush,  and  we  too  are  in  the  habit  of  using  this  name  Cushite  instead  of 
Egyptian.  The  Greeks  call  them  Ethiopians.  In  the  Christian  era  this 
name  was  adopted  by  a  people  living  much  farther  south,  the  Semitic  in- 
habitants of  the  great  highlands  of  Habesh  (Abyssinia),  and  this  people  and 
its  language  (Ge-ez)  are  therefore  to-day  called  Ethiopian.  But  care  must 
be  taken  not  to  transfer  this  term  of  modern  usage  in  its  modern  significance 
to  the  circumstances  of  antiquity.  The  Ethiopia  of  antiquity  is  geographi- 
cally about  coterminous  with  modern  Nubia. 

A  still  more  bewildering  confusion  has  been  engendered  by  the  term 
Cushites.  In  the  Old  Testament,  in  the  review  of  the  races  taking  their 
departure  from  Noah,  the  name  Cush  has  been  transferred  to  Babylonia 
(Gen.  X.  8  ;  possibly  also  in  the  story  of  the  Fall,  ii.  13).  This  is  to  be 
explained  by  tlie  fact  that  the  robber  mountain  horde  of  the  Kossjeans,  or,  as 
they  called  themselves,  the  Kasshu,  maintained  supremacy  for  centuries 
in  Babylonia  ;  this  name  was  identified  by  the  Hebrew  narrator  with  that 
denoting  the  African  tribe.  Recent  experts  have  derived  the  most  illusory 
consequences  from  this  misunderstanding.  In  consequence  of  it  the  Cushites 
have  become  for  them  an  Asiatic-African  aboriginal  people  of  wide  extent, 
appearing  everywhere  and  never  at  home ;  and  wherever  we  encounter 
riddles  in  the  matter  handed  down  to  us,  or  a  bold  combination  has  to  be 
made  possible,  these  Cushites  are  trotted  out,  only  to  sink  again  into  noth- 
ingness as  soon  as  they  have  done  their  work.  Conceptions  of  this  character 
hiive  found  their  way  into  ethnographical,  philological,  and  historical  works 
of  high  merit. 

From  the  abortion  that  has  grown  out  of  the  amalgamation  of  the 
Babylonian  robber  and  warrior  hordes  with  an  African    tribe,  originally 


THE   EGYPTIAN   RACE  AND   ITS   ORIGIN  87 

of  quite  a  low  grade  of  cultivation  and  the  scantiest  mental  endow- 
ment, has  been  manufactured  a  people  to  whom  the  beginning  of  all 
civilisation  has  been  referred,  to  whose  inspiration  the  great  monuments  of 
Egypt,  as  of  Babylonia,  are  supposed  to  owe  their  origin,  but  whose  person- 
ality ceases  to  be  tangible  anywhere  from  the  moment  that  positive  histori- 
cal evidence  begins. 

In  the  face  of  this  we  must  again  dwell  on  the  fact  that  the  Kossaeans 
and  the  Cushites  have  not  the  slenderest  historical  connection  with  each 
other.  The  latter  is  a  very  real  people  that  gradually  absorbed  a  certain 
degree  of  external  civilisation  from  the  Egyptians. 

With  these  East  African  nationalities  on  the  one  side,  and  the  Libyans 
and  Moors  on  the  other,  the  Egyptians  form  a  great  group  of  nations 
whose  languages  are  closely  related  to  one  another,  and  whom  one  may 
designate  as  North  Africans.  The  North  African  languages  again,  in  their 
grammatical  structure  as  well  as  in  their  vocabulary,  reveal  a  kindred 
spirit,  however  distant,  with  that  in  the  language  of  their  eastern  Asiatic 
neighbours,  the  Semites,  i.e.  the  inhabitants  of  Arabia,  Syria,  Assyria, 
and  Babylonia.  Especially  in  the  most  ancient  form  of  Egyptian  handed 
down  to  us,  in  the  language  of  the  time  of  the  Pyramids,  are  we  every- 
where confronted  with  this  kindred  spirit.  It  is  impossible  to  resist  the 
conclusion  that  there  was  a  time  when  the  forefathers  of  the  Egyptians 
and  of  the  rest  of  the  North  Africans  enjoyed  a  community  of  speech 
with  the  Semites. 

Such  being  the  case,  we  are  inclined  to  conclude  that  the  North  Afri- 
cans belong  to  the  so-called  Caucasian  race  of  men,  and  that  they  reached 
their  later  domicile  in  prehistoric  times,  after  their  detachment  from  the 
Semites. 

If  this  assumption  can  claim  for  itself  a  high  degree  of  probability,  we 
have  not  advanced  a  very  great  deal  toward  the  understanding  of  the  his- 
torical development  of  Egypt.  For  these  wanderings  and  migrations  belong  in 
any  case  to  times  remote  —  ay,  very  remote  —  from  all  historical  evidence, 
and  they  provide  us  with  no  new  disclosures  from  any  direction  as  to  the 
character  and  the  development  of  the  Egyptians.  A  further  inference  has 
been  expressed  that  the  immigrants  into  Egypt  found  it  occupied  by  an 
indigenous  population,  which  they  subdued,  and  that  from  this  population 
came  the  bondmen  whom  we  find  in  ancient  Egypt,  while  the  immigrants 
went  to  make  the  lords  and  the  aristocracy. 

Possibly  this  assumption  is  just  ;  in  support  of  it  we  may  cite  the 
agreement  subsisting  between  the  nature  of  the  Egyptian  animal  worship 
and  the  religious  conceptions  of  several  of  the  African  peoples.  But  we 
must  never  lose  sight  of  the  fact  that  the  Egyptians  themselves  have  no 
knowledge  of  any  such  theory. 

If  an  immigration  and  an  amalgamation  of  peoples  took  place,  at  the 
time  of  the  Pyramids  it  had  already  long  been  buried  in  oblivion  ;  the 
Egyptians  regard  themselves  as  autocthonous,  and  —  with  the  exception 
of  a  part  of  the  population  in  the  lower  lands  of  Nubia,  Libya,  and 
Asia  —  as  a  single  nation,  within  which  there  can  be  no  question  of 
a  clash  of  mental  conceptions,  and  within  which  the  proud  and  the 
humble,  the  lord  and  the  bondman,  have  nothing  to  distinguish  them 
externally. 

Historical  presentation  demands  that  we  should  treat  the  Egyptians 
throughout  as  one  i)eo2)le,  whatever  may  be  the  number  of  different  tribes 
that  settled  in  the  Nile  Valley  in  prehistoric  time.& 


88  THE   HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 

The  earliest  stage  of  man  that  is  known  in  Egypt  is  the  Palaeolithic  ; 
this  was  contemporary  with  a  rainy  climate,  which  enabled  at  least  some 
vegetation  to  grow  on  the  high  desert,  for  the  great  bulk  of  the  worked 
flints  are  found  five  to  fifteen  hundred  feet  above  the  Nile,  on  a  tableland 
which  is  now  entirely  barren  desert.  Water-worn  palaeoliths  are  found  in  the 
beds  of  the  stream  courses,  now  entirely  dried  up,  and  flaked  flints  of  a  rather 
later  style  occur  in  the  deep  beds  of  Nile  gravels,  which  are  twenty  or  thirty 
feet  above  the  highest  level  of  the  present  river.  This  type  of  work,  how- 
ever, lasted  on  to  the  age  of  the  existing  conditions,  for  perfectly  sharp  and 
fresh  palaeoliths  are  found  on  the  desert  as  low  down  as  the  present  high 
Nile. 

PREHISTORIC  EGYPT 

The  date  of  the  change  of  climate  is  roughly  shown  by  the  depth  of  the 
Nile  deposits.  It  is  well  known  by  a  scale  extending  over  about  three 
thousand  years,  that  in  different  parts  of  Egypt  the  rise  of  the  Nile  bed  has 
been  on  an  average  about  four  inches  per  century,  owing  to  the  annual  de- 
posits of  mud  during  the  inundation.  And  in  various  borings  that  have  been 
made,  the  depth  of  the  Nile  mud  is  only  about  twenty-five  or  thirty  feet. 
Hence  an  age  of  about  eight  or  nine  thousand  years  for  the  cultivable  land 
may  be  taken  as  a  minimum,  probably  to  be  somewhat  extended  by  slighter 
deposit  in  the  earlier  time. 

The  continuous  history  extends  to  about  5000  B.C.,  and  the  prehistoric  age 
of  continuous  culture  known  to  us  covers  probably  two  thousand  years  more  ; 
hence  our  continuous  knowledge  probably  extends  back  to  about  7000  B.C., 
or  to  about  the  time  when  the  change  of  climate  took  place.  At  that  time  we 
find  a  race  of  European  type  starting  on  a  continuous  career,  but  with  re- 
mains of  a  steatopygous  race,  of  "  Bushman "  (Koranna)  type  known  and 
represented  in  modelled  figures.  We  can  hardly  avoid  the  conclusion  that 
this  steatopygous  race  was  that  of  Palaeolithic  man  in  Egypt,  especially  as 
that  equivalence  is  also  known  in  the  French  cave  remains.  It  is  noticeable 
that  all  the  figures  known  of  this  race  —  in  France,  Malta,  and  Egypt  —  are 
women,  suggesting  that  the  men  were  exterminated  by  the  newer  people,  but 
the  women  were  kept  as  slaves,  and  hence  were  familiar  to  the  pioneers  of 
the  European  race.  These  Palaeolithic  women  were  broadly  built,  with  deep 
lumbar  curve,  great  masses  of  fat  on  the  hips  and  thighs,  with  hair  along  the 
lower  jaw  and  over  most  of  the  body. 

The  fresh  race  which  entered  Egypt  was  of  European  type  —  slender, 
fair-skinned,  with  long,  wavy  brown  hair.  The  skull  was  closely  like  that 
of  the  ancient  and  modern  Algerians  of  the  interior  ;  and  as  one  of  the 
earliest  classes  of  their  pottery  is  similar  in  material  and  decoration  to  the 
present  Kabyle  pottery,  we  may  consider  them  a  branch  of  Algerians.  They 
seem  to  have  entered  the  country  as  soon  as  the  Nile  deposits  rendered  it 
habitable  by  an  agricultural  people.  They  already  made  well-formed  pottery 
by  hand,  knew  copper  as  a  rarity,  and  were  clad  in  goatskins.  Entering  a 
fertile  country,  and  mixing  probably  with  the  earlier  race,  they  made  rapid 
advance  in  all  their  products,  and  in  a  few  generations  they  had  an  able 
civilisation.  Their  work  in  flint  was  fine  and  bold,  with  more  delicate 
handiwork  than  that  of  any  other  people  except  their  descendants ;  their 
stone  vases  were  cut  in  the  hardest  materials  with  exquisite  regularity ; 
their  carving  of  ivory  and  slate  was  better  than  anything  which  followed 
for  over  a  thousand  years ;  and  they  had  a  large  number  of  signs  in  use, 
which  were  probably  the  first  stages  of  our  alphabet. 


THE  EGYPTIAN  EACE  AND  ITS  OKIGIN  89 

After  some  centuries  of  this  culture  a  change  appears,  at  the  same  point 
of  time  in  every  kind  of  work.  A  difference  of  people  seems  probable,  but 
no  great  change  of  race,  as  the  type  is  unaltered.  The  later  people  show 
some  Eastern  affinities  ;  and  it  seems  as  if  a  part  of  the  earlier  Libyan  people 
had  entered  Syria  or  North  Arabia  and  had  afterward  flowed  back  through 
Egypt,  modified  by  their  Semitic  contact.  It  is  perhaps  to  this  influx  that 
the  Semitic  element  in  the  Egyptian  language  is  due. 

This  later  prehistoric  people  brought  in  new  kinds  of  pottery  and  more 
commerce,  which  provided  gold,  silver,  and  various  foreign  stones ;  they  also 
elaborated  the  art  of  flint-working  to  its  highest  pitch  of  regularity  and 
beauty,  and  they  generally  extended  the  use  of  copper,  and  developed  the 
principal  tools  to  full  size.  But  they  show  even  less  artistic  feeling  than 
the  earlier  branch,  for  all  figure-carving  quickly  decayed,  both  in  ivory  and 
in  stone.  The  use  of  amulets  was  brought  in,  and  also  forehead  pendants 
of  shell.   And  the  signs  which  were  already  in  use  almost  entirely  disappeared. 

This  prehistoric  civilisation  was  much  decayed  when  it  was  overcome  by  a 
new  influx  of  people,  who  founded  the  dynastic  rule.  These  came  apparently 
from  the  Red  Sea,  as  they  entered  Egypt  in  the  reign  of  Coj)tos,  and  not 
either  from  the  north  or  from  the  Upper  Nile.  They  were  a  highly  artistic 
people,  as  the  earliest  works  attributable  to  them  —  the  Min  sculptures  at 
Coptos  —  show  better  drawing  than  any  work  by  the  older  inhabitants  ;  and 
they  rapidly  advanced  in  art  to  the  noble  works  of  the  1st  Dynasty.  They 
also  brought  in  the  hieroglyphic  system,  which  was  developed  along  with  their 
art.  It  seems  probable  that  they  came  up  from  the  Land  of  Punt,  at  the  south 
of  the  Red  Sea,  and  they  may  have  been  a  branch  of  the  Punic  race  in  its 
migration  from  the  Persian  Gulf  round  by  sea  to  the  Mediterranean.  They 
rapidly  subdued  the  various  tribes  which  were  in  Egypt,  and  at  least  five 
different  types  of  man  are  shown  on  the  monuments  of  their  earliest 
kings.  ^  Of  these  there  were  two  distinct  lines,  the  kings  of  Upf)er  and 
the  kings  of  Lower  Egypt.  The  Palermo  stone  gives  us  the  names  of 
seven  independent  kings  of  Lower  Egypt  who  ruled  before  the  time  of 
Menes  —  Seker,  Tesau,  Tau,  Thesh,  Neheb,  Uat'-nar,  and  Mekha,  while 
within  the  past  few  years  the  names  of  three  pre-dynastic  kings  of  Upper 
Egypt  have  been  revealed — Te,  Re,  and  Ka.  To  discover  when  and  where 
these  early  monarchs  reigned  is  probably  the  most  interesting  and  important 
problem  engaging  the  Egyptologist  to-day. « 


A' 


:^ftv^i„5}isi^ 


I 


CHAPTER  II.     THE   OLD   MEiMPHIS    KINGDOM 

The  First  Dynasty 
Thinites 


Manctho 

Turin  r.ipyrus 

Abydos 

Saqqarah 

Monuments 

Tears  in 

Manetho 

Afr. 

Euseb. 

1 

Menes     .     . 

Mena  .     .    . 

Mena  .     .     . 

Menes      .     . 

62 

60 

2 

Athothis .     . 

Atu     .     .     . 

Teta    .     .     . 

Teta    .     .     . 

57 

27 

3 

Kenkenes     . 

Ateth .     .     . 

31 

39 

4 
5 
6 

7 

Uenephes     . 
Usaphaides  . 
Miebidos      . 
Semempses  . 

.  .  .a    .     .     . 
Hesep-ti  .     , 
Mer-ba-pen  . 
Men-sa-nefer 

Ata     .     .     . 
Ilesep-ti  .     . 
Mer-ba-pa    . 
Sem-en-Ptah 

Mer-ba-pen  . 

Hesep-ti  .     . 
Sem-en-Ptah 

23 
20 
26 
18 

42 
20 
26 
18 

8 

Bieneches     . 

,  .  .buhu  .     . 

Kebh  .     .     . 

Keb-hu    .     . 

26 

26 

Total 253  (L. 


252  or  253  (L.  258) 


The  first  human  king  who,  according  to  Greek  authors  as  well  as  accord- 
ing to  the  Egyptian  lists  of  kings,  ruled  over  the  Nile  Valley  was  Menes,  called 
Mena  in  Egyptian.  His  family  came  from  Teni,  a  spot  in  Middle  Egypt, 
the  Greek  This  [or  Thinis]  in  Abydos,  a  place  which  formed  a  certain 
religious  centre  of  the  kingdom  down  to  a  late  period.  Menes  himself,  it  is 
true,  soon  quitted  tlie  place  and  built  his  residence  on  another  more  favoura- 
bly situated  spot,  the  place  where  the  fruitful  plains  of  the  Delta  began. 
This  new  capital  is  Memphis,  the  city  that  flourished  down  to  the  latest 
periods  of  Egyptian  history  as  a  royal  residence  and  a  commercial  centre. 
The  foundation  of  the  place  is  to-day  exposed  to  the  flooding  of  the  Nile  ; 
this  was  already  the  case  in  ancient  days,  and  the  king  was  forced  to  protect 
the  ground  from  this  danger  by  a  powerful  dam.  The  dike  which  he  con- 
structed is  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  place  called  Cocheiche.  And  this 
dike  to  this  day  secures  the  whole  province  of  Gizeh  from  the  floods. 

This  danger  of  flooding  is  less  to  be  apprehended  from  the  Nile  itself 
than  from  the  natural  canal,  called  Bahr  Yusuf  ["River  of  Joseph"], 
which  skirts  the  Libyan  Desert.  Thus  the  topographical  conditions  of  this 
place  have  hardly  varied  at  all  from  the  time  of  "Menes.  The  ruined  site  of 
ancient  Memphis  is  now  traced  by  only  a  few  monuments,  and  the  excava- 
tions here  have  been  very  unproductive,  while  even  in  the  days  of  the  Arabs 
the  remnants  of  the  town  aroused  the  highest  admiration  in  Arabian  authors. 
At  all  events  the  name  has  remained,  and  to  this  day  the  great  mound  at 
Mitraheni  is  called  Tel-el-Monf,  the  mound  of  Monf.     The  ancient  Egyp- 


THE   OLD   MEMPHIS  KINGDOM  91 

[ca.  4400-4133  B.C.] 

tian  name  was  Men-nefer,  "the  good  place,"  the  sacred  name  Ha-kha-Ptah, 
*'  the  house  of  the  divine  person  of  Ptah,"  just  as  Ptah  has  remained  for  all 
time  the  chief  god  of  the  city.  From  this  name,  with  but  little  right,  it  has 
been  sought  to  derive  the  Greek  name  of  the  country  of  Egypt. 

The  acts,  which  for  the'  rest  are  ascribed  to  Menes,  are  just  those  with 
which  the  first  prince  of  a  country  is  usually  accredited.  According  to  the 
Greeks  he  founded  in  Memphis  the  great  temple  of  Ptah,  the  very  first  tem- 
ple in  Egypt  ;  he  regulated  the  service  in  the  temple  and  the  honouring  of 
the  god  ;  he  further  was  responsible  for  the  introduction  of  the  cult  of  Apis. 
Finally,  he  even  discovered  the  alphabet,  according  to  Anticlides,  fifteen  years 
(it  would  probably  be  more  reasonable  to  read  it  15,000)  before  Phoroneus, 
the  architect  of  Argos. 

Diodorus  obliges  •  us  with  the  additional  information  that  King  Menes 
once  was  pursued  by  his  own  dogs,  that  he  fled  into  Lake  Moeris  and 
was  carried  to  the  opposite  shore  on  the  back  of  a  crocodile.  In  gratitude 
for,  and  in  memory,  of,  his  marvellous  deliverance  he  founded,  so  goes 
the  tale,  the  town  of  Crocodilopolis,  and  introduced  the  veneration  of  croco- 
diles, to  whom  he  surrendered  the  use  of  the  lake.  For  himself  he  raised 
here  a  memorial  pyramid  and  founded  the  famous  Labyrinth.  As  for  his 
character,  according  to  the  legend,  he  was  a  luxurious  prince,  who  dis- 
covered the  art  of  dressing  a  meal,  and  taught  his  subjects  to  eat  in  a  reclin- 
ing posture.  In  conflict  with  this  is  the  account  of  Manetho,  which  depicts 
him  as  the  first  warrior-prince,  and  makes  him  fight  the  Libyans.  Accord- 
ing to  Manetho  he  met  his  death  through  being  swallowed  by  a  hippopota- 
mus. According  to  a  widely  spread  but  quite  unauthentic  story,  he  had 
in  earlier  life  lost  his  only  son  Maneros,  and  the  nation  had  composed  a  dirge 
on  the  subject  entitled  "  Maneros,"  of  which  text  and  melody  are  sujjposed 
to  have  survived  for  long. 

Down  to  a  late  period  Menes  was  honoured  as  a  god  in  Egypt.  In  this 
capacity  he  appears  on  the  Tablet  of  Abydos  as  the  first  of  the  kings  ;  his 
statue  is  carried  round  in  a  procession  in  the  Ramesseum,  and  even  in  the 
time  of  the  Ptolemies,  a  priest  of  the  statues  of  Nectanebo  I,  by  the  name 
of  Un-nefer,  was  entrusted  with  his  worship.  His  name  lasted  in  Egypt 
even  longer  than  his  worship  ;  it  was  borne  by  one  of  the  most  important 
Coptic  saints,  who  lived  at  the  beginning  of  the  fourth  century  and  to  whom 
a  church  in  old  Cairo  is  yet  dedicated. 

Teta  :  Styled  Athothis  I  by  Eratosthenes,  he  is  supposed  to  have  ruled 
for  fifty-nine  years.  According  to  Manetho,  he  constructed  the  royal  castle 
of  Memphis  and  wrote  a  work  on  anatomy,  being  particularly  occupied  with 
medicine.  The  latter  supposition  is  rendered  more  complete  to  a  certain 
extent  by  the  account,  due  to  the  Ebers  papyrus,  that  a  method  for  making 
the  hair  grow  described  accurately  therein,  was  supposed  to  liave  been  dis- 
covered by  our  king's  mother,  Shesh.  For  the  rest  we  have  no  information  of 
his  period,  except  that  in  the  reign  of  the  son  of  Menes  a  double-headed  crane 
revealed  itself  ;  this  was  supposed  to  be  a  sign  of  long  prosperity  for  Egypt. 
We  may  possibly  explain  this  legend  from  the  circumstance  that  the  names  of 
the  two  successors  of  Menes  are  formed  with  the  names  of  the  crane-headed  or 
ibis-headed  god,  Tehuti. 

Ata  :    A  great  plague  broke  out  in  his  reign. 

Hesep-ti :  [Within  the  past  few  years  the  correct  reading  of  this  name 
has  been  shown  to  be  Sem-ti.     His  Horus  name  is  Ten.] 

Sem-en-ptah :  [This  name  is  also  read  Semsu.]  According  to  Manetho 
there  was  a  great  pestilence  in  this  reign. 


92 


THE   HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 


[ca.  4135-3766  B.C.] 


The  Second  Dynasty 
Thinite» 


— 

Manetho 

Turin  Papyrus 

Abydos 

Saqqarah 

Monuments 

Years  In  Manetho 

Afr. 

Euseb. 

1 

2 
3 
4 

Boethos  .     . 
Chaiechos    . 
Binothris 
Tlas    .     .     . 

.  .  .  .ba-u  .     . 
.  .  .  .ka-u  .     . 
.  .  .  .neter-en 

Be-t'a-u  .     . 
Ka-ka-u  .     . 
Ba-neter-en . 

Uat'nes   .     . 

Neter-ba-u  . 
Ka-ka-u  .  . 
Ba-neter-en . 
Uat'nes    .     . 

38 

29 
47 
17 

29 
47 

6 

6 

7 

Sethenes .     . 
Chaires    .     . 
Nefercheres . 

Senta .     .     . 
....ka     .     . 

Senta .     .     . 

Sent  .  .  . 
Nefer-ka-Ra 

Sen^    .     .     . 
Per-ab-sen  ? . 

41 
17 
25 

8 

Sesochris 

.. 

48 

9 

Cheneres 

.. 

•   .. 

30 

Total 


[There  is  a  king  whose  Horus  name  is  read  Hotep-Sekhemui,  and  who 
is  placed  by  some  authorities  early  in  the  Ilnd  Dynasty,  but  as  yet  we  do 
not  even  know  his  name  as  king  of  United  Egypt.]  Ka-ka-u.  [Under 
this  king  the  worship  of  the  Apis  bulls  was  instituted.]  Baneter-en. 
This  is  the  Biophis  of  Eusebius.  Of  high  importance  for  the  whole  of 
Egyptian  history  is  the  observation  of  Manetho  that  this  king  declared 
female  succession  to  be  legitimate.  In  the  course  of  the  history  of  Egypt 
we  shall  indeed  frequently  have  occasion  to  note  what  immense  weight  this 
people  attached  to  female  succession,  and  how  it  is  this  which  in  innumerable 
instances  gives  the  colour  of  legitimacy  to  the  assumption  of  the  throne  b}'^  a 
sovereign  or  a  dynasty.  John  of  Antioch  makes  the  Nile  flow  with  honey 
for  eleven  days  in  the  reign  of  Binothris,  while  Manetho  postpones  this  mira- 
cle until  the  reign  of  Nefercheres.^ 


The  Third 

Dynasty 

Meynphites 

Manetho 

Turin  Papyrus 

Abydos 

Saqqarah 

Monuments 

Years  in 

Manetho 

Afr. 

Euseb. 

1 

Necherophes 

Seker-nefer-ka 

Seker-nefer-ka 

28 

2 

Tosorthros     . 

....  t'efa      . 

T'efa  .  .  . 

29 

3 

Tyreis .     .     . 

T'at'ai      .     . 

T'at'ai      .     . 

Bebi     .     .     . 

7 

4 

Mesochris 

Neb-ka.  .  . 

Neb-ka     .     . 

Neb-ka-Ra    . 

17 

5 

Soiiphis    .     . 

T'er      .     .    . 

T'er-sa      .     . 

T'er     .     .     . 

T'er     .     .     . 

16 

6 

Tosertasis     . 

T'er-teta  .     . 

Teta     .     .     . 

T'er-teta  .     . 

19 

7 

Aches  .     .     . 

42 

8 

Sephurls  .     . 

Set'es  .    .     . 

Ra-neb-ka? 

30 

9 

Chei-pheres  , 

Huni    .     .     . 

Ra-nefer-ka 

Huni    .     .     . 

Huni    .     .     . 

26 

_ 

Note.— T'  is 

to  be  pronounc 

ed  tch  or  z. 

Total 

214 

Unfortunately  we  cannot  as  yet  positively  identify  Necherophes  on  the 
tablets  and  monuments.     A  new  arrangement,  and  one  that  has  much  in  its 


THE   OLD  MEMPHIS  KINGDOM  93 

[ca.  3766  B.C.] 

favour,  is  to  connect  him  with  Neb-ka  or  Neb-ka-Ra  (No.  4,  in  Wiedemann's 
table).  This  would  join  Seker-nefer-ka  with  Sesochris  (No.  8,  Ilnd  Dynasty) 
with  the  additional  support  that  "  ochris  "  is  plainly  the  Greek  equivalent  of 
"  Seker  " ;  and  T'ef a  with  Cheneres,  although  the  latter  assumption  is  ad- 
mittedly the  merest  guesswork.  This  brings  T'er-sa  (or  Zeser,  as  it  is  more 
often  spelled)  opposite  Tosorthros.  We  know  that  Zeser  built  the  step- 
pyramid  of  Saqqarah  and  Manetho  says  that  Tosorthros  "built  a  house  of 
hewn  stones."  He  is  the  most  important  sovereign  of  the  dynasty.  Manetho 
further  credits  him  with  bringing  the  art  of  writing  to  perfection  ;  he  is  also 
supposed  to  have  been  a  physician,  and  for  this  reason  the  divine  ^sculapius 
of  the  Greeks.  From  Tosertasis  to  the  end  of  the  dynasty  there  are  differ- 
ences of  opinion  in  regard  to  order  or  identification,  and  consequently  we 
are  still  at  sea  with  regard  to  Tyreis,  Mesochris,  and  Soiiphis. 


THE   PYRAMID   DYNASTY 


The  IVth  Dynasty  has  a  peculiar  and  unique  interest 
for  the  casual  observer  of  Egyptian  history,  because  it  was 
the  time  when  the  world-famous  pyramids  were  erected,  the 
pyramids  which  were  accounted  among 
the  wonders  of  the  world  in  classical 
antiquity,  and  the  name  of  which  has 
stood  almost  as  a  synonym  of  Egypt  for 
all  succeeding  generations.  If  one  were 
to  list  the  wonders  of  the  world  in  our 
day,  the  legitimate  number  would  swell 
far  beyond  the  classical  estimate  of 
seven  ;  but  it  may  be  doubted  if  among 
them  all  there  would  be  any  more  justly 
accounted  wonderful  than  these  same 
pyramids.  Even  if  constructed  to-day, 
they  would  be  accounted  marvellous 
structures  ;  and,  dating  as  they  do 
from  remotest  antiquity,  when  the  de- 
vices of  the  modern  mechanic  were  yet 
undreamed  of,  they  seem  almost  miracu- 
lous. Nothing  that  any  other  land  can 
show  at  all  rivals  or  duplicates  them; 
they  are  unique,  like  Egypt  herself. 
What  adds  to  the  unique  interest  of  the  pyramids  is  the  fact  that  we 
know  almost  nothing  of  their  builders,  except  what  these  structures  them- 
selves relate.  The  pyramids  epitomise  the  history  of  an  epoch.  They  are 
the  standing  witness  that  Egypt  in  that  epoch  was  inhabited  by  a  highly 
civilised  people.  But  practically  all  that  we  know  of  this  people  is  that  they 
were  the  builders  of  the  pyramids.  Even  that  is  much,  however,  and  we 
shall  advantageously  dwell  at  length  upon  these  monuments,  viewing  them 
from  as  many  standpoints  as  possible — through  the  eyes  of  Diodorus  on 
the  one  hand,  and  of  the  most  recent  European  explorers  on  the  other,  a 

Diodorus,  voicing  the  traditions  of  his  time,  gives  the  following  enter- 
taining account  of  these  marvels  :  ^ 

[  1  Here  and  in  subsequent  excerpts  from  Diodorus  we  use  a  seventeentli-ceutury  transla- 
tion.] 


94  THE   HISTORY  OF   EGYPT 

[ca.  3733-3633  B.C.] 

"  Chcmmis  [Kliufu  or  Cheops],  the  Eightli  King  from  Rempliis,  was  of 
Memphis,  and  reign'd  Fifty  Years.  He  built  the  greatest  of  the  Three  Pyra- 
mids, which  were  accounted  amongst  the  Seven  Wonders  of  the  World. 
They  stand  towards  Lybia  a  Hundred  and  Twenty  Furlongs  from  JNIemphis, 
and  Five  and  Forty  from  Nile.  The  Greatness  of  these  Works,  and  the  ex- 
cessive Labour  of  the  Workmen  seen  in  them,  do  even  strike  the  Beholders 
with  Admiration  and  Astonishment.  The  greatest  being  Four-square,  took 
up  on  every  Square  Seven  Hundred  Foot  of  Ground  in  the  Basis,  and  above 
Six  Hundred  Foot  in  height,  spiring  up  narrower  by  little  and  little,  till  it 
come  up  to  the  Point,  the  Top  of  which  was  Six  Cubits  Square.  It's  built 
of  solid  Marble  throughout,  of  rough  Work,  but  of  perpetual  Duration  :  For 
though  it  be  now  a  Thousand  Years  since  it  was  built  (some  say  above 
Three  Thousand  and  Four  Hundred)  yet  the  Stones  are  as  firmly  joynted,  and 
the  whole  Building  as  intire  and  without  the  least  decay,  as  they  were  at  the 
first  laying  and  Krection.  The  Stone,  they  say,  was  brought  a  long  way  off, 
out  of  Arabia,  and  that  the  Work  was  rais'd  by  making  Mounts  of  Earth  ; 
Cranes  and  other  Engines  being  not  known  at  that  time.  And  that  which 
is  most  to  be  admir'd  at,  is  to  see  such  a  Foundation  so  imprudently  laid,  as 
it  seems  to  be,  in  a  Sandy  Place,  where  there's  not  the  least  Sign  of  any 
Earth  cast  up,  nor  Marks  where  any  Stone  was  cut  and  polish'd  ;  so  that  the 
whole  Pile  seems  to  be  rear'd  all  at  once,  and  fixt  in  the  midst  of  Heaps  of 
Sand  by  some  God,  and  not  built  by  degrees  by  the  Hands  of  Men.  Some 
of  the  Egyptians  tell  wonderful  things,  and  invent  strange  Fables  concern- 
ing these  Works,  affirming  that  the  Mounts  were  made  of  Salt  and  Salt- 
Peter,  and  that  they  were  melted  by  the  Inundation  of  the  River,  and  being 
so  dissolv'd,  everything  was  washt  away  but  the  Building  itself.  But  this 
is  not  the  Truth  of  the  thing ;  but  the  great  Multitude  of  Hands  that  rais'd 
the  Mounts,  the  same  carry'd  back  the  Earth  to  the  Place  whence  they  dug 
it,  for  the}'-  say  there  were  Three  Hundred  and  Sixty  Thousand  Men  imploy'd 
in  this  Work,  and  the  Whole  was  scarce  compleated  in  Twenty  Years  time. 

"  When  this  King  was  dead,  his  Brother  Cephres  [Khaf-Ra]  succeeded 
him,  and  reign'd  Six  and  Fifty  Years :  Some  say  it  was  not  his  Brother,  but 
his  Son  Chabryis  that  came  to  the  Crown  :  But  all  agree  in  this,  that  the 
Successor,  in  imitation  of  his  Predecessor,  erected  another  Pyramid  like  to 
the  former,  both  in  Structure  and  Artificial  Workmanship,  but  not  near  so 
large,  every  square  of  the  Basis  being  only  a  Furlong  in  Breadth. 

"  Upon  the  greater  Pyramid  was  inscrib'd  the  value  of  the  Herbs  and 
Onions  that  were  spent  upon  the  Labourers  during  the  Works,  which 
amounted  to  above  Sixteen  Hundred  Talents. 

"  There's  nothing  writ  upon  the  lesser :  The  Entrance  and  Ascent  is 
only  on  one  side,  cut  by  steps  into  the  main  Stone.  Although  the  Kings 
dcsign'd  these  Two  for  their  Sepulchers,  yet  it  hapen'd  that  neither  of 
them  were  there  buri'd.  For  the  People,  being  incens'd  at  them  by  reason 
of  the  Toyl  and  Labour  they  were  put  to,  and  the  cruelty  and  oppression 
of  their  Kings,  threatened  to  drag  their  Carkasses  out  of  their  Graves,  and 
pull  them  by  piece-meal,  and  cast  them  to  the  Dogs ;  and  therefore  both  of 
them  upon  their  Beds  commanded  their  Servants  to  bury  them  in  some 
obscure  place. 

"  After  him  reign'd  Mycerinus  [Mencheres]  (otherwise  call'd  Cherinus) 
the  Son  of  him  who  built  the  first  Pyramid.  This  Prince  began  a  Third, 
but  died  before  it  was  finish'd ;  every  square  of  the  Basis  was  Three  Hun- 
dred Foot.  The  Walls  for  fifteen  Stories  high  were  Black  Marble  like  that 
of  Thebes,  the  rest  was  of  the  same  Stone  with  the  other  Pyramids.     Though 


THE   OLD  MEMPHIS  KINGDOM  95 

[ca.  3733-3633  B.C.] 

the  other  Pyramids  went  beyond  this  in  greatness,  yet  this  far  excell'd  the 
rest  in  the  Curiosity  of  tlie  Structure  and  the  largeness  of  the  Stones.  On 
that  side  of  the  Pyramid  towards  the  North,  was  inscrib'd  the  Name  of  the 
Founder  Mecerinus.  This  King,  they  say,  detesting  the  severity  of  the 
former  Kings,  carried  himself  all  his  Days  gently  and  graciously  towards  all 
his  Subjects,  and  did  all  that  possibly  he  could  to  gain  their  Love  and  Good 
Will  towards  him ;  besides  other  things,  he  expended  vast  Sums  of  Money 
upon  the  Oracles  and  Worship  of  the  Gods ;  and  bestowing  large  Gifts  upon 
honest  Men  whom  he  judg'd  to  be  injur'd,  and  to  be  hardly  dealt  with  in 
the  Courts  of  Justice. 

"  There  are  other  Pyramids,  every  Square  of  which  are  Two  Hundred 
Foot  in  the  Basis ;  and  in  all  things  like  unto  the  other,  except  in  bigness. 
It's  said  that  these  Three  last  Kings  built  them  for  their  Wives. 

"  It  is  not  in  the  least  doubted,  but  that  these  Pyramids  far  excel  all  the 
other  Works  throughout  all  Egypt,  not  only  in  the  Greatness  and  Costs  of 
the  Building,  but  in  the  Excellency  of  the  Workmanship :  For  the  Archi- 
tects (they  say)  are  much  more  to  be  admir'd  than  the  Kings  themselves 
that  were  at  the  Cost.  For  those  perform'd  all  by  their  own  Ingenuity,  but 
these  did  nothing  but  by  the  Wealth  handed  to  them  by  descent  from  their 
Predecessors,  and  by  the  Toyl  and  Labour  of  other  Men."e 

A   MODERN   ACCOUNT   OF   THE   PYRAMIDS 

The  Egyptians  of  the  Theban  period  were  compelled  to  form  their 
opinions  of  the  Pharaohs  of  the  Memphite  dynasties  in  the  same  way 
as  we  do,  less  by  the  positive  evidence  of  their  acts  than  by  the  size  and 
number  of  their  monuments  :  they  measured  the  magnificence  of  Cheops 
[Khufu]  by  the  dimensions  of  his  pyramid,  and  all  nations  having  followed 
this  example,  Cheops  has  continued  to  be  one  of  the  three  or  four  names 
of  former  times  which  sound  familiar  to  our  ears.  The  hills  of  Gizeh  in  his 
time  terminated  in  a  bare,  wind-swept  tableland.  A  few  solitary  mastabas 
were  scattered  here  and  there  on  its  surface,  similar  to  those  whose  ruins 
still  crown  the  hill  of  Dahshur. 

The  Sphinx,  buried  even  in  ancient  times  to  its  shoulders,  raised  its  head 
halfway  down  the  eastern  slope,  at  its  southern  angle  ;  beside  him  the 
temple  of  Osiris,  lord  of  the  Necropolis,  was  fast  disappearing  under  the 
sand  ;  and  still  farther  back,  old  abandoned  tombs  honeycombed  the  rock. 

Cheops  [Khufu]  chose  a  site  for  his  pyramid  on  the  northern  edge  of 
the  plateau,  whence  a  view  of  the  city  of  the  White  Wall,  at  the  same  time 
of  the  holy  city  of  Heliopolis,  could  be  obtained.  A  small  mound  which 
commanded  this  prospect  was  roughly  squared,  and  incorporated  into  the 
masonry;  the  rest  of  the  site  was  levelled  to  receive  the  first  course  of  stones. 

The  pyramid  when  completed  had  a  height  of  476  feet  on  a  base  764  feet 
square  ;  but  the  decaying  influence  of  time  has  reduced  these  dimensions  to 
450  and  730  feet  respectively.  It  possessed,  up  to  the  Arab  conquest,  its  pol- 
ished facing,  coloured  by  age,  and  so  subtly  jointed  that  one  would  have 
said  that  it  was  a  single  slab  from  top  to  bottom.  The  work  of  facing  the 
pyramid  began  at  the  top  ;  that  of  the  point  was  first  placed  in  position,  then 
the  courses  were  successively  covered  until  the  bottom  was  reached. 

In  the  interior  every  device  had  been  employed  to  conceal  tlie  exact  posi- 
tion of  the  sarcophagus,  and  to  discourage  the  excavators  whom  chance  or 
persistent  search  might  have  put  upon  the  right  track.  Their  first  difficulty 
would  be  to  discover  the  entrance  under  the  limestone  casing.     It  lay  hidden 


96  THE   HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 

[ca.  3733  B.C.] 

almost  in  the  middle  of  the  northern  face,  on  the  level  of  the  eighteenth 
course,  at  about  forty-five  feet  above  the  ground.  A  movable  flagstone, 
working  on  a  stone  pivot,  disguised  it  so  effectively  that  no  one  except  the 
priests  and  custodians  could  have  distinguished  this  stone  from  its  neigh- 
bours. When  it  was  tilted  up,  a  yawning  passage  was  revealed,  three  and  a 
half  feet  in  height,  with  a  breadth  of  four  feet.  The  passage  is  an  inclined 
plane,  extending  partly  through  the  masonry  and  partly  through  the  solid 
rock  for  a  distance  of  318  feet;  it  passes  through  an  unfinished  chamber  and 
ends  in  cul-de-sac  59  feet  farther  on. 

The  Great  Pyramid  was  called  Khut,  "the  Horizon,"  in  which  Khufu 
had  to  be  swallowed  ui),  as  his  father,  the  Sun,  was  engulfed  every  evening  in 
the  hori/on  of  tlie  west.  It  contained  only  the  chambers  of  the  deceased, 
without  a  word  of  inscription,  and  we  should  not  know  to  whom  it  belonged, 
if  the  masons,  during  its  construction,  had  not  daubed  here  and  there  in  red 
paint  among  tlieir  private  marks  the  name  of  the  king  and  the  date  of  his 
reign.  Woi'ship  was  rendered  to  this  Pharaoh  in  a  temple  constructed  a 
little  in  front  of  the  eastern  side  of  the  pyramid,  but  of  which  nothing 
remains  l)ut  a  mass  of  ruins. 

Pharaoh  had  no  need  to  wait  until  he  was  mummified  before  he  became  a 
god ;  religious  rites  in  his  honour  were  established  on  his  ascension ;  and 
many  of  the  individuals  who  made  up  his  court  attached  themselves  to  his 
doul)le  long  before  his  double  had  become  disembodied.  They  served  him 
faitlifully  during  their  life,  to  repose  finally  in  his  shadow  in  the  little  pyra- 
mids and  mastabas  which  clustered  around  him.  Of  Dadef-Ra  (or  Tatf-Ra), 
his  immediate  successor,  we  can  probably  say  that  he  reigned  eight  years. 

[This  is  according  to  the  Abydos  and  Saqqarah  lists,  but  his  chrono- 
logical position  is  still  uncertain.  The  inscription  of  Mertitefs,  one  of 
Sneferu's  queens,  mentions  that  she  was  later  a  favourite  of  Khufu,  and 
even  in  her  old  age,  of  Ivhaf-Ra.  This,  if  true,  would  leave  no  space  for 
Dadef-Ra  between  these  reigns,  so  he  was  either  a  co-regent  or  successor. 
In  the  XXVIth  Dynasty  his  priests  give,  in  several  instances,  the  succession 
as  Khufu,  Khaf-Ra,  Dadef-Ra.  Professor  Petrie  identifies  him  with  the 
Rhatoises  of  Manetho,  and  so  makes  him  the  third  successor  of  Khufu, 
but  Professor  .Maspero,  in  his  reading  "  Dadef-Ra,"  distinctly  dissents  from 
any  sucli  recognition.  It  is  possible  that  this  king  is  the  same  person  as  the 
Prince  Ilortotef,  son  of  Kliufu,  who,  as  the  hero  of  a  famous  tale,  is  one  of 
the  best-known  characters  of  early  Egyptian  literature.] 

But  Khaf-Ra  (or  Kliephren),  the  next  son,  who  succeeded  to  the  throne, 
erected  temples  and  a  gigantic  pyramid,  like  his  father.  He  placed  it  some 
394  feet  to  the  southwest  of  that  of  Cheops  (Khufu);  and  called  it  Ur,  "the 
Great."  It  is,  however,  smaller  than  its  neighbour,  and  attains  a  height  of 
only  443  feet,  but  at  a  distance  the  difference  in  height  disappears,  and  many 
travellers  have  thus  been  led  to  attribute  the  same  elevation  to  the  two. 

The  internal  arrangements  of  the  pyramid  are  of  the  simplest  character ; 
they  consist  of  a  granite-built  passage  carefully  concealed  in  the  north  face, 
running  at  first  at  an  angle  of  25°,  and  then  horizontally,  until  stopped  by  a 
granite  barrier  at  a  point  which  indicates  a  change  of  direction;  a  second 
pa.s.sage,  which  begins  on  the  outside,  at  a  distance  of  some  yards  in  advance 
of  the  ba.se  of  the  pyramid,  and  proceeds,  after  passing  through  an  unfinished 
chamber,  to  rejoin  the  first ;  finally,  a  chamber  hollowed  in  the  rock,  but 
surmounted  by  a  pointed  roof  of  fine  limestone  slabs.  The  sarcophagus  was 
of  granite,  and,  like  that  of  Khufu,  bore  neither  the  name  of  a  king  nor  the 
representation  of  a  god. 


I 


THE   OLD   MEMPHIS   KINGDOM  97 

[ca.  3666-3600  B.C.] 

Of  Khaf-Ra's  sons,  Men-kau-Ra  (the  Mycerinus  of  the  Greeks),  who  was 
his  successor,  could  scarcely  dream  of  excelling  his  father  and  grandfather  ; 
his  pyramid,  "the  Supreme"  (Her),  barely  attained  an  elevation  of  216  feet, 
and  was  exceeded  in  height  by  those  which  were  built  at  a  later  date.  Up 
to  one-fourth  of  its  height  it  was  faced  with  syenite,  and  the  remainder,  up 
to  the  summit,  with  limestone.  For  lack  of  time,  doubtless,  the  dressing  of 
the  granite  was  not  completed,  but  the  limestone  received  all  the  polish  it 
was  capable  of  taking.  The  enclosing  wall  was  extended  to  the  north  so  as 
to  meet,  and  be  of  one  width  with,  that  of  the  Second  Pyramid.  The  temple 
was  connected  with  the  plain  by  a  long  and  almost  straight  causeway,  which 
ran  for  the  greater  part  of  its  course  upon  an  embankment  raised  above  the 
neighbouring  ground. 

The  arrangement  of  the  interior  of  the  pyramid  is  somewhat  complicated, 
and  bears  witness  to  changes  brought  about  unexpectedly  in  the  course  of 
construction.  The  original  central  mass  probably  did  not  exceed  180  feet 
in  breadth  at  the  base,  with  a  vertical  height  of  151  feet.  It  contained  a 
sloping  passage  cut  into  the  hill  itself,  and  an  oblong  low-roofed  cell  devoid 
of  ornament.  The  main  bulk  of  the  work  had  been  already  completed,  and 
the  casing  not  yet  begun,  when  it  was  decided  to  modify  the  proportions  of 
the  whole.  Men-kau-Ra  was  not,  it  appears,  the  eldest  son  and  appointed 
heir  of  Khaf-Ra  ;  while  still  a  mere  prince  he  was  preparing  for  himself 
a  pyramid  similar  to  those  which  lie  near  "  the  Horizon,"  when  the  deaths 
of  his  father  and  brother  called  him  to  the  throne. 

What  was  sufficient  for  him  as  a  child,  was  no  longer  suitable  for  him  as 
a  Pharaoh  ;  the  mass  of  the  structure  was  increased  to  its  present  dimensions, 
and  a  new  inclined  passage  was  effected  in  it,  at  the  end  of  which  a  hall 
panelled  with  granite  gave  access  to  a  kind  of  antechamber.  The  latter 
communicated  by  a  horizontal  corridor  with  the  first  vault,  which  was 
deepened  for  the  occasion  ;  the  old  entrance,  now  no  longer  of  use,  was 
roughly  filled  up. 

Men-kau-Ra  did  not  find  his  last  resting-place  in  this  upper  level  of  the 
interior  of  the  pyramid  :  a  narrow  passage,  hidden  behind  the  slabbing  of 
the  second  chamber,  descended  into  a  secret  crypt,  lined  with  granite  and 
covered  with  a  barrel-vaulted  roof.  The  sarcophagus  was  a  single  block  of 
blue-black  basalt,  polished,  and  carved  into  the  form  of  a  house,  with  a 
fagade  having  three  doors  and  three  openings  in  the  form  of  windows,  the 
whole  framed  in  a  rounded  moulding  and  surmounted  by  a  projecting  cor- 
nice such  as  we  are  accustomed  to  see  on  the  temples.  The  mummy-case  of 
cedar- wood  had  a  man's  head,  and  was  shaped  to  the  form  of  the  human  body  ; 
it  was  neither  painted  nor  gilt,  but  an  inscription  in  two  columns,  cut  on  its 
front,  contained  the  name  of  the  Pharaoh,  and  a  prayer  on  his  behalf. 

The  example  given  by  Khufu,  Khaf-Ra,  and  Men-kau-Ra  was  by  no  means 
lost  in  later  times.  From  the  beginning  of  the  IVth  to  the  end  of  the  XlVth 
Dynasty  —  during  more  than  fifteen  hundred  years  —  the  construction  of 
pyramids  was  a  common  state  affair,  provided  for  by  the  administration. 

Not  only  did  the  Pharaohs  build  them  for  themselves,  but  the  princes 
and  princesses  belonging  to  the  family  of  the  Pharaohs  constructed  theirs, 
each  one  according  to  his  resources  ;  three  of  these  secondary  mausoleums 
are  ranged  opposite  the  eastern  side  of  "  the  Horizon,"  three  opposite  the 
southern  face  of  "the  Supreme,"  and  everywhere  else  —  near  Abusir,  at 
Saqqarah,  at  Dahshur,  or  in  the  Fayum  —  the  majority  of  the  royal  pyra- 
mids attracted  around  them  a  more  or  less  numerous  cortege  of  pyramids  of 
princely  foundation  often  debased  in  shape  and  faulty  in  proportion./ 


THE  HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 


THE    BUILDERS   OF   THE   PYRAMIDS 


[ca.  3766-3566  B.C.] 


Sneferu  is  the  first  ruler  of  Egypt  of  whose  deeds  we  know  something.  A 
relief  with  an  inscription  in  VVady  Magharah  on  the  peninsula  of  Sinai  repre- 
sents him  as  slaying  the  robber-like  tribes  of  the  desert,  the  Mentu,  with  a 
club.  According  to  the  inscriptions  of  the  Xllth  Dynasty  in  Sarbut-el-lladim, 
it  appears  that  he  was  considered  as  founder  of  the  Egyptian  dominion  in 
the  peninsula  of  Sinai.  His  memory  was  honoured  for  many  years  ;  his 
worship  was  often  mentioned,  and  in  literary  works  his  bountiful  reign  was 
also  called  to  mind.  He  was  probably  buried  in  the  Great  Pyramid,  which 
has  the  appearance  of  terraces,  at  Medum,  the  opening  of  which  was  begun 
a  short  wiiile  ago.  In  one  of  the  neighbouring  tombs  a  statue  was  found  of 
its  architect,  Henka,  and  probably  the  remaining  tombs  at  Medum  belong 
to  this  epoch. 

Sneferu's  successor  Khufu,  the  Cheops  of  Herodotus,  was  the  builder  of 
the  largest  pyramid.  The  construction  of  temples  was  also  attributed  to 
liim  (tlie  temple  of  the  "  Lady  of  the  Pyramids,"  Isis,  in  Gizeh,  and  the  plan- 
ning of  the  temple  of  Denderah),  and  the  town  of  Menat  Khufu  bears  his 
name.  He  also  fought  in  the  peninsula  of  Sinai.  In  front  of  the  immense 
sepulchre  of  the  king,  his  wives  or  other  relatives  are  buried  in  three  small 
pyramids,  and  around  them  in  mastabas  the  nobles  of  his  court.  What 
the  (ir(;eks  relate  concerning  the  opi)rcssion  of  Egypt  by  Khufu  and  Khaf-Ra 
and  of  their  ungodliness,  whilst  Men-kau-Ra  as  the  builder  of  the  small 
Pyramid  is  looked  on  as  a  righteous  and  just  ruler,  are  their  own  words  which 
they  place  in  the  mouth  of  the  Egyptians  ;  such  a  conception  is  remote  from 
the  truth,  and  the  picture  which  we  gain  from  the  tombs  of  the  period  is 
throughout  bright  and  cheerful.  Certainly  every  contemporary  was  proud 
of  having  taken  part  in  this  giant  construction. 

After  the  short  reign  of  Tatf-Ra  followed  Khaf-Ra,  the  builder  of  the 
second  pyramid  of  Gizeh,  to  which  time  probably  dates  back  the  enigmati- 
cally immense  construction  of  granite  and  alabaster  to  the  south  of  the 
Great  Sphinx;  the  fragments  of  nine  statues  of  the  king  were  found  in  it. 
His  next  followers  were  Men-kau-Ra,  the  Mycerinus  of  Herodotus,  the 
builder  of  the  third  pyramid  at  Gizeh,  and  Shepses-ka-f,  of  whom  we  learn 
something  definite  through  the  biography  of  Ptah-Shepses,  buried  in  Saq- 
qarah.  He  had  formerly  been  brought  up  at  the  court  of  Men-kau-Ra  with 
the  children  of  the  king;  he  grew  up  under  Shepses-ka-f,  who  gave  him  his 
eldest  daughter  to  wife,  loaded  him  with  honours,  and  appointed  him  as 
secretary  to  all  constructions  which  he  planned  to  build. 

Tiie  circumstance,  that  there  is  no  mention  of  warlike  expeditions  either  in 
this  l)iography  or  in  other  monuments  of  this  epoch,  but  that  peaceful  under- 
takings, journeys,  and  festivals,  and  above  all,  the  constructions  of  the  king, 
are  continually  (pioted,  is  an  important  sign  of  the  character  of  the  times 

Manetiio  now  makes  three  kings  follow  for  thirty-eight  years,  who  are  no- 
where mentioned  in  tiie  inscriptions,  and  then  begins  a  new  dynasty  (the  Vth), 
with  Usercheres,  which  sprang  from  Elephantine.  But  in  the  monuments 
it  is  stated  that  Shepses-ka-f  was  immediately  followed  by  Uskaf  (or  User- 
ka-f)  [Usercheres].  At  the  most,  only  short  interregnums  can  have 
intervened,  and  Prince  Sechem-ka-Ra  lived  under  five  kings,  Khaf-Ra,  Men- 
kau-Ra,  Shepses-ka-f,  Uskaf,  and  Sahn-Ra,  whose  reigns  occupied  about  a 
century.  It  is  very  probable  that  a  new  family  came  to  the  throne  either  in 
a  peaceful  or  violent  manner  ;  in  the  Turin  papyrus  the  portion  which  prob- 
ably contained  Uskaf's  reign  has  completely  fallen  out. 


THE   OLD  MEMPHIS   KINGDOM  99 

[ca.  356G-3.300  B.C.] 

We  learn  very  little  of  Uskaf  or  Usercheres.  His  successor  Sahu-Ra, 
on  the  contrary,  is  one  of  the  most  renowned  rulers  of  the  time.  He  also 
fought  in  Wady  Magharah.  The  next  kings  cannot  be  placed  in  their  order 
with  certainty.  The  Turin  papyrus  allows  eight  reigns,  mostly  short,  to  fol- 
low, and  at  the  fifth  introduces  a  gap ;  the  lists  of  Abydos  and  Saqqarah 
have  only  given  us  three  names.  Only  Nefer-ar-ka-Ra  and  especially  An,  the 
first  king  who  gave  himself  a  title  ( User-en- Ra),  were  at  all  important. 
Then  followed  Men-kau-hor  (reign  of  eight  years),  Assa,  witli  the  name  of 
Tat-ka-Ra  (twenty-eight  years),  and  Unas  (thirty  years),  of  whom  the  first 
and  second,  like  An,  left  monuments  commemorative  of  their  victories  on 
the  peninsula  of  Sinai. 

The  first  epoch  of  Egyptian  history  closes  with  the  reign  of  Unas.  Al- 
most three  hundred  years  had  passed  since  Sneferu  had  built  up  his  pyramid  and 
celebrated  his  victory  in  Wady  Magharah.     Throughout  the  whole  period 


Drawings  of  Egyptian  Birds 

(From  the  monuments) 


Memphis  was  the  central  point  of  the  kingdom,  and  its  necropolis  almost  the 
only  source  of  our  instruction.  After  the  death  of  Unas  —  it  is  not  known 
whether  he  died  in  peace  or  was  overthrown  by  a  revolution — a  new  race 
ascended  the  throne  and  the  centre  of  Egyptian  life  begins  gradually  to  shift 
itself.  The  Turin  papyrus  rightly  makes  the  first  principal  division  here, 
and  gives  the  sum  of  all  the  reigns  from  Menes  to  Unas ;  but  the  figures  are 
unfortunately  lost  to  us. 

Here  follows  a  table  of  kings  in  which  the  lists  of  Manetho  for  the  Ilird, 
IVth,  and  Vth  Dynasties  are  compared  with  the  lists  of  the  Turin  papy- 
rus, the  Abydos  tablet,  the  Saqqarali  tablet,  and  the  wall  list  of  Karnak.& 
It  will  be  recalled  that  these  lists,  taken  together,  furnish  us  with  the  cliiel 
information  at  present  accessible  as  to  the  true  sequence  of  the  early  Egyp- 
tian rulers.  Notwitlistanding  its  somewhat  forbidding  appearance  at  firs* 
glance,  this  tablet  will  repay  careful  study.  It  illustrates  the  way  in  which 
the  different  lists  must  be  pieced  together  in  an  attempt  to  form  a  complete 
record.  It  shows,  also,  how  widely  the  Hellenised  names  of  Manetho's  list 
differ  from  the  Egyptian  originals  ;  suggesting  the  extent  to  which  surmise 
must  sometimes  enter  into  identification.  Indeed,  it  would  be  hard  to  tell 
which  were  the  greater  misfortune  :  the  disappearance  of  Manetho's  his- 
tory, or  the  accident  by  which  the  Turin  papyrus  was  broken  into  scores  of 
little  pieces  only  to  be  restored  in  an  unscientific  and  almost  worthless  con- 
dition by  Seyffarth.a 


98  THE  HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 

[ca.  3766-3566  B.C.] 
THE    BUILDERS   OF   THE   PYRAMIDS 

Sneferu  is  tlie  first  ruler  of  Egypt  of  whose  deeds  we  know  something.  A 
relief  with  an  inscription  in  Wady  Magharah  on  the  peninsula  of  Sinai  repre- 
sents hira  as  slaying  the  robber-like  tribes  of  the  desert,  the  Mentu,  with  a 
club.  According  to  the  inscriptions  of  the  Xllth  Dynasty  in  Sarbut-el-Hadim, 
it  appears  that  he  was  considered  as  founder  of  the  Egyptian  dominion  in 
the  peninsula  of  Sinai.  His  memory  was  honoured  for  many  years  ;  his 
worship  was  often  mentioned,  and  in  literary  works  his  bountiful  reign  was 
also  called  to  mind.  He  was  probably  buried  in  the  Great  Pyramid,  which 
has  the  ai)pearance  of  terraces,  at  Medum,  the  opening  of  which  was  begun 
a  short  while  ago.  In  one  of  the  neighbouring  tombs  a  statue  was  found  of 
its  architect,  Henka,  and  probably  the  remaining  tombs  at  Medum  belong 
to  this  epoch. 

Sne fern's  successor  Khufu,  the  Cheops  of  Herodotus,  was  the  builder  of 
the  largest  pyramid.  The  construction  of  temples  was  also  attributed  to 
him  (the  temple  of  the  ''  Lady  of  the  Pyramids,"  Isis,  in  Gizeh,  and  the  plan- 
ning of  the  temple  of  Denderah),  and  the  town  of  Menat  Khufu  bears  his 
name.  He  also  fought  in  the  peninsula  of  Sinai.  In  front  of  the  immense 
sepulchre  of  the  king,  his  wives  or  other  relatives  are  buried  in  three  small 
pyramids,  and  around  them  in  mastabas  the  nobles  of  his  court.  What 
the  Greeks  relate  concerning  the  oppression  of  Egypt  by  Khufu  and  Khaf-Ra 
and  of  their  ungodliness,  whilst  Men-kau-Ra  as  the  builder  of  the  small 
Pyramid  is  looked  on  as  a  righteous  and  just  ruler,  are  their  own  words  which 
they  place  in  the  mouth  of  the  Egyptians  ;  such  a  conception  is  remote  from 
the  truth,  and  the  picture  which  we  gain  from  the  tombs  of  the  period  is 
throughout  bright  and  cheerful.  Certainly  every  contemporary  was  proud 
of  having  taken  part  in  this  giant  construction. 

After  the  short  reign  of  Tatf-Ra  followed  Khaf-Ra,  the  builder  of  the 
second  pyramid  of  Gizeh,  to  which  time  probably  dates  back  the  enigmati- 
cally immense  construction  of  granite  and  alabaster  to  the  south  of  the 
Great  Sphinx;  the  fragments  of  nine  statues  of  the  king  were  found  in  it. 
His  next  followers  were  Men-kau-Ra,  the  Mycerinus  of  Herodotus,  the 
builder  of  the  third  pyramid  at  Gizeh,  and  Shepses-ka-f,  of  whom  we  learn 
something  definite  through  the  biography  of  Ptah-Shepses,  buried  in  Saq- 
qarali.  He  had  formerly  been  brought  up  at  the  court  of  Men-kau-Ra  with 
the  children  of  the  king;  he  grew  up  under  Shepses-ka-f,  who  gave  him  his 
eldest  daughter  to  wife,  loaded  him  with  honours,  and  appointed  him  as 
secretary  to  all  constructions  which  he  planned  to  build. 

The  circumstance,  that  there  is  no  mention  of  warlike  expeditions  either  in 
this  biography  or  in  other  monuments  of  this  epoch,  but  that  peaceful  under- 
takings, journeys,  and  festivals,  and  above  all,  the  constructions  of  the  king, 
are  continually  quoted,  is  an  important  sign  of  the  character  of  the  times 

Manetho  now  makes  three  kings  follow  for  thirty-eight  years,  who  are  no- 
where mentioned  in  the  inscriptions,  and  then  begins  a  new  dynasty  (the  Vth), 
with  Userclieres,  which  sprang  from  Elephantine.  But  in  the  monuments 
it  is  stated  that  Shepses-ka-f  was  immediately  followed  by  Uskaf  (or  User- 
ka-f)  [Userclieres].  At  the  most,  only  short  interregnums  can  have 
intervened,  and  Prince  Sechem-ka-Ra  lived  under  five  kings,  Khaf-Ra,  Men- 
kau-Ra,  Shepses-ka-f,  Uskaf,  and  Sahu-Ra,  whose  reigns  occupied  about  a 
century.  It  is  very  probable  that  a  new  family  came  to  the  throne  either  in 
a  peaceful  or  violent  manner  ;  in  tlie  Turin  papyrus  the  portion  which  prob- 
ably contained  Uskaf's  reign  has  completely  fallen  out. 


THE   OLD  MEMPHIS  KINGDOM  101 

[ca.  3566-3300  B.C.] 

(2)  That  the  Akau-hor  of  a  few  monuments  is  probably  the  personal 
name  of  Nef er-kha-Ra  (Saqqarah  tablet) ;  now  read  Nef er-f-Ra. 

We  may  also  now  reject  the  Nefer-Ra  (No.  14)  and  the  Ahtes  (No.  19) 
and  consider  the  Vth  Dynasty,  beginning  with  Uskaf  and  ending  with 
Unas  to  consist  of  nine  kings,  and  to  have  lasted  about  two  hundred  and 
twenty  years. 

Various  monuments  have  come  down  to  us  from  the  Vth  Dynasty, 
including  inscriptions  on  steles  and  tablets,  an  alabaster  vase,  a  polished 
ink  slab  and  scarabs.  Among  the  most  interesting  remains  of  the  period 
is  a  papyrus  roll  found  in  1893  at  Saqqarah  near  the  Step  Pyramid.  This 
papyrus  contains  an  account  of  the  reign  of  King  Tat-ka-Ra  or  Assa,  and  it 
is  believed  to  be  the  oldest  fragment  of  manuscript  in  existence.  A  much 
more  famous  papyrus  roll,  the  so-called  Prisse  Papyrus  —  sometimes  called 
the  oldest  book  in  the  world  —  now  in  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale  in  Paris, 
is  believed  to  be  a  copy  of  an  original  written  in  the  time  of  Assa.  The 
Prisse  Papyrus  itself  dates  from  the  Xllth  Dynasty.  It  was  written  by 
one  Ptah-hotep,  spoken  of  in  the  book  itself  as  "  Son  of  the  King,  of  his 
body,"  which  phrase  may  mean  that  the  author  was  actually  the  son  of  the 
king  (Brugsch)  or,  that  he  was  really  a  relative  of  the  monarch,  perhaps 
his  uncle  (Petrie).  The  document  itself  has  a  peculiar  interest  aside 
from  its  age.  It  is  the  philosophical  moralising  of  an  old  man  who,  plain- 
tively lamenting  the  infirmities  of  age,  casts  a  regretful  glance  on  by-gone 
times  ;  yet  whose  view  on  the  whole  is  wise  and  optimistic.  "  It  does  the 
heart  good  and  rejoices  the  mind,"  says  Brugsch,  "to  follow  that  old 
harangue  which  preserves  the  intimate  thought  of  the  age  of  the  prince, 
embracing  the  whole  course  of  human  existence  in  simple,  childish  words. 
Here  is  a  noble  lesson  on  the  true  greatness  of  man,  for  throughout  he 
breathes  a  spirit  of  human  purity  which  finds  the  only  true  greatness  in  a 
modest  mind." 

Professor  Mahaffy,  speaking  in  a  somewhat  similar  vein,  calls  attention 
to  the  fact  that  the  morals,  the  aspirations,  and  the  unsolved  social  problems 
of  the  remote  time  in  which  Ptah-hotep  wrote  bear  a  singular  resemblance 
to  those  of  to-day,  pointing  the  moral  that  humanity  has  not  greatly  changed 
in  essentials  during  the  intervening  five  or  six  thousand  years. 

After  the  Vth  Dynasty,  which  was  regarded  by  the  author  of  the  Turin 
Papyrus  as  closing  an  epoch,  there  is  a  period  of  five  hundred  years  or  more 
during  which  relatively  little  is  known  of  Egyptian  history.  According  to 
the  lists  of  Manetho,  this  period  saw  the  rise  and  fall  of  various  dynasties 
which,  vaguely  as  they  are  known,  have  passed  into  traditional  history  as 
Dynasties  VI  to  X.  The  Turin  Papyrus  and  the  lists  of  Abydos,  Saqqarah, 
and  Karnak  supply  us  with  various  names,  mostly  unsuggestive  of  the  names 
of  Manetho.  There  are,  however,  two  or  three  exceptions  to  this,  notably 
the  king  named  third  in  Manetho's  Vlth  Dynasty,  Philos,  who  is  believed 
to  represent  the  monarch  named  on  all  the  other  lists  as  Meri-Ra,  or,  as  he 
is  more  generally  known,  Pepi,  the  latter  being  his  family  name.  This 
monarch,  who  probably  lived  about  3200  B.C.,  was  the  Ramses  II  of  his 
epoch.  He  has  left  us  more  monuments  than  any  other  ruler  before  the 
Xnth  Dynasty.  These  include  a  pyramid  at  Saqqarah,  rock  inscriptions  in 
steles  at  Elephantine  and  elsewhere,  statuettes,  canopic  jars,  cylinders,  and 
scarabs.  The  most  notable  of  all  the  monuments  ascribed  to  him  is  the 
Red  Sphinx  of  Tanis,  now  in  the  Louvre  in  Paris,  which,  if  really  his,  — 
the  matter  is  still  not  quite  decided  among  the  best  authorities,  —  is  the 
oldest  sphinx  known.     If  authentic,  the  face'  of  this  sphinx  probably  fur- 


102  THE  HISTORY   OF  EGYPT 

[ca.  3300-3166  B.C.] 

nishes  a  representation  of  Pepi  which  is  doubtless  the  most  ancient  portrait 
in  existence. 

A  great  builder  and  monument-maker,  he  was  a  great  conqueror  as  well, 
waging  successful  wars  against  the  Aamu  and  Herusha,  who  inhabited  the 
desert  east  of  the  Delta.  He  even  extended  his  conquests  against  "the 
land  of  the  Terehbah,"  which,  it  has  been  surmised,  may  be  Syria ;  or  which 
may  possibly  have  been  even  farther  to  the  north :  the  similarity  of  names 
suggests  that  the  people  referred  to  may  have  been  the  Tibareni,  one  of  the 
sumller  peoples  of  Asia  Minor.  In  any  event,  the  warlike  expedition  against 
this  unknown  people  was  made  in  ships. 

The  most  interesting  thing  about  King  Pepi  remains  to  be  told.  This 
is  the  manner  in  which  records  of  his  deeds  have  come  down  to  us.  The 
various  monuments  left  by  the  king  himself  contain  scant  reference  to  his 
accomplishments.  The  inscription  that  enables  us  to  gain  glimpses  of  the 
life  of  the  greatest  monarch  of  his  epoch  is  not  the  inscription  of  the  monarch 
himself,  but  of  one  of  his  servants.  This  officer  of  the  king  bore  the  name 
of  Una.  He  was  of  unknown  origin,  and  there  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that 
he  was  of  royal  blood  ;  but  he  attained  to  the  highest  distinction.  He  had 
come  to  be,  according  to  the  inscription  over  his  tomb,  "  Crown  bearer  of 
the  Majesty  (of  the  King),  Superintendent  of  the  storehouse,  and  Registrar 
(Sacred  Scribe)  of  the  docks"  for  King  Teta,  the  predecessor  of  King  Pepi. 

On  the  death  of  his  master,  Una  appears  to  have  passed  into  the  service 
of  the  next  incumbent,  Pepi,  as  "  Chief  of  the  coffer  of  the  Majesty  (of  the 
King)  with  the  rank  of  Companion,  Scribe,  Priest  of  the  place  of  his  pyra- 
mid." "  His  Majesty  was  satisfied  with  me  (beyond  all)  his  servants,"  de- 
clares Una.  "(He  gave  me  also)  to  hear  all  things.  I  was  alone  with  the 
Royal  Scribe,  and  officer  of  all  the  secrets.  The  King  was  satisfied  with 
me  more  than  any  of  his  chiefs,  of  his  family,  of  his  servants." 

The  inscription  then  goes  on  to  detail  the  services  rendered  by  Una  to 
Pepi,  and  his  son  Mer-en-Ra  as  well.  He  fully  earned  all  of  his  titles  and 
honours.  He  would  seem  to  have  been  in  charge,  not  merely  of  household 
affairs,  building  operations,  the  moving  of  monuments  and  the  like,  but  to 
have  been  commander-in-chief  of  the  armies,  and  the  efficient  agent  of  Pepi 
in  his  conquests  at  home  and  abroad,  as  he  says :  "  He  sent  me  five  times, 
to  subdue  the  land  of  Herusha  to  subdue  their  revolt  b}  this  force.  His 
Majesty  was  pleased  at  it  beyond  everything  Saying,  have  revolted  the 
Negroes  of  this  tribe  of  the  land  of  Khetara,  safely  to  Takhisa;  I  sailed 
again  in  boats  with  this  force.  I  subdued  this  country  from  the  extreme 
frontier  on  the  North  of  the  land  of  Herusha.  Then  was  ordered  this  army 
on  the  road.  They  subdued  them  also  smiting  all  opponents  there.  The 
place  was  thrown  under  my  sandals.  The  King  of  Upper  and  Lower  Egypt 
Mer-en-Ra  the  Divine  Lord  the  ever  living  gave  me  to  be  a  Duke,  Governor 
of  the  South  ascending  from  Abu  to  the  North  of  the  nome  Letopolis.  I 
very  much  pleased  His  Majesty,  I  greatly  pleased  His  Majesty  to  the 
Satisfaction  of  His  Majesty." 

One  of  the  most  interesting  passages  in  the  inscription  of  Una  is  that 
in  which  he  gives  details  of  the  transportation  of  the  pyramid  Kha-nefer  of 
Mer-en-Ra,  making  for  it  "a  boat  of  burthen  in  the  little  dock  60  cubits  in 
length  and  thirty  in  its  breadth,  put  together  in  17  days  in  the  month  of 
K[)iphi."  There  was  not  water  enough  in  the  river  to  tow  the  pyramid  safely, 
l)ut  the  inscription  continues :  "  It  was  done  by  me  forthwith  before  the  god 
(King).  His  Majesty  the  Divine  Lord  ordered  and  sent  me  to  excavate 
four  docks  in  the  South  for  three  boats  of  burthen,  four  transports  in  the 


THE   OLD   MEMPHIS   KINGDOM  103 

[ca.  3166-3033  B.C.] 

small  basin  of  the  land  of  Uauat.  Then  the  rulers  of  the  countries  of 
Araret,  Aam,  and  Ma,  supplied  the  wood  for  them.  It  was  made  in  about 
a  year  at  the  time  of  the  inundation  loaded  with  very  much  granite  for  the 
Kha-nefer  pyramid  of  Mer-en-Ra."     (Birch's  S'  translation.) 

Aside  from  its  intrinsic  interest,  this  inscrip- 
tion of  Una  has  a  peculiar  historical  importance 
as  illustrating  a  phase  of  life  in  Egypt  that 
we  shall  not  see  duplicated  among  the  Semitic 
nations  of  Asia  ;  the  fact,  namely,  that  a  mere 
subject  of  the  king  could  leave  a  permanent 
record  of  his  deeds.  In  Babylonia  and  Assyria 
it  is  the  monarch  always  who  speaks  from  the 
inscriptions ;  the  name  of  a  subject  is  never 
mentioned.  It  is  not  so  very  often,  even  in 
Egypt,  that  the  name  of  a  subject  is  heard,  but 
the  fact  that  this  sometimes  occurs  marks  a 
distinct  difference  between  the  character  of  the 
Egyptian  and  Asiatic  civilisations. 

One  other  monarch  of  the  Vlth  Dynasty 
has  gained  traditional  fame ;  this  time  through 
the  pages  of  Herodotus.  This  is  the  Queen 
Nitocris.  Herodotus,  to  be  sure,  gives  us  no 
clew  as  to  the  age  when  this  female  monarch 
ruled,  but  the  name  appears  in  the  lists  of 
Manetho.  Herodotus  was  attracted  by  the  pict- 
uresque story  told  him  in  reference  to  Nitocris 
by  the  Egyptian  priests.  He  asserts  that  of  the 
names  of  three  hundred  and  thirty  sovereigns, 
successors  of  Menes,  recited  to  him  from  a  book 
by  the  Egyptian  priests,  only  one  was  a  female 
native  of  the  country.  He  continues :  "  The 
female  was  called  Nitocris,  which  was  also  the 
pame  of  the  Babylonian  princess.  They  affirm 
that  the  Egyptians  having  slain  her  brother, 
who  was  their  sovereign,  she  was  appointed  his 
successor  ;  and  that  afterwards,  to  avenge  his  death,  she  destroyed  by  artifice 
a  great  number  of  Egyptians.  By  her  orders  a  large  subterraneous  apart- 
ment was  constructed  professedly  for  festivals,  but  in  reality  for  a  different 
purpose.  She  invited  to  this  place  a  great  number  of  those  Egyptians  whom 
she  knew  to  be  the  principal  instruments  of  her  brother's  death,  and  then  by 
a  private  canal  introduced  the  river  amongst  them.  They  added,  that  to 
avoid  the  indignation  of  the  people,  she  suffocated  herself  in  an  apartment 
filled  with  ashes."      (Herodotus,  II,  99.) 

The  Turin  papyrus  gives  the  name  of  Nit-aqert  as  one  of  the  Pharaohs 
of  the  Vlth  Dynasty,  so  it  would  apj^ear  that  Herodotus  was  writing  of  an 
actual  personage,  whether  or  not  the  story  that  he  tells  was  well  founded. 
Manetho  says  of  Nitocris  that  she  governed  twelve  years,  "  the  noblest  and 
most  beautiful  woman  of  that  period,  fair,  and  at  the  same  time  the  builder 
of  the  Third  Pyramid."  Brugsch,  commenting  upon  this,  says  :  "  It  is  diffi- 
cult to  discover  the  historical  foundation  for  the  tale  of  Herodotus,  and  we 
would  only  say  that  it  must  indicate  that  about  the  time  of  Queen  Nitocris, 
internecine  murders  and  dissensions  began  in  the  kingdom,  awakened  by 
the  poisonous  envy  of  the  pretenders  to  the  throne."     As  to  Manetho's 


An  Egyptian  High  Priest 

(Based  on  the  monuments) 


104  THE  HISTORY   OF  EGYPT 

[ca.  3066-3033  B.C.] 

assertion  that  Nitocris  built  the  Third  Pyramid,  it  has  been  explained  by 
Perring  that  the  Third  Pyramid  was  transformed  and  enlarged  at  a  later 
date.  It  is  suggested  that  "  Queen  Nitocris  took  possession  of  Men-kau-Ra's 
tomb,  left  the  king's  sarcophagus  in  a  lower  vault,  and  placed  her  own  in 
the  chamber  in  front.  If  we  are  to  be  guided  by  the  ruined  fragments  of 
bluish  basalt  which  lie  on  the  spot,  she  had  the  surface  of  the  monument 
faced  with  that  costly  decoration  of  highly  polished  granite,  which  afterward 
served  inventive  Greek  story-tellers  with  a  foundation  for  the  tale  of  Rhodopis, 
the  hetaira,  who  reduced  her  friends  to  beggary  that  she  might  obtain  vast 
sums  of  money  for  the  building  of  the  pyramid." 

THE   BEAUTIFUL   NITOCRIS 

Various  romances  have  become  associated  with  traditions  in  reference  to 
Nitocris.  She  was  credited  with  supernatural  witchery,  and  it  was  said 
that  after  her  death  her  naked  spirit  haunted  the  pyramid  she  was  alleged 
to  have  built,  and  that  by  the  magic  of  her  mere  smile  she  drove  her  lovers 
mad.  The  story  of  her  revenge  upon  the  men  who,  in  a  riot,  had  killed 
her  brother  tiie  king,  is  given  by  Herodotus  as  above.  The  brother  she 
avenged  was  Menthesouphis,  whom  Meyer  places  at  some  distance  from  her 
in  the  line.  Round  this  same  Nitocris  gathered  other  legends,  among  them 
the  original  of  our  Cinderella  story.  According  to  this  version,  Nitocris 
was  originally  a  courtesan  named  Rhodopis  ("Rosy-cheeked"  —  a  transla- 
tion into  Greek  of  the  name  Nitocris).  Once  when  she  was  bathing  in  the 
river,  an  eagle  stole  one  of  her  little  gilded  sandals,  and  flying  away  let  it 
fall  into  the  lap  of  the  king,  who  was  holding  a  court  of  justice  in  the  open 
air.  He  was  so  taken  with  the  beauty  of  the  tiny  shoe  that  he  had  a  search 
made  for  the  woman  whom  it  fitted,  and  made  her  his  queen. 

Beyond  the  historical  narratives  of  Una,  and  the  traditions  about  Nito- 
cris, only  shreds  of  knowledge  are  forthcoming  regarding  the  monarchs  of 
the  long  epoch  with  which  we  are  dealing.  The  epoch  as  a  whole  is  well 
characterised  in  the  words  of  Brugsch:o 

A  profound  darkness  falls  over  Egyptian  history  after  the  time  of  Ne- 
fer-ka-Ra,  shrouding  even  the  faintest  traces  of  the  existence  of  kings  whose 
empty  names  the  tablets  of  Abydos  and  Saqqarah  have  preserved  to  us, 
names  without  deeds,  sounds  without  meaning,  like  the  inscriptions  on  the 
tombs  of  unknown,  obscure  men.  Unless  we  are  deceived,  we  may  here  pic- 
ture a  state  split  up  into  petty  kingdoms  and  scourged  by  civil  war  and 
regicide,  from  whose  haq  or  princes  no  saviour  arose  to  strike  down  the 
refractory  with  the  strong  arm,  grasp  with  a  firm  hand  the  loosened  rein, 
and  once  more  establish  a  central  government.^ 

In  a  few  words  may  be  added  certain  more  or  less  inchoate  details  as  to 
the  few  monarchs  of  the  Vlth  to  Xth  Dynasties  upon  whose  history  the 
most  recent  research  has  thrown  some  rays  of  light. 

As  for  the  Vlth  Dynasty,  the  most  modern  attempts  at  disentanglement 
place  a  Mer-en-Ra  II  and  a  Neter-ka-Ra  after  Nefer-ka-Ra  ;  Mer-en-Ra  II 
to  correspond  with  the  Menthesuphis  of  Manetho  as  distinct  from  the 
Methusuphis  [Mer-en-Ra  I]  of  the  same  historian.  The  Neter-ka-Ra  occurs 
only  on  tlie  Abydos  Tablet,  and  is  followed  by  Men-ka-Ra,  which  is  also 
found  nowhere  else.  But  there  is  some  reason  to  believe  that  the  bearer 
of  this  name  is  identical  with  the  Nit-aqert  of  the  Turin  papyrus  and  the 
Nitocris  of  Manetho,  and  in  this  connection  the  confusion  between  Men- 
kau-Ra  and  Nitocris  is  susceptible  of  another  and  perhaps  better  explanation 


THE   OLD   MEMPHIS  KIKGDOM  106 

[ca.  3033-2700  b.c] 

than  that  offered  by  Perring ;    for  although  the  Third  Pyramid  has  been 
enlarged,  the  manner  of  its  enlargement  shows  that  it  was  done  in  the  age 
of  the  Pyramid  builders  and  not  so  late  as  the  end  of  the  Vlth  Dynasty. 
Therefore   it   is   better   to   accept   M.   Maspero's 
theory  of   the  alterations  as  given   in  a  preced- 
ing page;    while    the    similarity    of    the    names 
Men-kau-Ra    and     Men-ka-Ra    will    show    how 
Manetho  was  led  into  the  error  of  assigning  the 
building  of  the  Third  Gizeh  Pyramid  to  Queen 
Nitocris. 

The  Vllth  and  Vlllth  Dynasties  fell  through 
causes  of  disintegration  and  decay.  The  capital 
was  transferred  to  Heracleopolis,  presumably 
because  of  the  intrusion  of  an  outside  people 
into  the  Delta. 

Some  authorities  assign  the  dislodgment  of 
the  native  dynasty  to  a  perplexing  line  of  foreign 
kings  whose  position  still  defies  definition  ;  but 
Professor  Petrie  writing  in  1901  says  :  "  The 
group  of  foreign  kings,  mainly  known  by  scarabs 
and  cylinders,  Khyan,  Samqan,  Anthar,  Yaqebar, 
Shesha,  and  Uazed,  are  probably  of  the  XVth- 
XVIth  Dynasties,  though  some  connections  place 
them  shortly  before  the  Xllth  Dynasty."  All  we 
yet  know  of  the  intrusion  is  concisely  stated  by 
Eduard  Meyer :  "  We  may  with  some  certainty 
assume  that  strange  Syrian  races  attacked  Egypt 
and  probably  ruled  the  land  or  part  of  it  for  a 
while." 

Two  legitimate  kings  of  the  IXth  or  Xth 
Dynasty  now  stand  out  prominently  ;  Ab-meri-Ra 
(Kheti)  who  may  be  the  Achthoes  of  Manetho,  the 
first  of  his  recorded  IXth  Dynasty,  and  Ka- 
meri-Ra.  But  the  most  interesting  historical  information  of  this  period  is 
from  three  tombs  of  the  princes  of  Assiut ;   Kheti  I,  Tefa-ba,  and  Kheti  II. 

The  Thebans  had  now  practically  obtained  their  independence,  and 
certain  circumstances  indicate  that  the  beginning  of  the  Xlth  Dynasty  was 
contemporary  with  the  Xth.  Such  a  state  of  affairs  will  explain  the  singu- 
lar fact  that  Manetho  assigns  only  forty-three  years  to  the  Xlth  D3'nasty. 
For  it  is  held  that  he  ignored  contemporaneous  dynasties,  and  therefore 
may  have  rejected  about  one  hundred  and  twenty  years,  during  which 
period  he  does  not  recognise  the  Xlth  Dynasty  as  legitimate. « 


A  Soldier  of  Ancient 
Egypt 


CHAPTER    III.     THE    OLD   THEBAN    KINGDOM 

Egypt  is  the  monumental  land  of  the  earth,  as  the  Egyptians  are 
the  monumental  people  of  history.  —  Baron  Bunsen. 

The  history  of  civilisation  is  very  largely  the  history  of  a  few  great 
cities. 

There  has  been  no  great  people  without  its  great  metropolis.  The  over- 
throw of  sucli  a  city,  as  in  the  case  of  Nineveh,  or  Babylon,  or  Tyre,  or  Sar- 
dis,  often  meant  tlie  subjugation  or  destruction  of  a  nation.  And  the  mere 
transfer  of  supremacy  from  one  city  to  another  within  the  same  country 
meant  the  beginning  of  a  new  era.  It  was  so  in  Egypt  when  the  centre  of 
authority  shifted  from  Memphis  to  Thebes.  By  common  consent,  historians 
mark  the  period  in  which  Thebes  became  the  home  of  the  ruling  monarch,  and 
hence  tlie  capital  of  Egypt,  as  a  new  era  in  Egyptian  history.  This  new  era 
is  commonly  designated  the  Old  Theban  Kingdom,  or  the  Middle  Kingdom. 

This  era  of  the  Theban  supremacy  was  by  no  means  a  homogeneous  epoch. 
It  saw  many  dynasties  established  and  overthrown  ;  it  even  witnessed  the 
conquest  of  the  country  by  a  strange  horde  from  the  east,  a  horde  spoken  of 
as  the  Shepherd  invaders,  whose  leaders,  seated  upon  the  throne  of  Egypt 
f(»r  some  generations,  have  passed  into  history  as  the  Hyksos  or  Shepherd 
kings.  These  outsiders  held  the  power  so  long,  indeed,  that  they  may  very 
well  have  felt  entitled  to  call  themselves  Egyptians.  The  later  generations 
had  its  good  claim  to  that  name  as,  for  example,  any  Caucasian  has  to  call 
himself  an  American.  Yet  when  the  Hyksos  kings  were  finally  overthrown, 
the  feat  seems  to  have  been  regarded  as  tlie  expulsion  of  intruders,  and  the 
verdict  of  p(jsterity  is  that  the  governmental  power  passed  back  to  its  right- 
ful i)()ssessors.  It  would  be  difficult,  however,  to  say  how  much  the  ethnic 
status  of  the  race  may  have  been  modified  by  the  influence  of  these  many 
generations  of  outsiders.  Be  that  as  it  may,  the  Egyptians  who  expelled 
the  Hyksos  kings  and  established  anew  the  "  native"  dynasties  were  in  some 
respects  a  very  different  people  from  the  Egyptians  whom  the  Hyksos  had 
overthrown.  But  before  expanding  this  point  we  had  best  follow  the  for- 
tunes of  the  Old  Theban  Kingdom  itself. 


THE   ELEVENTH    DYNASTY 


For  the  Xlth  Dynasty  we  have  as  yet  no  good  list  ;  the  total  number 
of  kings  even  is  unknown,  but  the  best  authorities  agree  that  there  were 
probably  about  nine.     But  since  this  dynasty  undoubtedly  ruled  at  Thebes 

106 


THE   OLD  THEBAN   KINGDOM  107 

[ca.  2700-2600  B.C.] 

simultaneously  with  the  Xth  at  Heracleopolis,  whence  it  had  been  driven 
from  Memphis,  the  question  as  to  just  which  Theban  prince  so  far  overcame 
the  legitimate  government  in  the  struggle  that  had  been  long  going  on,  as  to 
be  acknowledged  the  ruler  of  Egypt,  will  probably  never  reach  solution. 
Professor  Petrie  begins  with  Antef  I  and  follows  him  with  Mentuhotep  I, 
Antef  II,  Antef  III,  Mentuhotep  II,  Antef  IV,  and  then  Nub-kheper-Ra 
(or  Antef  V).  Concerning  the  latter  and  his  two  successors,  there  is  no 
question  ;  we  emerge  once  more  into  the  daylight.  After  Nub-kheper-Ra 
comes  Neb-kher-Ra  whose  other  name  was  Mentuhotep,  and  we  designate 
him  as  the  third  of  his  name.     He  stands  fifty-seventh  on  the  Abydos  list.« 

The  princely  line  from  which  the  commanding  figure  of  King  Mentu- 
hotep III  stood  forth  to  the  healing  of  the  reunited  kingdom  was  of  Theban 
origin.  The  feeble  ancestors  of  his  race  bore  alternately  the  names  of 
Antef  and  Mentuhotep.  They  had  set  up  their  regal  dwelling  in  that  city 
of  Thebes  which  afterward  became  of  such  world-wide  importance,  and 
their  tombs  (simple,  homely  tiled  pyramids)  lay  at  the  foot  of  the  "  Western 
Mountain "  of  the  Theban  necropolis.  Here  a  few  ruins  of  ancient  date 
indicate  the  names  of  the  rulers.  It  was  here  too  that,  more  than  twenty 
years  ago,  two  quite  modest  sarcophagi  belonging  to  these  Pharaohs  were 
brought  to  light  by  some  Arabs  in  search  of  gold,  and  unconscious  of  what 
a  treasure  they  had  found. 

In  that  part  of  the  city  of  the  dead  which  nowadays  goes  among  the 
inhabitants  by  the  name  of  Assassif,  those  sarcophagi  were  found,  only  lightly 
covered  with  sand  and  rubble  and  one  of  them  containing  the  embalmed  body 
of  a  king,  his  head  adorned  with  a  royal  circlet.  The  cover  of  the  casket 
was  richly  gilded,  and  the  sacred  symbols  which  decked  the  central  strip 
soon  revealed  the  name  of  Pharaoh  Antef  in  the  royal  cartouche. 

In  the  year  1854,  when  Brugsch  for  the  first  time  stayed  on  the  banks  of 
the  Nile,  he  had  the  unhoped-for  good  fortune  to  stumble,  in  a  lumber  room 
in  the  house  of  the  Greek  consul,  across  the  coffin  of  a  second  Antef,  which 
was  notably  distinguished  from  the  first  by  his  cognomen  of  "the  Great." 
The  coffin  is  now  preserved  in  the  Louvre,  a  precious  and  valuable  relic  of 
the  ancient  kingdom  of  the  Pharaohs. 

The  black  rocks  of  the  island  of  Konosso,  near  Osiris's  favoured  island  of 
Philse  above  the  First  Cataract,  preserve  the  memory  of  the  Mentuhotep  (H) 
who  bore  the  royal  name  of  Neb-taui-Ra,  "Sun  of  the  Lord  of  the  Coun- 
try." A  sculpture  chiselled  in  the  hard  stone  shows  the  Pharaoh  as  the 
conqueror  of  thirteeii  peoples,  and  as  the  devout  servant  of  his  original  pro- 
genitor Khem  or  Amsu,  the  famous  god  of  Coptos.  The  place  of  this  name 
(Qobt  it  was  actually  called  among  the  Egyptians)  had  at  that  time  a  great 
reputation. 

This  Mentuhotep  also  appears  perpetuated  on  the  wall  in  the  rocky 
valley,  together  with  his  mother,  Ama.  He  had,  so  his  inscription  distinctly 
says,  caused  a  deep  well,  ten  cubits  in  diameter,  to  be  sunk  in  the  waterless, 
desolate  waste,  in  order  to  provide  reviving  draughts  of  fresh  water  for  all 
pilgrims  with  their  beasts  of  burden  and  all  men  whom  the  king  had  com- 
missioned to  quarry  stone  in  the  hot  valley. 

Another  inscription,  dated  the  15th  of  Paophi  in  the  second  year  of  the 
reign  of  our  Mentuhotep,  next  commemorates  tlie  god  Khem,  "  the  Lord  of 
the  Peoples  of  this  Wilderness,"  then  renders  homage  to  other  heavenly 
beings,  and  informs  us  how  it  was  marvellously  contrived  to  convey  the 
gigantic  blocks  of  stone  Nileward  to  serve  for  the  future  housing  of  the 
royal  corpse.     A  high  dignitary,  Amenemhat   by  name,  and  appointed  to 


108  THE   HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 

[ca.  2600-2500  B.C.] 

superintend  all  works  of  the  kind  for  Pharaoh,  received  an  express  order  to 
forward  the  heavy  load  of  the  sarcophagus  and  its  cover  from  the  mountains 
to  the  ruler's  eternal  resting-place. 

Long  was  the  way  and  hard  the  labour  of  the  task,  for  the  mighty  mass 
of  hewn  stone  measured  eight  cubits  in  length,  whilst  the  proportion  of  this 
to  the  breadth  and  height  was  as  four  to  two.  When  rich  offerings  had 
been  made  to  the  gods,  three  thousand  strong  men  succeeded  in  moving  the 
gigantic  weight  of  stone  from  its  place,  and  in  rolling  it  down  the  valley  to 
the  river. 

We  have  less  information  respecting  the  other  Mentuhotep,  whose  pyra- 
mid bears  the  name  of  Khu-asu,  "the  most  shining  place."  A  tombstone 
found  in  the  carefully  explored  valley  of  Abydos  commemorates  the  priest 
who  presented  the  offerings  of  the  dead  to  the  departed  king  at  the  pyramid. 

Tiie  list  of  kings  closes  with  Sankh-ka-Ra,  the  fifty-eighth  of  the  long 
series  of  Abydos.  The  rock  valley  of  Hammamat  commemorates  him  in  an 
inscription  of  the  highest  value.  From  Coptos  the  way  led  through  water- 
less deserts  toward  the  coast  of  the  Red  Sea,  and  was  much  frequented  by 
merchants,  who,  for  the  sake  of  profit,  ventured  life  and  limb,  and  after  pain- 
ful wanderings  on  desert  paths  trusted  themselves  in  the  harbour  to  frail 
vessels,  that  they  might  steer  for  the  southern  regions  of  the  farther  coasts 
and  bring  valuable  goods,  principally  costly  spices  full  of  sweet  savours,  back 
from  the  land  of  Punt  to  their  native  country  and  the  temples  of  the  gods. 

THE   VOYAGE   TO   PUNT 

Under  the  name  of  Punt,  the  ancient  inhabitants  of  Kamit  understood  a 
distant  country,  washed  by  the  great  sea,  full  of  valleys  and  hills,  rich  in 
ebony  and  other  valuable  woods,  in  incense,  balsam,  precious  metals  and 
stones  ;  rich  also  in  animals,  for  there  are  camelopards,  cheetahs,  panthers, 
dog-headed  apes,  and  long-tailed  monkeys.  Winged  creatures  with  strange 
feathers  fiew  up  to  the  boughs  of  wonderful  trees,  especially  of  the  incense 
tree  and  the  cocoanut  palm.  Such  was  the  conception  of  the  Egyptian  Ophir, 
doubtless  the  coa.st  of  the  modern  Somaliland,  which  lies  in  view  of  Arabia, 
though  divided  from  it  by  the  sea. 

According  to  the  old  dim  legend,  the  land  of  Punt  was  the  primeval 
dwelling  of  the  gods.  From  Punt  the  heavenly  beings  had,  headed  by  Amen, 
Horus,  and  Hathor,  passed  into  the  Nile  Valley.  The  passage  of  the  gods 
had  consecrated  the  coast  lands,  which  the  waters  of  the  Red  Sea  washed  as 
far  as  Punt  and  whose  very  name  "•'  God's  land "  (Ta-neter)  recalls  the 
legend.  Amen  is  called  Haq,  that  is,  "  King  of  Punt,"  Hathor  similarly, 
"  Lady  and  Ruler  of  Punt,"  while  Hor  was  spoken  of  as  "  the  holy  morning 
star  which  rises  westward  from  the  land  of  Punt."  To  this  same  country 
belongs  that  idol  of  Bes,  the  ancient  figure  of  the  deity  in  the  land  of  Punt, 
wlio  in  freqiient  wanderings  obtained  a  footing,  not  only  in  Egypt,  but  in 
Arabia  and  other  countries  of  Asia,  as  far  as  the  Greek  islands.  The  deformed 
figure  of  Bes,  with  its  grinning  visage,  is  none  other  than  the  benevolent 
Dionysus  [Bacchus],  who,  pilgrimaging  through  the  world,  dispenses  gentle 
manners,  peace,  and  cheerfulness  to  the  nations  with  a  lavish  hand. 

It  was  under  Sankh-ka-Ra  that  the  first  Ophir-voyage  to  Punt  and  Ophir 
was  accomplished.  According  to  the  words  of  the  inscription,  everything 
which  might  be  serviceable  to  the  expedition  was  wisely  arranged  before- 
hand, and  Pharaoh  selected  as  its  leader  and  guide  the  noble  Hannu,  who 
gives  the  following  account  of  it : 


THE   OLD   THEBAN  KINGDOM  109 

[ea.  2500  B.C.] 

"  I  was  despatched  to  conduct  the  ships  toward  the  land  of  Punt,  to 
fetch  Pharaoh  sweet-smelling  spices,  which  the  princes  of  the  red  country 
collect  with  the  fear  and  anxiety  which  he  inspires  in  all  peoples.  And  I 
started  from  the  city  of  Coptos."  —  "And  his  majesty  gave  the  order  that 
the  armed  men  who  were  to  accompany  me  should  come  from  the  southern 
land  of  the  Thebaid." 

After  a  defaced  portion  in  the  inscription,  which  was  fairly  long,  and  of 
which  enough  had  been  preserved  to  show  that  in  the  course  of  the  story 
there  was  some  account  of  how  the  armed  force  was  provided  for  offence  and 
defence  against  the  enemy,  and  how  the  king's  officers,  with  stone-cutters  and 
other  work-people,  accompanied  the  train,  Hannu  continues  : 

"  And  I  journeyed  thence  with  a  host  of  three  thousand  men,  and  came 
through  the  place  of  the  red  hamlet,  and  through  a  cultivated  land.  I  had 
skins  prepared  and  barrows  to  convey  the  water-jars  to  the  number  of  twenty. 
And  every  one  of  my  people  carried  a  burden  daily  .  .  .  and  another 
adjusted  the  load.  And  I  had  a  reservoir  dug  twelve  rods  in  length  in  a 
wood,  and  two  basins  at  a  place  called  Atahet,  one  of  them  a  rod  and  twenty 
cubits,  and  the  other  a  rod  and  thirty  cubits.  And  I  made  another  in  Ateb, 
ten  cubits  by  ten  each  way,  that  it  might  hold  water  a  cubit  deep.  Thereafter 
I  came  to  the  harbour  town  of  Seba  (?),  and  I  had  cargo  vessels  built  to 
bring  commodities  of  every  kind.  And  I  made  a  great  sacrifice  of  oxen,  cows, 
and  goats.  And  when  I  returned  from  Seba  (?)  I  had  fulfilled  the  king's 
command,  for  I  brought  him  all  kinds  of  commodities,  which  I  had  found  in 
the  harbours  of  the  sacred  country.  And  I  descended  into  the  street  of 
Uak  and  Rohan,  and  took  with  me  valuable  stones  for  the  statues  of  the 
houses  of  God.  The  like  has  never  been  since  there  were  kings,  and  such 
things  were  never  done  by  any  blood  relations  of  the  king  who  were  sent 
to  those  places  since  the  time  (the  rule)  of  the  sun-god  Ra.  And  I  did 
thus  for  the  king  on  account  of  the  great  favour  he  cherished  for  me." 

M.  Chabas,  who  first  rendered  this  important  inscription  and  its  contents 
intelligible,  has  joined  to  his  translation  some  valuable  remarks  concerning 
the  direction  of  the  desert  road  from  Coptos  to  the  Red  Sea.  By  this  means 
we  may  satisfy  ourselves  that  already  in  those  remote  times,  the  ancient 
Egyptians  had  opened  a  road  by  which  to  establish  communication  with  the 
land  of  Punt,  and  to  transport  its  products  —  rare  and  costly  commodities  — 
to  the  valley  of  the  Nile. 

In  his  description  of  the  journey,  Hannu  speaks  of  five  principal  camps,  at 
which  the  wanderers  rested,  and  men  and  animals  (then  only  donkeys,  the  only 
beast  of  burden  referred  to,  at  least  at  this  period)  fortified  themselves  for  the 
toilsome  journey  in  the  enjoyment  of  the  fresh  drinking-water.  It  is,  more- 
over, this  same  road  which,  even  in  the  time  of  the  Ptolemies  and  Romans, 
led  from  Coptos  in  the  direction  of  the  sunrise,  to  the  harbour  of  Leukos 
Limen  (now  Kosseir),  on  the  Red  Sea,  the  great  highway  and  commercial 
route  of  the  merchants  of  all  countries,  who  carried  on  a  trade  in  the 
wondrous  products  of  Arabia  and  India,  the  bridge  of  nations  which  once 
connected  Asia  and  Europe. 

Although,  in  view  of  the  most  recent  discoveries,  we  must  no  longer 
regard  Punt  and  the  oft  referred  to  "sacred  country"  as  the  exclusive  des- 
ignation of  the  southern  and  western  coasts  of  Arabia  itself,  still  nothing  is 
more  probable  than  that,  already  in  the  reign  of  King  Sankh-ka-Ra,  five  and 
twenty  centuries  before  the  beginning  of  our  era,  the  Egyptians  had  some 
knowledge  of  the  coasts  of  Yemen  and  of  the  Hadramaut  on  the  opposite  side 
of  the  sea,  which  lay  in  sight  of  the  incense-bearing  mountains  of  Punt  and  of 


110  THE   HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 

[ca.  2466  B.C.] 

the  sacred  country.  Here,  in  these  regions,  should,  as  it  seems  to  us,  that 
mysterious  place  be  sought  which,  in  remotely  prehistoric  times,  sent  forth 
the  restless  Cushite  nations  oversea  from  Arabia,  like  swarms  of  locusts,  to 
plant  themselves  on  the  highly  favoured  coasts  of  Punt  and  the  "sacred 
country,"  and  to  extend  their  wanderings  further  inland  in  a  westerly  and 
northerly  direction. & 

THE   TWELFTH   DYNASTY 

It  is  hard  to  keep  in  mind  the  long  sweep  of  these  meagre  Egyptian 
chronicles,  but  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  we  are  handling  dynasties  of 

long  duration  and  not  single 
reigns. 

It  was  not  without  a  strug- 
gle that  the  Xllth  Dynasty 
was  established,  and  the  first 
years  of  the  reign  of  the  The- 
ban  king  Amenemhat  were 
harassed  by  the  conspiracies 
and  plots  of  those  who  con- 
tested his  claim  to  the  throne. 
In  the  Instructions  to  his 
son,  Usertsen  I,  the  king  says : 
"  When  night  came  I  took  an 
hour  of  ease.  I  stretched  my- 
self on  the  soft  couch  in  my 
palace  and  sought  repose, 
my  spirit  had  nearly  suc- 
cumbed to  sleep,  when  lo ! 
they  gathered  themselves  to- 
gether in  arms  against  me, 
and  I  became  as  weak  as  a 
serpent  of  the  field.  Then 
I  arose  to  fight  with  my  own 
hands,  and  I  found  I  had  but 
to  strike  to  conquer.  If  I  attacked  an  armed  foe,  he  fled  before  me,  and  I  had 
no  reverse  of  fortune."  And  it  was  to  this  force  of  character  that  the  king 
owed  liis  success.  "  Never  in  my  life  have  I  given  way,"  he  continues,  "  either 
in  a  grasshopper  plague  or  in  conspiracies  set  afoot  in  the  palace,  or  when, 
taking  advantage  of  my  youth,  they  banded  together  against  me." 

The  south  of  Memphis  was  tlie  final  scene  of  struggle  against  the  new 
dynasty,  but  after  the  surrender  of  the  fortified  town  of  Titui,  the  whole 
of  Egypt  surrendered  to  the  sway  of  Amenemliat,  who  now  devoted  himself 
to  the  reparation  of  the  evils  of  war  and  to  expeditions  against  the  Libyans, 
Nubians,  and  Asiatics,  whose  invasions  were  so  ruinous  to  the  country. 
"  I  caused  the  mourner,"  says  the  king  in  the  same  Instructions^  "  to 
mourn  no  longer,  and  his  lamentation  was  no  longer  heard.  Perpetual 
fighting  was  no  more  seen,  whereas,  before  my  coming,  they  fought  together 
as  bulls  wlio  think  not  of  the  past,  Avhilst  the  welfare  of  the  wise  and  unwise 
was  equally  ignored.  I  have  had  the  land  tilled  as  far  as  Abu  [Elephantine]. 
I  have  spread  joy  as  far  as  Adhu  [the  Delta].  I  am  the  creator  of  the 
three  kinds  of  grain,  I  am  the  friend  of  Nopu  [the  god  of  grain].  In  answer 
to  my  prayer  the  Nile  has  inundated  the  fields  ;  nobody  hungers  or  thirsts 
under  my  sway,  for  my  orders  have  been  obeyed.     All  that  I  said  was  a  fresh 


THE   OLD   THEBAN  KINGDOM  111 

[ca.  24G6  B.C.] 

source  of  love ;  I  have  overthrown  the  lion  and  killed  the  crocodile.  I 
have  conquered  the  Uauat,  I  have  taken  the  Mazau  captive,  and  I  have 
forced  the  Sati  [Asiatics]  to  follow  me  like  harriers." 

In  Nubia  the  king  had  the  gold  mines  reopened  which  had  been 
abandoned  since  the  time  of  Pepi. 

As  Amenemhat  was  not  young  when  he  ascended  the  throne,  he  began 
to  feel  the  effects  of  age  after  reigning  nineteen  years,  and  this  led  to  his 
making  his  son,  Usertsen  I,  co-regent  with  himself  with  all  the  titles  and 
prerogatives  of  royalty.  "  I  raised  thee  from  a  subject,"  he  writes  in  the 
Instructions,  "  I  granted  thee  the  free  use  of  thy  arms  that  thou  mightest  be 
feared  on  that  account.  As  for  me,  I  arrayed  myself  in  the  fine  stuffs  of 
my  palace  so  as  to  look  like  one  of  the  floweis  of  my  garden.  I  perfumed 
myself  as  freely  as  if  the  essences 
were  drawn  like  water  from  the 
cisterns." 

At  the  end  of  some  years  the 
king  took  so  little  active  part  in 
the  government,  that  his  name 
was  often  omitted  in  the  monu- 
ments beside  that  of  his  son  ;  but 
he  still  gave  wise  counsels  from 
the  palace  where  he  lived  in  retire- 
ment. To  the  wisdom  of  his  ad- 
vice much  of  the  prosperity  of 
Egj^pt  was  due,  and  such  a  repu- 
tation for  ruling  did  the  old  king 
acquire,  that  in  a  treatise,  com- 
posed by  a  contemporary,  on  the 
art  of  governing,  the  writer  repre- 
sents him  rising  like  a  god  and 
addressing  his  son  :  "  Thou  reignest 
over  two  worlds,  thou  dost  govern 
three  regions.  Act  better  than  thy 
predecessors,  maintain  harmony 
between  thy  subjects  and  thyself 
lest  they  succumb  to  fear  ;  sit  not 
by  thyself  in  their  midst,  do  not 
take  to  thy  heart  and  treat  as  thy 
brother  only  him  that  is  rich  and 
I  of  high  degree,  neither  accord  thy 
friendship  to  newcomers  whose 
devotion  is  not  proved." 

In  support  of  his  Instructions 
the  old  king  gives  a  resume  of  his 
life,  of  which  some  extracts  have 
been  already  given.  Although 
only  three  pages  long,  this  little  work  became  quite  a  classic,  and  kept  its 
place  a  thousand  years,  for  at  the  time  of  the  XlXth  Dynasty,  it  was  still 
copied  in  the  schools  and  studied  as  an  exercise  of  style  by  young  scribes. 

Nothing  is  more  illustrative  of  the  state  of  Egypt  and  the  neighbouring 
countries  at  this  period  than  certain  passages  from  the  memoirs  of  an  adven- 
turer named  Sineh.  Arrived  at  the  court  of  a  little  Asiatic  chief,  who  asks 
for  an  account  of  the  power  of  the  Egyptian  sovereign,  and  who  was  sur- 


Amenemhat  worshipped  as  a  God  by  a  Subjd- 

OATKD    PkINCK 


l^^^fS 


112  THE  HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 

[ca.  2466-2370  B.C.] 

prised  at  hearing  that  a  death  had  taken  place  in  the  palace  of  Amenemhat 
without  his  knowledge,  tlie  traveller  gives  a  poetical  panegyric  of  the  king 
and  his  son  :  ''  My  exile  into  that  country  was  arranged  by  God,  for  Egypt  is 
under  the  control  of  a  master,  who  is  called  '  the  benevolent  god '  ;  and  the 
terror  of  him  extends  to  all  the  surrounding  nations,  as  the  power  of  the 
goddess  Sekhet  extends  over  the  earth  in  the  season  of  sickness.  I  told  him 
my  thoughts  and  he  replied,  '  We  grant  thee  immunity.'  His  son,  Usertsen, 
entered  the  palace,  for  he  manages  his  father's  business ;  he  is  an  incompar- 
able god,  he  has  never  had  his  equal,  he  is  a  counsellor  wise  in  his  designs, 
benevolent  in  his  decrees,  Avho  goes  and  comes  at  his  will.  He  conquers 
foreign  states  and  reports  his  conquests  to  his  father,  who  remains  in  the 
palace.  He  is  a  brave  man,  who  rules  by  the  sword,  his  courage  is  un- 
equalled ;  when  he  sees  barbarians,  he  rushes  forward  and  scatters  the 
predatory  hordes.  He  is  the  hurler  of  javelins  who  makes  the  hand  of 
the  enemy  feeble,  those  whom  he  strikes  never  more  lift  the  lance.  He 
is  formidable  in  shattering  skulls,  and  has  never  been  overcome.  He  is 
a  swift  runner  who  kills  the  fugitive,  and  no  one  can  overtake  him.  He 
is  alert  and  ready.     He  is  a  lion  who  strikes  with  his  claws,  nor  ever  lets 

go  from  his  grip  ;  he  is  a  heart  girded 

in  armour  at  the  sight  of  the  hosts,  and 

leaves   nothing  standing  behind  him  ; 

he  is  a  valiant  man  rushing  forward  at 

the   sight   of    battle.       He    seizes    his 

buckler,  he  bounds  forward  and  kills 

without  a  second  blow.     Nobody  can 

withstand  his  arrow ;  before  he  bends 

his  bow,  the  barbarians  flee  in  front  of 

him  like  hares,  for  the  great  goddess 

^        Hilf ' j^tt^iv*  '"MH^l     ^       ^^^^  commanded  him  to  slay  those  who 

P         l^Kj;]^v8r^r*jMlJ      M       ignore  her  name,  and  when  he  attacks, 

«         wB»i2Zs/a01if  J     M      ^^^  spares  not.     All  are  laid  low.     He 

^1         v.l^^HBBSf Bifi 'fUSi  4    B»       jg  g^  wonderful  friend,  who  knows  how 

to  win  love  ;  his  country  loves  him 
more  than  herself,  and  rejoices  in  him 
more  than  in  a  god  ;  and  both  men  and 
women  are  prompt  to  render  him 
homage.  He  is  king  ;  he  has  commanded 
ever  since  he  was  born  ;  the  nation  has 
multiplied  under  him,  the  unique  being 
of  a  divine  essence  by  whom  this  land 
rejoices  to  be  governed.  He  has  en- 
larged the  frontiers  of  the  South,  whilst 
not  coveting  the  region  of  the  North.  He  has  subjugated  the  Asiatics  and 
conquered  the  Nemashatu." 

The  co-regency  of  Usertsen  I  with  Amenemhat  I,  instituted  ten  years 
before  the  king's  death,  led  to  Usertsen's  being  accepted  as  successor  to  his 
father  without  any  opposition.  And  following  his  parent's  example,  this 
king  (after  forty-two  years)  appointed  his  son,  Amenemhat  II,  to  be  co-regent 
with  himself  ;  and  he,  thirty-two  years  later,  did  the  same  with  Usertsen  II  ; 
Amenemhat  III  and  Amenemhat  IV  also  reigned  a  long  time  together.  The 
only  reigns  in  which  there  is  no  proof  of  co-regency  are  those  of  Usertsen 
III  and  Queen  Sebek-neferu-Ra  (the  Schemiophris  of  Manetho),  who  was 
the  last  of  the  dynasty,  which  had  lasted  213  years,  1  month,  and  27  days. 


L'SKUTSKN    1 
(From  a  statue) 


THE   OLD  THEBAN  KINGDOM  113 

[ca.  2370-2250  B.C.] 

The  history  of  the  Xllth  Egyptian  dynasty  is  certainly  given  with 
greater  accuracy  and  completeness  than  that  of  any  of  the  others.  In  spite 
of  the  deficiencies  in  the  biographies  of  the  eight  monarchs,  and  the  accounts 
of  their  wars,  we  have  an  uninterrupted  survey  of  the  development  of  their 
policy,  and  even  after  the  lapse  of  four  thousand  years  and  more,  we  can 
form  a  fair  idea  of  the  Egypt  of  the  period.  As  engineers,  soldiers,  friends 
of  art,  and  patrons  of  agriculture,  they  were  indefatigable  in  their  work  of 
aggrandising  the  country.  With  the  enlargement  of  the  boundaries  of  the 
kingdom,  the  hordes  of  barbarians  on  the  frontiers  were  dispersed.  Nubia  was 
conquered  ;  the  valley  of  the  Middle  Nile,  from  the  First  Cataract  to  the 
Fourth,  was  colonised ;  the  supply  of  water  was  more  equalised  by  the  crea- 
tion of  Lake  Mceris  and  a  system  of  canals  ;  and  towns  like  Heliopolis, 
Thebes,  Tanis,  and  a  hundred  others  of  less  repute,  were  adorned  with  fine 
buildings.  Egypt,  in  fact,  at  this  time,  was  in  a  most  prosperous  state,  and 
if  later  she  obtained  more  renown  by  her  Asiatic  wars  and  distant  con- 
quests, the  period  of  this  dynasty,  when  each  generation  of  Pharaohs  followed 
in  the  other's  steps  of  good  administration,  was  the  most  happy  and  peaceful 
of  all. 

The  two  scenes  of  warfare  of  the  Pharaohs  at  this  period  were  Syria  on  the 
east  of  the  Delta,  and  Nubia,  properly  so  called,  on  the  south  of  Elephantine. 
One  would  have  thought  that  the  large  tracts  of  sand,  separating  the  Syrians 
from  Egypt,  would  have  prevented  any  incursions  from  that  quarter.  But 
the  nomadic  tribes  made  such  inroads  on  that  district  that  a  series  of  for- 
tresses had  to  be  built  from  the  Red  Sea  to  the  Nile,  to  protect  the  entrance 
of  the  Wady  Tumilat  from  the  hordes  ;  and  this  wall,  begun  by  Amenemhat 
and  continued  by  his  successors,  marked  the  extreme  limit,  at  that  time,  of 
the  empire  of  the  Pharaohs  in  this  direction.  Beyond  stretched  the  desert, 
a  world  almost  unknown  to  the  Egyptians  at  that  time. 

Of  the  people  of  Syria  and  Palestine  they  had  only  vague  ideas  brought 
thither  by  the  caravans  or  brought  to  the  ports  in  the  Mediterranean  by 
sailors  who  had  been  there.  Sometimes,  however,  a  party  of  emigrants,  or 
even  whole  tribes,  driven  from  their  country  by  misery  or  revolutions,  would 
arrive  and  settle  in  Egypt.  One  of  the  bas-reliefs  of  the  tomb  of  Khnum- 
hotep  depicts  the  arrival  of  such  a  party.  It  represents  thirty-seven  men, 
women,  and  children,  brought  before  the  governor  of  the  nome  of  INIah,  to 
whom  they  present  a  sort  of  greenish  paint,  called  moszmit,  and  two  boxes. 
They  are  armed  like  Egyptians  with  bows,  javelins,  axes,  and  clubs  ;  one  of 
them  plays,  as  he  walks,  on  an  instrument  resembling  an  old  Greek  lyre  in 
shape.  The  cut  of  their  dress,  the  brilliancy  and  good  taste  of  the  fringed 
and  patterned  materials,  the  elegance  of  most  of  tlie  things  they  have  with 
them,  testify  to  an  advanced  stage  of  civilisation,  albeit  inferior  to  that  of 
Egypt.  Asia  already  supplied  Egypt  with  slaves,  perfumes,  cedar  wood,  and 
cedar  essences,  enamelled  precious  stones,  lapis-lazuli,  and  the  embroidered 
and  dyed  stuffs  of  which  Chaldea  retained  the  monopoly  until  the  time  of 
the  Romans,  c 

The  monuments  of  this  great  period  provoked  wonder  among  the  ancients, 
and  the  old  traveller  and  historian  Herodotus  thus  describes  the  marvels  of 
Egypt:  a 

MONUMENTS   OF   THE   TWELFTH   DYNASTY  :    A   CLASSICAL   VIEW 

It  was  the  resolution  of  all  the  princes  to  leave  behind  them  a  common 
monument  of  their  fame  :  —  With  this  view,  beyond  the  Lake  Moeris,  near 
the  City  of  Crocodiles,  they  constructed  a  labyrinth,  which  exceeds,  I  can 

H.  W.  — VOL.   I.   I 


114  THE   HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 

truly  say,  all  that  has  been  said  of  it  ;  whoever  will  take  the  trouble  to  com- 
pare them,  will  find  all  the  works  of  Greece  much  inferior  to  this,  both  in 
regard  to  the  workmanship  and  expense.  The  temples  of  Ephesus  and 
Samos  may  justly  claim  admiration,  and  the  Pyramids  may  individually  be 
compared  to  many  of  the  magnificent  structures  of  Greece,  but  even  these 
are  inferior  to  the  Labyrinth.  It  is  composed  of  twelve  courts,  all  of  which 
are  covered  ;  their  entrances  are  opposite  to  each  other,  six  to  the  north  and 
six  to  the  south  ;  one  wall  encloses  the  whole  ;  the  apartments  are  of  two 
kinds,  there  are  fifteen  hundred  above  the  surface  of  the  ground,  and  as 
many  beneath,  in  all  three  thousand.  Of  the  former  I  speak  from  my  own 
knowledge  and  observation  ;  of  the  latter,  from  the  information  I  received. 

The  Egyptians  who  had  the  care  of  the  subterraneous  apartments  would 
not  suffer  me  to  see  them,  and  the  reason  they  alleged  was,  that  in  these 
were  preserved  the  sacred  crocodiles,  and  the  bodies  of  the  kings  wlio  con- 
structed the  labyrinth  :  of  these  therefore  I  presume  not  to  speak  ;  but  the 
upper  apartments  I  myself  examined,  and  I  pronounce  them  among  the 
greatest  efforts  of  human  industry  and  art. 

Tlie  almost  infinite  number  of  winding  passages  through  the  different 
courts,  excited  my  warmest  admiration  :  from  spacious  halls  I  passed  through 
smaller  apartments,  and  from  them  again  to  large  and  magnificent  courts, 
almost  without  end.  The  ceilings  and  walls  are  all  of  marble,  the  latter 
richly  adorned  with  the  finest  sculpture  ;  around  each  court  are  pillars  of 
the  whitest  and  most  polished  marble  :  at  the  point  where  the  labyrinth  ter- 
minates, stands  a  pyramid  one  hundred  and  sixty  cubits  high,  having  large 
figures  of  animals  engraved  on  its  outside,  and  the  entrance  to  it  is  by  a  sub- 
terraneous path. 

Wonderful  as  this  labyrinth  is,  the  Lake  Mceris,  near  which  it  stands,  is 
still  more  extraordinary  :  the  circumference  of  tliis  is  three  thousand  six  hun- 
dred stadia,  or  sixty  schroni,  which  is  the  length  of  Egypt  about  the  coast. 
This  lake  stretclies  itself  from  north  to  south,  and  in  its  deepest  parts  is 
two  hundred  cubits  ;  it  is  entirely  the  produce  of  human  industry,  which 
indeed  the  work  itself  testifies,  for  in  its  centre  may  be  seen  two  pyramids, 
each  of  whicli  is  two  hundred  cubits  above  and  as  many  beneath  the  water ; 
upon  the  summit  of  each  is  a  colossal  statue  of  marble,  in  a  sitting  attitude. 
The  precise  altitude  of  these  pyramids  is  consequently  four  hundred  cubits  ; 
these  four  liundred  cubits,  or  one  hundred  orgyise,  are  adapted  to  a  stadium 
of  six  hundred  feet  ;  an  orgyia  is  six  feet,  or  four  cubits,  for  a  foot  is  four 
palms,  and  a  cubit  six. 

The  waters  of  the  lake  are  not  supplied  by  springs  ;  the  ground  which  it 
occupies  is  of  itself  remarkably  dry,  but  it  communicates  by  a  secret  channel 
with  the  Nile  ;  for  six  months  the  lake  empties  itself  into  the  Nile,  and  the 
remaining  six  the  Nile  supplies  the  lake.  During  the  six  months  in  which 
the  waters  of  the  lake  ebb,  the  fishery  which  is  here  carried  on  furnishes  the 
royal  treasury  with  a  talent  of  silver  every  day  ;  but  as  soon  as  the  Nile 
begins  to  pour  its  waters  into  the  lake,  it  produces  no  more  than  twenty  minse. 

[The  silver  which  the  fishery  of  this  lake  produced  was,  says  Larcher, 
appropriated  to  find  the  queen  with  clothes  and  perfume.] 

Tlie  inliabitants  aftirm  of  this  lake,  that  it  has  a  subterraneous  passage  in- 
clining inland  towards  the  west,  to  the  mountains  above  Memphis,  where  it 
discharges  itself  into  the  Libyan  sands.  I  was  anxious  to  know  what  became 
of  the  earth,  which  must  somewliere  have  necessarily  been  heaped  up  in  dig- 
ging tliis  lake  ;  as  my  search  after  it  was  fruitless,  I  made  inquiries  concern- 
ing it  of  those  who  lived  nearer  the  lake.     I  was  the  more  willing  to  believe 


THE   OLD   THEBAN   KINGDOM  115 

them,  when  they  told  me  where  it  was  carried,  as  I  had  before  heard  of  a 
similar  expedient  used  at  Nineveh,  an  Assyrian  city.  Some  robbers,  who 
were  solicitous  to  get  possession  of  the  immense  treasures  of  Sardanajialus, 
King  of  Nineveh,  which  were  deposited  in  subterraneous  apartments,  began 
from  the  place  where  they  lived  to  dig  under  ground,  in  a  direction  towards 
them.  Having  taken  the  most  accurate  measurement,  they  continued  their 
mine  to  the  palace  of  the  king ;  as  night  aj^proached  they  regularly  emptied 
the  earth  into  the  Tigris,  which  flows  near  Nineveh,  and  at  length  accom= 
plished  their  purpose.  A  plan  entirely  similar  was  executed  in  Egypt,  ex- 
cept that  the  work  was  here  carried  on  not  by  night  but  by  day  ;  the  Egyp- 
tians threw  the  earth  into  the  Nile,  as  they  dug  it  from  the  trench  ;  thus  it 
was  regularly  dispersed,  and  this,  as  they  told  me,  was  the  process  of  the 
lake's  formation. a! 

Thus  Herodotus  explains  what  he  but  faintly  understood ;  his  translatoi- 
William  Beloe  has  added  the  following  commentary  :o 

Herodotus,  Diodorus,  and  Pomponius  Mela  differ  but  little  in  opinion 
concerning  its  extent.  The  design  of  it  was  probably  to  hinder  the  Nile 
from  overflowing  the  country  too  much,  which  was  effected  by  drawing  off 
such  a  quantity  of  water,  when  it  was  apprehended  that  there  might  be  an 
inundation  sufficient  to  hurt  the  land.  [The  regulation  of  the  Nile  floods 
has  been  accomplished  in  the  latter  part  of  the  nineteenth  century,  by  dams 
elsewhere  described.]  The  water,  Pococke  observes,  is  of  a  disagreeable 
muddy  taste,  and  almost  as  salt  as  the  sea,  which  quality  it  pirobably  con- 
tracts from  the  nitre  that  is  in  the  earth,  and  the  salt  which  is  every  year 
left  in  the  mud.  The  circumference  of  the  lake  at  present  is  no  more 
than  fifty  leagues.  Larcher  says  we  must  distinguish  betwixt  the  lake  itself, 
and  the  canal  of  communication  from  the  Nile ;  that  the  former  was  the 
work  of  nature,  the  latter  of  art.  This  canal,  a  most  stupendous  effort  of 
art,  is  still  entire  ;  it  is  called  Bahr  Yusuf,  the  canal  of  Joseph.  According 
to  Savary  it  is  forty  leagues  in  length. 

There  were  two  other  canals  with  sluices  at  their  mouths,  from  the  lake 
to  the  river,  which  were  alternately  shut  and  opened  when  the  Nile  increased 
or  decreased.  This  work  united  every  advantage,  and  supplied  the  deficien- 
cies of  a  low  inundation,  by  retaining  water  which  would  uselessly  have  been 
expended  in  the  sea.  It  was  still  more  beneficial  when  the  increase  of  the 
Nile  was  too  great,  by  receiving  that  superfluity  which  would  have  prevented 
seed-time.  Were  the  canal  of  Joseph  cleansed,  the  ancient  mounds  repaired, 
and  the  sluices  restored,  this  lake  might  again  serve  the  same  purposes.  The 
pyramids  described  by  Herodotus  no  longer  exist,  neither  are  they  men- 
tioned by  Strabo. 

When  it  is  considered  that  this  was  the  work  of  an  individual,  and  that 
its  object  was  the  advantage  and  comfort  of  a  numerous  people,  it  must  be 
agreed,  with  M.  Savary,  that  the  king  who  constructed  it  performed  a  far 
more  glorious  work  than  either  the  Pyramids  or  the  Labyrinth.^^ 

The  Sphinx  itself  is  hardly  more  distinctly  Egyptian  than  the  ruins  of 
Karnak,  a  solemn  memorial  of  Old  Thebes.  The  famed  Egyptologist,  Lepsius, 
visited  the  region  and  described  the  impression  the  ruins  made  on  him  as 
follows  :« 

THE   RUINS    OF   KARNAK 

The  river  here  divides  the  broad  valley  into  two  unequal  parts.  On  the 
west  side  it  approaches  close  to  the  precipitous  Libyan  range,  which  there 
projects  ;  on   the  eastern  side  it   bounds  a  wide  fruitful    plain,  extending 


116 


THE  HISTORY   OF   ETPT 


as  far  as  Medamut,  a  spot  situated  on  tlie  bcder  of  the  Arabian  Desert, 
several  hours  distant.  On  this  side  stood  i-j  actual  town  of  Thebes, 
which  seems  to  have  been  chiefly  grouped  rou:l  the  two  great  temples  of 
Karnak  and  Luxor,  situated  above  half  an  Yna  apart.  Karnak  lies  more 
to  the  north,  and  farther  removed  from  the  lie  :  Luxor  is  now  actually- 
washed  by  the  waves  of  the  river,  and  may  eveiiormerly  have  been  the  har- 
bour of  the  city.  The  west  side  of  the  river  ontained  the  necropolis  of 
Thebes,  and  all  the  temples  which  stood  here  .^ferred  more  or  less  to  the 
worship  of  the  dead  ;  indeed,  all  the  inhabitais  of  this  part,  which  was 
afterwards  comprehended  by  the  Greeks  unor  the  name  of  Memnonia, 
seem  to  have  been  principally  occupied  with  ti  care  of  the  dead  and  their 
tombs.  The  former  extent  of  the  Memnoni;  nay  be  now  distinguished 
by  Gurnah  and  Medinet  Habu,  places  situated  i  the  northern  and  southern 
extremities. 

A  survey  of  the  Theban  monuments  naturay  begins  with  the  ruins  of 
Karnak.  Here  stood  the  great  royal  temple  of  he  hundred-gated  Thebes, 
which  was  dedicated  to  Amen-Ra,  the  King  of  t£  Gods,  and  to  the  peculiar 
local  god  of  the  city  of  Amen,  so  called  after  im  (No-Amen,  Diospolis). 
Ap,  along  with  the  feminine  article  Tap,  froi  which  the  Greeks  made 
Thebe,  was  the  name  of  one  particular  sanctitry  of  Amen.  It  is  also 
often  employed  in  hieroglyphics  in  the  singulaior  still  more  frequently  in 
plural  (Napu),  as  the  name  of  the  town  ;  for  wh;h  reason  the  Greeks  natu- 
rally, without  changing  the  article  along  with  it  generally  used  the  plural 
drj^ai.  The  whole  history  of  the  Egyptian  iimarchy,  after  the  city  of 
Amen  was  raised  to  be  one  of  the  two  royal  resiences  in  the  land,  is  con- 
nected with  this  temple.  All  dynasties  emulaid  in  the  glory  of  having 
contributed  their  share  to  the  enlargement,  embdishment,  or  restoration  of 
this  national  sanctuary. 

It  was  founded  by  their  first  king,  the  migl  n  I.  under  the  Old 

Theban  Royal  Dynasty  (Xllth  of  Manetho),  b.  ;  .uid  2300  B.C.,  and 

even  now  exhibits  some  ruins  in  the  centre  of  tl.  :<;;ilaing  from  that  period 
bearing  the  name  of  this  king.  During  the  dynr.ie.s  immediately  succeed- 
ing, which  for  several  centuries  groaned  under  le  yoke  of  the  victorious 
hereditary  enemy,  this  sanctuary  no  doubt  w;ui  ;so  deserted,  and  nothing 
has  been  preserved  which  belonged  to  that  perio.  But  after  the  first  king 
of  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty,  Aahmes,  in  the  seveute^itli  century  B.C.,  had  suc- 
ceeded in  his  first  war  against  the  Hyksos,  his  tw  successors,  Amenhotep  I 
and  Tehutimes  I,  built  round  the  remains  of  thonost  ancient  sanctuary  a 
magnificent  temple,  with  a  great  many  chamber  3  ound  the  cella,  and  with 
a  broad  court,  and  pylons  appertaining  to  it,  in  tint  (.f  which  Tehutimes  I 
erected  two  obelisks.  Two  other  pylons,  with  coiiguous  court  walls,  were 
built  by  the  same  king,  at  a  right  angle  with  the  emple  in  the  direction  of 
Luxor. 

Tehutimes  III  and  his  sister  enlarged  this  imple  to  the  back  by  a 
hall  resting  on  fifty-six  columns,  besides  many  oier  chambers,  which  sur- 
rounded it  on  three  sides,  and  were  encircled  bvjne  common  outer  wall. 
The  succeeding  kings  partly  closed  the  temple  mor  perfectly  in  front,  partly 
built  new  independent  temples  near  it,  and  also  plaoi  two  more  large  pylons 
towards  the  southwest,  in  front  of  those  erected  .y  Tehutimes  I,  so  that 
now  four  lofty  pylons  formed  the  magnificent  etrance  to  the  principal 
temple  on  this  side. 

But  a  far  more  splendid  enlargement  of  the  teiple  was  executed  in  the 
fifteenth  and  fourteenth  centuries  B.C.  by  the  grea  Pharaohs  of  the  XlXth 


'  ;i  , 


THE   OLD   THEBAN    KINGDOM  II7 

[ea.  2250  nx  ] 

Dynasty;  f<u-^eti  I,  the  father  of  Ramses  Meri-Amen,  added  in  the  original 
axis  of  ^  the  imple  the  most  magnificent  hall  of  pillars  that  was  ever  seen 
in  Egypt  01  Isewhere.  The  stone  roof,  supported  by  134  columns,  covers 
a  space  of  11  feet  in  depth,  and  320  feet  in  breadth.  Each  of  the  twelve 
central  '  ns  is  36  feet  in  circumference,  and  66  feet  high  beneath  the 
architrH'.        le  other  columns,  40  feet  high,  are  27  feet  in  circumference. 

It  is  -.sible  to  describe  the  overwhelming  impression  which  is  experi- 
enced up  lering  for  the  first  time  into  this  forest  of  columns,  and  wander- 
ing f  roil  I  :  range  into  the  other,  between  the  lofty  figures  of  gods  and 
kings  oil  •  .'  side  represented  on  them,  projecting  sometimes  entirely,  some- 
times only  1  part.  Every  surface  is  covered  with  various  sculptures,  now 
in  relief,  no  sunk,  which  were,  however,  only  completed  under  the  succes- 


•  ailder;  most  of  them,  indeed,  by  his  son  Ramses  Meri-Amen. 
i    iiis  hypostyle  hall  was  placed,  at  a  later  period,  a  great  hyp<e- 

.  70  by  320  feet  in  extent,  decorated  on  the  sides  only  with  colon- 
I  itered  by  a  magnificent  pylon. 

i:ipal  part  of  the  temple  terminated  here,  comprising  a  length  of 

:<i  including  the  row  of  sphinxes  in  front  of  its  external  pylon, 

liar  sanctuary  which  was  placed  by  Ramses  Meri-Amen  directly 

all  farthest  back  in  the  temple,  and  with  the  same  axis,  Vjut 

•  ch  a  manner  that  its  entrance  was  on  the  opposite  side.  Includ- 
ilargements,  the  entire  length  must  have  amounted  to  nearly 
• -koning  to  the  most  southern  gate  of  the  external  wall,  which 

le  whole  space,  which  was  of  nearly  equal  breadth.  The  later 
'»  now  found  the  principal  temples  completed  on  all  sides,  but 
who  also  "ere  desirous  of  contributing  their  share  to  the  embellishment  of 
this  cent]  of  the  Theban  worship,  began  partly  to  erect  separate  small 
temples  :  the  large  level  space  which  was  surrounded  by  the  above-men- 
tioned ♦  r.osure-wall,  partly  to  extend  these  temples  also  externally./ 

In  abost  unfailing  sequence  decline  follows  glory ;  and  now,  having  seen 
the  ruirii  monuments  of  the  Theban  Kingdom,  we  may  turn  to  consider 
the  ruiii^f  her  power.a 


sors  of  tij 
In  front  ( 
thral  (:(>i: 
nades,  an' 
The  :. 
1170  fe^  ?. 
nor  tlje  jM 
beside  rh 
turned  .:) 
ing  th' >' 
2000  • 
8U1 

dy 


THE   FALL   OF   THE   THEBAN   KINGDOM 

Tn*  ew  family  (Xlllth  Djmasty)  which  ascended  the  throne  with 
Sebekh.fip  I,  seems,  from  numerous  similarities  of  name,  to  have  l>een 
connf^oii  with  the  previous  d}-nasty;  for  instance,  two  of  its  rulers  took 
the  p:  lame  of  Amenemhat  I,  and  their  surname,  generally  supposed  to 
have  In  derived  from  the  god's  name  SeV^ek,  is  linked  to  the  name  of  the 
last  qi  tn,  Sebek-neferu-Ra. 

Se  "ihotep  I  appears  only  once  in  the  monuments,  in  a  measurement  of 
the  h  'Qt  of  the  Nile  at  Kummeh  in  the  first  year  of  his  reign;  besides 
him  ■  i^•  the  sixth  of  his  successors,  -vs-ith  the  remarkable  name  of  Amenie- 
Ante;>.menemhat  are  on  the  two  altar  tablets  of  the  Theban  Amen. 

E  iently  none  of  these  reigns  was  of  long  duration :  usurpations  and 
proh  V  also  revolts  of  the  nomarchs  shook  the  kingdom,  as  at  the  end  of 
the  \  Li  dynasty. 

Ti  Turin  papyrus  has  an  incision  at  Ranseneb,  the  eleventh  or  twelfth 
succeior  of  Sebekhotep  I.  Most  of  the  rulers  of  the  next  family  ("about 
fifteen  in  number)  are  known  to  us  only  by  single  monuments,  and  we  see 
that  ley  still  rule  the  united  kingdoms  of  Usertsen  III,  from  Tanis  to 
Semm,  albeit  in  a  stormy  fashion.     Certainly  one  must  not  estimate  the 


116  THE  HISTORY   OF   EGYPT 

as  far  as  Medamiit,  a  spot  situated  on  the  border  of  the  Arabian  Desert, 
several  hours  distant.  On  this  side  stood  the  actual  town  of  Thebes, 
which  seems  to  have  been  chiefly  grouped  round  tlie  two  great  temples  of 
Karnak  and  Luxor,  situated  above  half  an  hour  apart.  Karnak  lies  more 
to  the  north,  and  farther  removed  from  the  Nile  ;  Luxor  is  now  actually 
washed  by  the  waves  of  the  river,  and  may  even  formerly  have  been  the  har- 
bour of  the  city.  The  west  side  of  the  river  contained  the  necropolis  of 
Thebes,  and  all  the  temples  which  stood  here  referred  more  or  less  to  the 
worship  of  the  dead  ;  indeed,  all  tlie  inhabitants  of  this  part,  which  was 
afterwards  comprehended  by  the  Greeks  under  the  name  of  Memnonia, 
seem  to  have  been  principally  occupied  with  the  care  of  the  dead  and  their 
tombs.  The  former  extent  of  the  Memnonia  may  be  now  distinguished 
bv  (nirnah  and  Medinet  Habu,  places  situated  at  the  northern  and  southern 
extremities. 

A  survey  of  the  Tlieban  monuments  naturally  begins  with  the  ruins  of 
Karnak.  Here  stood  the  great  royal  temple  of  the  hundred-gated  Thebes, 
which  was  dedicated  to  Amen-Ila,  the  King  of  the  Gods,  and  to  the  peculiar 
local  god  of  the  city  of  Amen,  so  called  after  him  (No-Amen,  Diospolis). 
Ap,  along  witli  the  feminine  article  Tap,  from  which  the  Greeks  made 
Thebe,  was  the  name  of  one  i)articular  sanctuary  of  Amen.  It  is  also 
often  employed  in  hieroglyphics  in  the  singular,  or  still  more  frequently  in 
plural  (Napu),  as  the  name  of  the  town  ;  for  which  reason  the  Greeks  natu- 
rally, without  changing  the  article  along  with  it,  generally  used  the  plural 
6ril3ai.  The  whole  history  of  the  Egyptian  monarchy,  after  the  city  of 
Amen  was  raised  to  be  one  of  the  two  royal  residences  in  the  land,  is  con- 
nected witli  this  temple.  All  dynasties  emulated  in  the  glory  of  having 
contributed  tlieir  share  to  the  enlargement,  embellishment,  or  restoration  of 
this  national  sanctuary. 

It  was  founded  by  their  first  king,  the  mighty  Usertsen  I,  under  the  Old 
Theban  Royal  Dynasty  (Xllth  of  Manetho),  between  2400  and  2800  B.C.,  and 
even  now  exhibits  some  ruins  in  the  centre  of  the  building  from  that  period 
bearing  the  name  of  this  king.  During  the  dynasties  immediately  succeed- 
ing, wliich  for  several  centuries  groaned  under  the  yoke  of  the  victorious 
hereditary  enemy,  this  sanctuary  no  doubt  was  also  deserted,  and  nothing 
has  been  preserved  which  belonged  to  that  period.  But  after  the  first  king 
of  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty,  Aahmes,  in  the  seventeenth  century  B.C.,  had  suc- 
ceeded in  his  first  war  against  the  Hyksos,  his  two  successors,  Amenhotep  I 
and  Tehutimes  I,  built  round  the  remains  of  the  most  ancient  sanctuary  a 
magnificent  temple,  with  a  great  many  chambers  round  the  cella,  and  with 
a  broad  court,  and  pylons  appertaining  to  it,  in  front  of  which  Tehutimes  I 
erected  two  obelisks.  Two  otlier  pylons,  with  contiguous  court  walls,  were 
built  by  the  same  king,  at  a  right  angle  with  the  temple  in  the  direction  of 
Luxor. 

Tehutimes  III  and  his  sister  enlarged  this  temple  to  the  back  by  a 
hall  resting  on  fifty-six  columns,  besides  many  other  chambers,  which  sur- 
rounded it  on  three  sides,  and  were  encircled  by  one  common  outer  wall. 
The  succeeding  kings  partly  closed  the  temple  more  perfectly  in  front,  partly 
built  new  independent  temples  near  it,  and  also  placed  two  more  large  pylons 
towards  the  southwest,  in  front  of  those  erected  by  Tehutimes  I,  so  that 
now  four  lofty  pylons  formed  the  magnificent  entrance  to  the  principal 
temple  on  this  side. 

But  a  far  more  splendid  enlargement  of  the  temple  was  executed  in  the 
fifteenth  and  fourteenth  centuries  B.C.  by  the  great  Pharaohs  of  the  XlXth 


^^^  a:: 


THE   OLD  THEBAN   KINGDOM  119 

[ca.  2250-1635  B.C.] 

kings  from  Xois  (Sakha),  in  the  western  Delta,  included  Libyan  foreign 
rulers  who  occupied  the  Delta. 

But  the  chief  invaders  of  this  time  were  an  Asiatic  race  who  made  a 
violent  attack  on  the  power  of  the  Pharaohs  at  Thebes.  They  were  the 
Mentu,  or,  as  they  are  now  called,  the  Mentu  of  Satet,  tliat  is  "  the  barbarous 
Asiatic  country."  They  were  called  the  Shepherds  or  Hyksos  by  their 
contemporaries  and  by  Manetho. 

Of  what  race  the  Hyksos  were,  is  not  known.  Some  points  in  the  account 
show  that  we  have  here  to  do  with  an  invasion  of  Bedouin  races,  one  of  those 
frequent  raids  upon  cultivated  land  by  nomads  of  the  desert. 

Among  the  latest  opinions  on  the  subject  is  one  that  ascribes  to  the 
Hyksos  a  partly  Semitic  and  partly  Turanian  origin,  and  accounts  for  their 
settling  in  Egypt  by  their  being  crowded  out  of  western  Asia  in  the 
numerous  race  conflicts  of  which  that  part  of  the  world  was  the  arena.  The 
expelled  people  could  find  no  resting-place  among  the  wild  hordes  of  Syria, 
and  moved  on  to  the  peaceful  and  fertile  valley  of  the  Nile. 

It  is  certain  that  Semitic  and  Canaanitish,  not  Arabic,  elements  penetrated 
to  Egypt  under  the  Hyksos.  The  Egyptian  language  was  subsequently 
sprinkled  with  Canaanitish  words ;  the  specifically  Canaanitish  divinities 
Baal  Astarte  (in  the  feminine  form),  Anit,  Reshpu,  etc.,  were  afterwards 
extensively  worshipped  in  the  eastern  Delta,  and  in  the  whole  of  Egypt.  In 
the  next  centuries  we  find  Canaanitish  proper  names  everywhere. 

More  accurate  information  on  the  invasion  of  the  Hyksos  is  wanting.  It 
is  certain  that  they  settled  in  Lower  Egypt,  where  they  founded  a  state 
which  they  ruled  according  to  the  Egyptian  fashion.  Their  chief  seats  were 
Avaris  (Ha-Uar),  the  border  fortress  built  or  enlarged  by  them,  which  is 
Pelusium,  or  a  place  a  little  to  the  south ;  and  Tanis,  the  powerful  capital 
of  the  eastern  Delta,  ornamented  by  numerous  buildings  of  the  Xllth 
Dynasty  and  the  real  residence  of  the  Hyksos  kings. 

It  seems,  moreover,  certain  that  iNIemphis,  and  even  the  Fayum,  remained 
in  their  hands ;  but  Upper  Egypt  was  at  most  conquered  onl}^  temporarily. 
Here  ruled,  during  this  epoch,  the  kings  mentioned  in  the  five  divisions 
of  the  Turin  papyrus,  and  their  successors,  perhaps  as  tributary  vassals, 
since  they  occasionally  bear  the  title  of  Haq,  that  is.  Prince. 

King  Meneptah,  the  son  of  the  great  Ramses,  speaks  of  this  time  as  "  the 
epoch  of  the  kings  of  Lower  Egypt,  since  this  land  Qem  was  in  their 
(power),  and  the  accursed  foe  (Aad,  the  Plague)  ruled  at  the  time  when  the 
kings  of  Upper  Egypt  (were  powerless)." 

It  is  very  possible  that  the  Hyksos  pillaged  Egypt  in  their  conquests, 
but  Manetho's  assertion  that  they  systematically  destroyed  the  temples  and 
monuments  is  contradicted  by  the  following  facts.  The  chief  god  they 
worshipped  was  Sutekh,  or  Set  with  the  surname  of  "  the  Golden,"  by  which 
the  Sun-Baal  is  understood.  They  built  him  a  great  temple  in  Tanis,  and 
his  cult  was  followed  in  the  eastern  Delta  until  later  times.  He  was  also 
called  "  Lord  of  Avaris  "  at  this  time. 

The  Egyptian  gods  were,  however,  retained ;  the  kings  called  themselves 
"sons  of  Ra"  and,  like  the  Egyptian  rulers,  they  cliiefly  begin  their  throne 
names  with  "  Ra."    Egyptian  culture  was  generally  adopted  by  the  foreigners. 

The  fact  that  we  have  a  mathematical  handbook  under  the  rule  of  a 
Hyksos  king,  written  "according  to  old  copies,"  and  tliat  we  liave  a  scribe's 
palette,  presented  by  the  same  king  to  the  scribe  Atu,  shows  that  writ- 
ing was  in  vogue  under  their  rule.  Tlie  monuments  ascribed  to  them, 
particularly  the  sphinxes  with  kings'  heads,  found  at   Tanis,  a  group  of 


118  THE   HISTORY   OF  EGYPT 

[ca.  2250  B.C.] 

accounts  of  their  power  and  brilliancy  too  highly,  as  has  been  the  case  lately. 
They  have  left  us  only  short  inscriptions  and  statues,  some  of  which  are 
masterpieces  of  work,  and  albeit  the  former  are  of  short  reigns  and  very 
circumscribed,  they  are  full  of  significance.  The  fact  that  the  sixth 
king  bore  the  name  of  jNIermeslia  {i.e.  General)  shows  that  he  was  an 
usurper.  We  liave  two  colossal  statues  of  this  ruler,  found  in  Tanis.  The 
tenth  king,  Neferhotep,  was  the  son  of  a  private  person,  brought  perhaps  by 
marriage  near  to  the  throne,  and  we  find  the  name  of  this  ruler  here  and 
there  on  temple  buildings  at  Karnak  and  Abydos ;  and  finally  the  five  reigns, 
of  wluch  we  know  the  duration  are  only  very  short;  all  these  are  points 
which  cast  a  clear  light  on  the  condition  of  Egypt  at  the  time. 

The  above-named  Neferhotep,  who  reigned  eleven  years,  seems  to  have 
been  the  most  powerful  ruler  of  the  period ;  this  great  ruler  appears  with 
liis  family  in  inscriptions  in  the  district  of  the  First  Cataract  (Assuan, 
Konosso,  Sehel)  and  in  the  temple  of  Karnak,  also  in  a  large  and  very 
interesting  inscription  at  Abydos,  and  the  museum  of  Hologna  has  a 
statue  of  him,  as  well  as  of  his  second  son,  Sebekhotep  V  (Kha-nefer-Ra). 
The  elder,  Sehathor,  died  after  a  reign  of  a  few  months.  There  was  a  colos- 
sal granite  statue  of  Sebekhotep  V  found  at  Tanis,  another  far  in  the  Nubian 
country  on  the  island  of  Arqo,  far  above  the  Second  Cataract,  and  the  Louvre 
has  two  more.  There  is  frequent  mention  of  him  at  Karnak.  The  three 
last  rulers  of  this  house  are  of  no  great  importance.  Far  less  is  known  of 
the  next  rulers  than  of  the  above.  Their  names,  probably  about  a  hundred, 
are  divided  into  dynasties  and  fill  nearly  five  divisions  of  the  Turin  papyrus. 
Where  we  liave  dates,  there  are,  on  the  whole,  about  twenty-two,  more  or 
less  recognisable ;  they  show  that  the  reigns  were  of  short  duration,  a  few 
months,  one  or  two  years,  and,  far  more  rarely,  three  or  four  years.  There 
is  only  one  case  of  a  longer  reign,  and  that  was  in  the  case  of  the  first  ruler 
of  the  new  house,  Mer-nefer-Ra  Ai,  who  reigned  thirteen  years,  eight  months, 
and  eighteen  days. 

It  follows  that  only  a  very  few  of  these  kings  are  known  to  us  through 
the  monuments,  and  the  majority  only  by  insignificant  memorials.  Their 
names  appear  only  occasionally  in  the  stone  quarries  at  Hammamat,  or  in 
Karnak  and  Abydos,  or  they  have  statues,  which  are  far  inferior  to  those  of 
the  preceding  epoch. 

And  yet  we  have  from  this,  as  well  as  from  the  preceding  epoch,  a  line  of 
graves  and  tomb  steles  in  Abydos,  as  well  as  numerous  rock  tombs  in  El-Kab 
(Hleithyia),  and  probably  also  the  great  rock  graves  of  Assiut  (Lycopolis), 
which  attest  the  position  and  power  of  the  high  priests  of  Anubis  and  the 
governors  of  the  nome.  They  are  as  important  for  this  period  as  the  graves 
of  Beni-Hasan  are  for  the  Xllth  Dynasty,  but  unfortunately  they  are  in  a 
mucii  worse  condition,  and  much  poorer  in  historical  information. 

THE   FOREIGN    RULE 

The  facts  above  mentioned  clearly  show  that  the  Egypt  of  this  period 
was  governed  under  conditions  similar  to  those  existing  in  the  Roman 
Empire  in  the  third  century  after  Christ. 

In  fact,  as  a  fuller  light  is  thrown  upon  P^gyptian  history,  there  seems  to 
liave  been  a  whole  line  of  dynasties,  evidently  local,  coexistent  with  the  chief 
king  at  Thebes.  If  Neferhotep  and  Sebekhotep  V  still  reigned  over  Egypt 
from  Nubia  to  Tanis,  the  Delta  was  lost  under  their  successors.  It  is  not  an 
improbable  theory  of  Stern's  that  Manetho's  XlVth  Dynasty  of  seventy-six 


THE   OLD   THEBAN   KINGDOM  121 

[ca.  2250-1635  B.C.] 

temporary  Egyptian  sovereigns)  is  a  joint  dynasty  of  Hyksos  and  Egyptians. 
The  number  of  its  kings  is  quite  unknown,  and  its  period  witnessed  the 
struggle  of  the  two  races  which  culminated  in  the  triumph  of  Aahmes  I 
(XVIIIth  Dynasty)  and  the  restoration  of  the  old  race. 

The  following  table,  compiled  from  Petrie,^  and  keeping  his  dates,  will 
show  the  situation  as  viewed  by  this  eminent  authority  : 


Date 

B.C. 

Egyptian  Dynasty 

Tears 

Date 

B.C. 

Ilyksos  Dynasty 

Years 

2565 

XIII,  (60  kings)      .       . 

2112 

453 

2112 
2098 

14  years  before   Hyksos  came  to 
power. 

XIV,  (76  kings)       .      . 

184 

1998 

Unknown  period  of  100  years  dur- 1 
ing    which     Hyksos    harried  | 
Egyptians.                                   j 

1928 

XVI,  (8  kings)         .      . 

190 

525 

XV,  (6  great  Hyksos)  260  years. 

511 

1738 

XVII,  (?  kings)       .       . 

151 

1738 

XVII,  (?  kings)  151  years. 

1587 

1587 

THE  HYKSOS  RULE  ;  THE  SEVENTEENTH  DYNASTY 

It  has  been  most  fortunate  for  our  study  of  antiquity  that  Josephus'* 
account  of  the  early  history  of  his  people  was  received  by  the  Greeks  with 
doubt  and  denial.  In  an  impassioned  answer  to  his  critics  the  great  Jewish 
historian  has  preserved  the  only  account  we  possess  of  the  appearance  and 
fortunes  of  the  Hyksos  in  Egypt,  although  of  course  he  is  wrong  in  his  the- 
ory that  these  people  were  Hebrews. 

He  quotes  from  ManethoJ :  "  There  was  a  king  of  ours  whose  name  was 
Timseus."  (The  identity  of  this  king  has  never  been  determined  with 
certainty.  It  may  have  been  Amenemhat  IV  (Xllth  Dynasty)  or  Ra 
Amenemhat,  the  third  king  of  the  Xlllth.)  "  Under  him  it  came  to  pass,  I 
know  not  how,  that  God  was  averse  to  us,  and  there  came,  after  a  surprising 
manner,  men  of  ignoble  birth  out  of  the  eastern  parts,  and  had  boldness 
enough  to  make  an  expedition  into  our  country,  and  with  ease  subdued  it 
by  force,  yet  without  our  hazarding  a  battle  with  them." 

It  is  possible  that  this  campaign  of  unresisted  conquest  was  accomplished 
with  the  aid  of  factors  hitherto  unknown  on  the  African  continent  :  the 
war  chariot  and  the  horse. « 

"  So  when  they  had  gotten  those  that  governed  us  under  their  power, 
they  afterwards  burnt  down  our  cities  and  demolished  the  temples  of  the 
gods,  and  used  all  the  inhabitants  after  a  most  barbarous  manner.  At  length 
they  made  one  of  themselves  king,  whose  name  was  Salatis  ;  he  lived  also  at 
Memphis  and  made  both  the  upper  and  lower  regions  pay  tribute,  and  left 
garrisons  in  places  that  were  the  most  proper  for  them.  He  chiefly  aimed 
to  secure  the  eastern  parts,  as  foreseeing  that  the  Assyrians,  who  had  then 
the  greatest  power,  would  be  desirous  of  that  kingdom  and  invade  them  ;  and 
as  he  found  in  the  Saite  [Sethroite]  nome,  a  city  very  proper  for  his  pur- 
pose, and  which  lay  upon   the  Bubastic  channel,  called  Avaris  ;    this  he 


-^, 


122  THE  HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 

[ca.  2000-1635  B.C.] 

rebuilt  and  made  very  strong  by  walls,  and  by  a  most  numerous  garrison  of 
two  hundred  and  forty  thousand  armed  men  to  keep  it.  Thither  Salatis 
came  in  summer-time,  partly  to  gather  his  corn,  and  pay  his  soldiers  their 
wages,  and  partly  to  exercise  his  armed  men  and  thereby  to  terrify  for- 
eigners. When  this  man  had  reigned  thirteen  years,  after  him  reigned 
another,  whose  name  was  Beon 
[or  Bnon],  for  forty-four  years, 
and  after  him  reigned  another, 
called  Apachnas,  thirty-six  years 
and  seven  months  ;  after  him 
Apophis  reigned  sixty-one  years, 
and  then  Linias  lifty  years  and 
one  month,  after  all  these  reigned 
Assis  forty-nine  years  and  two 
months.  And  these  six  were  the 
first  rulers  among  them,  who  were 
all  along  making  war  with  the 
Egyptians,  and  were  very  desirous 
gradually  to  destroy  them  to  the 
very  roots.  This  whole  nation 
was  called  Hyksos,  i.e.  Shepherd 
kings.  These  people  and  their 
descendants  kept  possession  of 
Egypt  511  years. 

"•  And  after  this  the  kings  of  the 
Thebaid  and  of  the 
other  parts  of  Egypt 
made  an  insurrection 
against  the  Shep- 
herds, and  a  terrible 
and  long  war  was 
made  between  them. 

"  Under  a  king 
whose  name  was  Ali- 
sphragmuthosis,  the 
Shepherds  were  sub- 
dued, and  were  in- 
deed driven  out  of 
other  parts  of  Egypt, 
but  were  shut  up  in 
a  place  tliat  contained  ten  thousand  acres ;  this  place  was  named  Avaris. 

"  The  Shepherds  built  a  wall  around  all  this  place,  which  was  a  large  and 
strong  wall,  and  tliis  in  order  to  keep  all  their  possessions  and  their  prey 
within  a  place  of  strength,  but  that  Thummosis,  the  son  of  Alisphragmu- 
thosis  made  an  attempt  to  take  them  by  force  and  by  siege,  with  four 
hundred  and  eighty  thousand  men  to  lie  round  about  them  ;  but  that  upon 
his  despair  of  taking  the  place  by  that  siege,  they  came  to  an  agreement 
with  them,  that  they  should  leave  Egypt  and  go  without  any  harm  to  be 
done  them,  whithersoever  they  would ;  and  after  this  agreement  was  made, 
they  went  away  with  their  whole  families  and  effects,  not  fewer  in  number 
than  two  hundred  and  forty  thousand,  and  took  their  journey  from  Egypt, 
through  the  wilderness,  for  Syria  ;  but  as  they  were  in  fear  of  the  Assyrians, 
who  had  then  the  dominion  over  Asia,  they  built  a  city  in  that  country 


Captives  before  the  Pharaoh 


THE   OLD  THEBAN   KINGDOM  123 

[ca.  2000-1635  B.C.] 

which  is  now  called  Judah,  and  that  large  enough  to  contain  this  great 

number  of  men,  and  called  it  Hierosolyma  (Jerusalem)." ^' 

The  modern  historian  is  brought  face  to  face  with  the  fact  that  for  the 
period  of  the  Xlllth  to  the  XVIIIth  Dynasties  there  is  even  less  material 
and  information  than  for  that  other  "  dark  age  "  extending  from  the  Vllth 
to  the  Xlth.  The  main  facts  of  our  knowledge  concerning  the  Xlllth 
Dynasty  have  been  given  in  the  preceding  chapter.  The  Hyksos  were 
settled  in  the  land  but  had  not  yet  come  to  power.  The  Pharaohs  were 
still  in  full  possession  of  Upper  and  Lower  Egypt. 

This  cannot  have  been  the  case  with  the  XlVth,  which  Manetho  tells  us 
had  its  capital  at  Xois  (Sakha,  a  town  on  the  western  side  of  the  central 
Delta),  from  which  it  would  seem  probable  that  the 
invaders  drove  the  ruling  house  to  the  west  instead  of 
southward,  up  the  Nile,  perhaps  because  the  broad 
river  and  its  wide  marsh-land  were  found  to  be  the 
best  means  of  defence  against  a  people  acquainted 
hitherto  with  only  small  and  insignificant  streams. 
The  Turin  papyrus  gives  eighty-five  names  for  this 
dynasty  ;  Manetho's  figure  is  seventy-six,  and  of  only 
two  of  them  are  there  even  the  slightest  remains.  For 
the  184  years  this  dynasty  is  said  to  have  ruled,  the 
average  length  of  reign  is  therefore  only  2|  years. 
How  may  we  explain  this  ?  There  seems  to  be  little 
doubt  that  the  untrammelled  rule  of  this  dynast}^ 
lasted  but  a  few  years,  perhaps  less  than  twenty. 
By  degrees  the  Hyksos  chiefs  attained  influence  and 
power,  until,  as  Professor  Petrie  says,  the  native  kings 
"were  merely  the  puppets  of  the  Hyksos  power,  the 
heads  of  the  native  administration  which  was  main- 
tained for  taxing  purposes  ;  like  the  last  emperors  of 
Rome,  whose  reigns  also  average  two  years  and  a  half, 
or  like  the  Coptic  administration  of  Egypt,  maintained 
during  the  supremacy  of  Islam  in  Egypt  as  being  the 
only  practical  way  of  working  the  country.  Later  on, 
when  the  Hyksos  had  established  a  firm  hold  on  all  the 
land  and  had  a  strong  rule  of  their  own,  these  native 
viceroys  were  permitted  a  longer  tenure  of  power,  and 
formed  the  XVIth  Dynasty  contemporary  with  the 
great  Hyksos  kings." 

The  first  Hyksos  kings  seem,  from  the  very  beginning,  to  have  appre- 
ciated fully  that  it  was  better  to  exploit  the  country  than  to  devastate  it, 
and  to  this  end  they  retained  the  temple  scribes  and  other  officials  of  the 
native  rulers.     The  influence  of  the  organised  government  soon  bore  effect. 

All  the  pomp  and  circumstance  of  Pharaoh's  court  were  revived  ;  the 
new  sovereigns  had  become  civilised,  and  they  managed,  by  adopting  the 
titles  of  the  Amenemhats  and  Usertsens,  to  legitimise  themselves  as  descend- 
ants of  Horus  and  "sons  of  Ra."  The  local  religions  were  not  interfered 
with,  but  the  chief  object  of  their  worship  was  Baal,  "the  lord  of  all,  a  cruel 
and  savage  warrior,"  and  from  his  great  similarity  to  Set,  "  the  brother  and 
enemy  of  Osiris,"  Baal  and  Set  soon  became  identified,  and  Set  was  now 
called  Sutekh,  "the  Great  Set." 

The  six  great  Hyksos  kings  —  those  mentioned  in  the  Josephus-Manetho 
account  —  may  be  considered  as  composing  the  XVth  Dynasty.     Their  rule 


Costume  of  a  Soldier 
OF  Pharaoh 


^;^-. 


122  THE   HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 

[ca.  2000-1635  B.C.] 

rebuilt  and  made  very  strong  by  walls,  and  by  a  most  numerous  garrison  of 
two  hundred  and  forty  thousand  armed  men  to  keep  it.  Thither  Salatis 
came  in  summer-time,  partly  to  gather  his  corn,  and  pay  his  soldiers  their 
wages,  and  partly  to  exercise  his  armed  men  and  thereby  to  terrify  for- 
eigners. When  this  man  had  reigned  thirteen  years,  after  him  reigned 
another,  whose  name  was  Beon 
[or  Bnon],  for  forty-four  years, 
and  after  him  reigned  another, 
called  Apachnas,  thirty-six  years 
and  seven  months  ;  after  him 
Apophis  reigned  sixty-one  years, 
and  then  lanias  fifty  years  and 
one  month,  after  all  these  reigned 
Assis  forty-nine  years  and  two 
months.  And  these  six  were  the 
first  rulers  among  them,  Avho  were 
all  along  making  war  with  the 
Egyptians,  and  were  very  desirous 
gradually  to  destroy  them  to  the 
very  roots.  This  whole  nation 
was  called  Hyksos,  i.e.  Shepherd 
kings.  These  people  and  their 
descendants  kept  possession  of 
Egypt  511  years. 

"  And  after  this  the  kings  of  the 
Thebaid  and  of  the 
other  parts  of  Egypt 
made  an  insurrection 
against  the  Shep- 
herds, and  a  terrible 
and  long  war  was 
made  l)etween  them. 

"  Under  a  king 
whose  name  was  Ali- 
sphragmuthosis,  the 
Sliepherds  were  sub- 
dued, and  were  in- 
deed driven  out  of 
other  parts  of  Egypt, 
but  were  shut  up  in 
a  place  that  contained  ten  thousand  acres ;  this  place  was  named  Avaris. 

"  The  Shepherds  built  a  wall  around  all  this  place,  which  was  a  large  and 
strong  wall,  and  this  in  order  to  keep  all  their  possessions  and  their  prey 
within  a  place  of  strength,  but  that  Thummosis,  the  son  of  Alisphragmu- 
thosis  made  an  attempt  to  take  them  by  force  and  by  siege,  with  four 
liundred  and  eighty  tliousand  men  to  lie  round  about  them  ;  but  that  upon 
his  despair  of  taking  the  place  by  that  siege,  they  came  to  an  agreement 
with  them,  that  they  should  leave  Egypt  and  go  without  any  harm  to  be 
done  them,  whithersoever  they  would ;  and  after  this  agreement  was  made, 
they  went  away  with  their  whole  families  and  effects,  not  fewer  in  number 
than  two  hundred  and  forty  thousand,  and  took  their  journey  from  Egypt, 
through  the  wilderness,  for  Syria  ;  but  as  they  were  in  fear  of  the  Assyrians, 
who  had  then  the  dominion  over  Asia,  they  built  a  city  in  that  country 


I 


Captives  before  the  Pharaoh 


THE   OLD  THEBAN   KINGDOM  123 

[ca.  2000-1635  B.C.] 

which  is  now  called  Judah,  and  that  large  enough  to  contain  this  great 
number  of  men,  and  called  it  Hierosolyma  (Jerusalem)." «' 

The  modern  historian  is  brought  face  to  face  with  the  fact  that  for  the 
period  of  the  Xlllth  to  the  XVIIIth  Dynasties  there  is  even  less  material 
and  information  than  for  that  other  "  dark  age  "  extending  from  the  Vllth 
to  the  Xlth.  The  main  facts  of  our  knowledge  concerning  the  Xlllth 
Dynasty  have  been  given  in  the  preceding  chapter.  The  Hyksos  were 
settled  in  the  land  but  had  not  yet  come  to  power.  The  Pharaohs  were 
still  in  full  possession  of  Upper  and  Lower  Egypt. 

This  cannot  have  been  the  case  with  the  XlVth,  which  Manetho  tells  us 
had  its  capital  at  Xois  (Sakha,  a  town  on  the  western  side  of  the  central 
Delta),  from  which  it  would  seem  probable  that  the 
invaders  drove  the  ruling  house  to  the  west  instead  of 
southward,  up  the  Nile,  perhaps  because  the  broad 
river  and  its  wide  marsh-land  were  found  to  be  the 
best  means  of  defence  against  a  people  acquainted 
hitherto  with  only  small  and  insignificant  streams. 
The  Turin  papyrus  gives  eighty-five  names  for  this 
dynasty  ;  Manetho's  figure  is  seventy-six,  and  of  only 
two  of  them  are  there  even  the  slightest  remains.  For 
the  184  years  this  dynasty  is  said  to  have  ruled,  the 
average  length  of  reign  is  therefore  only  2^  years. 
How  may  we  explain  this  ?  There  seems  to  be  little 
doubt  that  the  untrammelled  rule  of  this  dynast}^ 
lasted  but  a  few  years,  perhaps  less  than  twenty. 
By  degrees  the  Hyksos  chiefs  attained  influence  and 
power,  until,  as  Professor  Petrie  says,  the  native  kings 
"were  merely  the  puppets  of  the  Hyksos  power,  the 
heads  of  the  native  administration  which  was  main- 
tained for  taxing  purposes ;  like  the  last  emperors  of 
Rome,  whose  reigns  also  average  two  years  and  a  half, 
or  like  the  Coptic  administration  of  Egypt,  maintained 
during  the  supremacy  of  Islam  in  Egypt  as  being  the 
only  practical  way  of  working  the  country.  Later  on, 
when  the  Hyksos  had  established  a  firm  hold  on  all  the 
land  and  had  a  strong  rule  of  their  own,  these  native 
viceroys  were  permitted  a  longer  tenure  of  power,  and 
formed  the  XVIth  Dynasty  contemporary  with  the 
great  Hyksos  kings." 

The  first  Hyksos  kings  seem,  from  the  very  beginning,  to  have  appre- 
ciated fully  that  it  was  better  to  exploit  the  country  than  to  devastate  it, 
and  to  this  end  they  retained  the  temple  scribes  and  other  officials  of  the 
native  rulers.     The  influence  of  the  organised  government  soon  bore  effect. 

All  the  pomp  and  circumstance  of  Pharaoh's  court  were  revived  ;  the 
new  sovereigns  had  become  civilised,  and  they  managed,  by  adopting  the 
titles  of  the  Amenemhats  and  Usertsens,  to  legitimise  themselves  as  descend- 
ants of  Horus  and  "sons  of  Ra."  The  local  religions  were  not  interfered 
with,  but  the  chief  object  of  their  worship  was  Baal,  "the  lord  of  all,  a  cruel 
and  savage  warrior,"  and  from  his  great  similarity  to  Set,  "  the  brother  and 
enemy  of  Osiris,"  Baal  and  Set  soon  became  identified,  and  Set  was  now 
called  Sutekh,  "the  Great  Set." 

The  six  great  Hyksos  kings  —  those  mentioned  in  the  Josephus-Manetho 
account  —  may  be  considered  as  composing  the  XVth  Dynasty.     Their  rule 


Costume  of  a  Soldier 
OF  Pharaoh 


124  THE   HISTORY  OF   EGYPT 

[ca.  2000-1635  B.C.] 

of  nearly  260  years  marked  the  zenith  of  Hyksos  power.     There  was  as  yet 
no  sign  of  rebellion  amongst  the  conquered  people. 

But  when  we  come  to  the  so-called  XVIIth  Dynasty  the  years  are  no 
longer  tranquil  and  authority  undisputed.  As  stated  in  the  preceding 
chapter,  it  is  tlie  better  plan  to  regard  this  dynasty  as  a  joint  one  of  Shepherds 
and  Egyptians,  for  its  rise  is  wholly  lost  to  sight  under  the  Hyksos  power. 


Egyptian  Gymnasts 
(From  the  monuments) 

We  know  tliat  the  Hyksos  Apophis  (Apepa  I)  ruled  the  whole  land,  for 
his  name  is  found  far  in  the  south  ;  but  in  the  days  of  his  namesake  Apophis 
(Apepa  II),  some  three  hundred  years  later,  Thebes  was  practically  inde- 
pendent. The  compilers  of  the  lists  make  mention  of  unsuccessful  attempts 
at  rebellion  on  the  part  of  the  Theban  vassals,  for  some  time  before  Apepa  II, 
but  tliis  ruler  had  to  meet  a  decisive  revolt  under  Seqenen-Ra-Taa  I,  who 
was  haq  (prince  or  regent)  over  the  South.  There  is  no  information  as  to 
the  cause  of  the  outbreak  or  its  consequences,  but  the  tale  of  "  Apepa 
and  Seqenen-Ra,"  so  popular  with  readers  five  hundred  years  later,  asserts 
that  the  cause  of  the  quarrel  was  a  religious  one,  since  Thebes  refused  to 
worship  no  other  gods  but  Sutekh.  Seqenen-Ra  would  seem  to  have  been 
the  descendant  of  a  branch  of  the  royal  Egyptian  line,  settled  in  the  far 
south  to  escape  the  Hyksos  oppression,  and  which,  intermarrying  with 
Ethiopian  blood,  had  become  possessed  of  the  characteristics  of  the  dark 
Berber  race.  With  the  decay  of  the  Hyksos  power,  these  people  gradually 
worked  their  way  northward  from  Nubia,  and  began  the  re-winning  of  the 
land  for  the  ancient  line  of  Pharaohs.  For  eighty  years  after  the  death  of 
Assis  we  have  no  names  of  these  Berbers,  but  finally  Seqenen-Ra  I,  in  the 
days  of  Apepa  II,  declared  himself  "  Son  of  the  Sun  and  King  of  the  Two 
Egypts,"  and  the  princes  of  the  Said  made  common  cause  with  him.  Now 
the  native  rulers  of  the  XVIIth  Dynasty  free  themselves  from  any  con- 
fusion with  the  Hyksos,  and  the  strife  has  become  a  serious  one.  A  second 
Seqenen-Ra,  bearing  the  same  family  name  Taa,  followed  the  first,  and 
then  a  third,  whose  wife  Aah-hotep  is  one  of  the  great  queens  of  Egyptian 
history,  further  celebrated  as  the  mother  of  the  honoured  Nefert-ari.  Aah- 
hotep  in  all  probability  was  married  before,  to  an  Egyptian  and  not  a  Berber 
husband,  and  by  him  was  the  mother  of  an  elder  Aahmes,  who  died  prema- 
turely, and  his  three  brothers,  Karnes,  Sekhent-neb-Ra,  and  a  second  Aahmes, 
the  Amasis  of  the  Greeks,  who  founded  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty. 

Professor  Maspero,  one  of  the  greatest  authorities  for  this  period  of 
Egyptian  history,  holds  to  the  belief  that  Seqenen-Ra-Taa  III  was  the  sole 
husliand  of  Aah-hotep,  and  con.sequently  the  father  of  Aahmes,  his  brothers, 
and  Nefert-ari.  Dr.  Petrie,  liowever,  one  of  the  most  recent  of  investiga- 
tors, says  :  "Aahmes  is  always  (except  once)  shown  of  the  same  colour  as 
other  Egyptians,  while  Nefert-ari  is  almost  always  coloured  black.      And 


THE  BESTOBATIOX  127 

[CO.  16^-1610  B.C.] 

Hyksos  invasion.  It  is  hardly  to  be  si^posed  tiiait  tibe  invados  leanmed 
for  centuries  in  Egypt  in  snfficdent  nnmbezs  to  maintain  ahwnliitp  poGtieal 
control  without  having  some  ethnie  inflnenee ;  and  if  tins  be  adndtted,  it  s 
hardly  in  doubt.  phygiologicaUj  speaking,  that  soeli  ioflneoee,  in  tUs  doseij 
inbred  race,  would  be  beneficiaL  It  migixt  graft  tiie  bulldog  ifizit  a£  tiae 
Hyksos  upon  the  greyhound-spirited  Egyptian  natkn.  But  ivbetfaer  or  not 
this  be  the  explanation  of  the  diange  tbat  now  eame  ower  tbe  national  spiot, 
it  was  surely  a  bulldog  nation  that  now  emerged  from  the  Hvlsoe  thraldom 
and  started  out  upon  a  world-cc«iqoest.  In  tzaeii^  tiie  ccRir=<r  :f  i—^z.'^ 
in  this  new  epoch  we  see  Egypt  approadmig  the  apex  of  its  pu-srrz. 


THE   HTELS05   ZXPUX^IO V  :    AATTMTIS   -L:':     -:~    ~ 

Aahmes  must  have  been  bet^ve^Ti  tTrentv-r 
when,  as  survivor    : "      -"  "  "      - 

Nefert-ari,  his  siiTr.     , 
have  been  an  innij.:- 
rights,  joined  to  his  c 
dom  such  as  few  Phai/.     - 

His  mummy  shows  ^ t  . .: 

oped  neck  and  chest.     T 
cheek  bones  proieor,  ai. 
strong,  active,  w£r".>- 

From  what  vr 

Hyksos.  at  the  rlz_      :     _ ,__-__:..  -   — 

limited  to  the  cisTricr  ar:jj::i  Avans.  —  : 
for  finally  exr-elli::^:  :iieni  has  l:«een  gr^ 
and  strongly  ::..  ir :; -T  i  as  they  were 
no  m eajis  ins: ^ :: :  -   :-. : _ :  .-.  .i-rersv.ir'  es .      r 
eessible  by  the  iLi^rsh--        - 

desert,  there  was  alw3  •  -   

the  one  who  reraored  ihis  .   -  :       ^ 

made  his  dominion  over  th-  ^ 

chroniclers  had  every  reaso:^  : :  -  _  - : 

this  great  king. 

For  the  actual  expulsion  of  the  iiyi>-:s  -^f  z.^Tr  z— : 
Manetho  transcribed  by  Jc^sephus  and  q-aoiod  in  the  pre: 
that  of  the  doughty  namesake  of  '"  :  "^  -  r    \     "    5  ^     V 
as  recorded  on  his  tomb  at  El-K. 

The  Manerho  version  runs  :_.-:  -v-^..     - 
Shepherds  up  in  Avaris.  whence  they  we: 
Svria  by  his  grandson.  Tehutimes  I.     Th  - 
Egyptian  historian  has  undoubtedly  c-OIlfv.^ 
Syrian  wars  of  Tehutimes.     AahmtS-si-Al 
times  taking  Avaris.- 

His  account,  therefore,  is  the  more  aocnraic 
tale  on  his  tomb  : 

"  The  dead  Admiral  Aahmes.  stm  of  Abana.     He  sj^e.: 
voiL  all  men :  and  I  make  known  to  yoa  the  rewards  anvl 
fallen  to  my  lot.     I  was  pr^esented  wiUi  golden  gifts  eic 
whole  land,  and  with  many  slaves,  male  and  fe. 
mueh  land.     The  title  of  "  the  Brave  "  which  I  ^ 
this  land.' 


I  say  to 

hivie 

die 


CHAPTER   IV.     THE   RESTORATION 

[XVIIlTH  Dynasty  :  ca.  1635-13r)5  B.C.] 

Walled  towns,  stored  arsenals  and  armories,  goodly  races  of  horse, 
chariots  of  war,  elephants,  ordnance,  artillery,  and  the  like  —  all  this 
is  but  a  sheep  in  a  lion's  skin,  except  the  breed  and  disposition  of  the 
people  be  stout  and  warlike.  —  Bacon. 

It  has  just  been  shown  that  the  leading  dynasties  of  the  Theban  king- 
dom, before  the  invasion  of  the  Ilyksos,  had  essentially  a  pacific  character. 
Their  epoch  was  a  period  of  social,  literary  and  artistic  activity,  such  as 
usually  comes  to  a  nation  only  at  the  apex  of  its  career,  or  as  it  is  passing 
into  its  decline.  It  was  so  here.  Egypt  as  a  nation  was  soon  overthrown ; 
an  outside  people  invaded  the  sacred  precincts,  so  jealously  guarded  hitherto 
from  even  peaceful  intrusion,  usurped  the  power,  and  for  some  centuries 
dominated  the  original  inhabitants.  These  invaders,  as  we  have  seen,  were 
of  a  more  primitive  type  of  civilisation  than  the  Egyptians.  Their  reign 
was  a  time  of  apparently  retrograde  evolution,  marked  to  after  generations 
by  no  lasting  monuments  such  as  made  earlier  generations  famous. 

Yet  it  may  be  (questioned  whether,  on  the  whole,  the  influence  of  these 
semi-barbarians  upon  the  cultured  but  somewhat  degenerate  stock  of  the 
ancient  civilisation,  may  not  have  been  in  the  highest  degree  beneficial. 

Everywhere  in  history  we  shall  see  that  the  virile  stock  is  the  stock 
which  is  not  weakened  by  too  many  generations  of  that  luxury  which  seems 
to  be  the  necessary  associate  of  higher  culture.  We  shall  see  also  that  a 
mixed  race  is  always  at  a  premium.  A  nation  which  shuts  itself  off  from 
contact  with  other  nations  is  in  the  condition  of  a  finely  inbred  race  of 
domesticated  animals.  Tlie  racial  peculiarities  may  be  greatly  developed, 
certain  finer  traits  of  mind  and  body  may  be  highly  intensified.  But  in  the 
full  rounding  out  of  aggregate  powers  of  mind  and  body,  there  is  a  deviation 
that  amounts  to  degeneration.  And  when  this  weakened  stock  comes  into 
competition  with  some  cruder  but  sturdier  race,  the  issue  is  not  in  doubt ; 
the  fate  awaits  it  that  befel  the  Egyptians  at  the  hands  of  the  "  barbaric  " 
Hyksos  invaders. 

But  a  degenerate  or  perverted  stock  often  shows  marvellous  powers  of 
recuperation  under  influence  of  changed  conditions,  and  an  infusion  of  fresh 
blood  grafted  on  such  a  stock  can  work  wonders.  It  is  said  that  the  highly 
developed  greyhound  was  useless  as  a  luinting  dog  till  crossed  with  a  strain 
of  bulldog  —  an  infusion  of  blood  which,  while  not  marring  the  distinctive 
physical  i)eculiarities  of  the  hound,  yet  quite  sufficed  to  supply  the  lack- 
ing stamina  and  courage.  It  may  be  questioned  whether  precisely  such  a 
vitalising  influence  as  this  may  not  have  come  to  the  Egyptians  through  the 

126 


HBmiLiini'!^' 


[00. 1635-1-V 

of  Zal: 
crushe-: 
major::;- 
other  :: 


the  md  c<  jljdim^ 

two  prerrifad  Tarnntrii 
ir  aeonii. 

skill  is  iIk 


am/u 


128  THE  HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 

[ca.   1635-1610  B.C.] 

"He  speaks  further:  'I  saw  the  light  in  the  city  of  Nekheb  [El-Kab]. 
My  father  was  a  captain  of  King  Seqenen-Ra ;  Baba  son  of  Roant  was  his 
name.  Then  I  took  his  place  on  the  ship  called  The  Calf,  in  the  days  of 
King  Neb-pehthet-Ra  [Aahmes].  I  was  young  and  had  no  wife  and  I  wore 
the  semt  cloth  and  the  shemiu  [garments  of  youtli].  But  as  soon  as  I  had 
taken  a  house,  I  was  placed  on  the  ship  The  North  because  of  my  valour, 
and  I  had  to  attend  the  sovereign  —  life,  health,  strength  be  his  —  on  foot 

when  he  rode  forth  in  his  chariot. 
"  '  The  town  of  Ha-Uar  [Ava- 
ris]  was  besieged,  and  I  showed 
my  worth  in  the  presence  of  his 
Majesty.  I  was  promoted  to  the 
ship  Kha-em-men-nefer  [Acces- 
sion in  Memphis].  They  fought 
in  the  Pazekthu  canal,  near  A  varis. 
I  fought  hand  to  hand,  and  I  car- 
ried off  a  hand.  The  king's  her- 
ald saw  this,  and  the  golden  collar 
of  bravery  was  given  me.  They 
fought  a  second  time  at  this  place 
and  again  I  captured  a  hand  ;  a 
second  golden  gift  was  given 
me. 

"'They  fought  at  Ta-kemt, 
south  of  the  city.  There  I  took 
a  living  prisoner.  I  plunged  into 
the  water  —  I  led  him  through 
the  water  so  as  to  keep  away 
from  the  road  to  the  town.  This 
was  made  known  to  the  herald  of 
the  king ;  I  received  the  golden 
gift  once  more. 

" '  They  took  Ha-Uar ;  I  car- 
ried away  from  thence  one  man  and  three  women ;  his  Majesty  gave  them 
to  me  as  slaves.'  "& 

In  the  time  of  the  Ptolemies,  tradition  had  it  that  King  Aahmes  appeared 
before  Avaris  with  an  army  of  four  hundred  and  eighty  thousand  men, 
that  there  was  a  long  siege,  which  was  finally  ended  by  the  king  treating  with 
the  besieged  and  permitting  them  to  depart  peacefully,  with  their  wives, 
children,  and  possessions,  into  Syria.  But  the  truth  is,  that  Aahmes  had  a 
well  organised  and  equipped  army  of  fifteen  to  twenty  thousand  men,  and 
that  the  town  was  taken  on  the  second  attack.  The  enemy  left  their  last 
strongholds  in  haste  and  retreated  into  the  bordering  provinces  of  Syria. 
For  some  reason  —  they  may  have  threatened  him  from  some  new  vantage 
point,  or  he  may  have  wished  to  deal  a  final  crushing  blow  —  Aahmes  deter- 
mined to  cross  the  frontier,  which  he  did  in  the  fifth  year  of  his  reign.  It 
was  the  first  time  in  centuries  that  the  king  of  Egypt  had  set  foot  in  Asia, 
and  even  now  he  barely  crossed  the  threshold. o 
Admiral  Aahmes  continues  his  narrative: 

"They  besieged  the  town  of  Sharhana  [Sherohan],  in  the  year  V,  and  his 
Majesty  took  it.  I  carried  off  from  thence  two  women  and  one  hand,  and 
the  golden  collar  of  valour  was  given  me.  And  my  captives  were  given  me 
for  slaves." 


Egyptian  Infantry 


THE   RESTORATION  131 

[ca.  1610-1590  b.c] 

"  Behold,  I  led  our  soldiers  and  I  fought  with  all  my  strength.  The 
king  saw  my  bravery,  as  I  captured  two  hands  and  brought  them  to  his 
Majesty.  In  two  days  I  bore  his  Majesty  back  to  Egypt  from  the  upper 
land.  And  I  was  given  the  golden  gift  and  two  female  slaves,  and  I  was 
raised  to  the  dignity  of  '  Warrior  of  the  King.' " 

The  Nubian  campaign  was  a  short  and  unimportant  one.  A  more  impor- 
tant one  was  directed  against  the  Amukehaka,  who  apparently  were  a  por- 
tion of  the  Libyan  race  of  the  Tuhennu.  These  people  had  for  centuries 
been  restless  and  given  trouble  to  the  Pharaohs,  but  the  strength  of  the 
New  Kingdom  was  now  entirely  able  to  cope  with  them.  Notwithstanding 
these  few  campaigns,  the  reign  of  Amenhotep  I  is  to  be  characterised  as  one 
of  peace  and  internal  prosperity.  He  merely  attained  in  the  South  and 
West  that  security  his  father  had  brought  about  in  the  North.  Commerce, 
agriculture,  and  town  life  flourished,  and  indeed  he  well  deserved  the  venera- 
tion which  for  centuries  was  accorded  him  in  the  Theban  capital  and  where 
he  is  represented  as  Osiris.  The  coffin  and  mummy  of  this  king  were  among 
Professor  Maspero's  wonderful  find  at  Deir-el-Bahari.  He  thus  tells  of  it : 
"  Long  garlands  of  faded  flowers  deck  the  mummy  from  head  to  foot.  A 
wasp  attracted  by  their  scent  must  have  settled  upon  them  at  the  moment 
of  burial,  and  become  imprisoned  by  the  lid ;  the  insect  has  been  completely 
preserved  from  corruption  by  the  balsams  of  the  embalmer,  and  its  gauzy 
wings  have  passed  uncrumpled  through  the  long  centuries." 

Amenhotep  married  his  own  sister,  Aah-hotep  II,  and  among  their  children 
was  a  princess,  Aahmes.  The  Pharaoh  had  also,  by  a  concubine,  Sensenb, 
a  son,  Tehutimes,  who  was  married  to  his  half-sister  Aahmes.  Tehutimes  was 
probably  a  little  younger  than  his  wife.  Aahmes,  from  her  pure  royal 
descent,  had  far  more  claim  to  the  throne  than  her  husband  and  brother,  but 
for  some  reason  she  yielded  her  rights,  and  Tehutimes  was  crowned  at  Thebes 
the  21st  of  Phamenoth,  the  third  month.  If  he  had  been  co-regent  with  his 
father,  it  must  have  been  for  a  short  time  only.  The  new  king  was  a  tall, 
broad-shouldered,  well-knit  man,  possessed  of  great  powers  of  endurance. 
His  full  round  face  is  marked  with  a  long  nose  and  square  chin,  and  his  thick 
lips  wear  a  smiling  but  firm  expression. 

The  beginnings  of  a  new  spirit,  which  was  destined  to  break  up  the  isola  • 
tion  of  the  kingdoms  of  antiquity,  were  stirring  in  this  monarch's  soul. 
With  his  own  country  in  practical  subjection,  there  came  that  inevitable 
desire  to  intrude  into  other  lands.  We  have  seen  how  the  Pharaohs  had 
always  shown  a  certain  timidity  about  passing  the  Isthmus  of  Suez,  and  how 
Aahmes,  well  equipped  for  foreign  conquest  as  he  was,  had  hastened  home 
after  he  had  once  driven  the  fleeing  Hyksos  across  the  border.  His  was 
no  spirit  of  world  conquest ;  but  with  Tehutimes  the  case  was  different, 
although  certain  domestic  troubles  kept  him  for  the  time  at  home.  The 
neighbouring  land  of  Syria,  with  its  large  and  wealthy  towns,  growing 
richer  every  day  through  a  well-organised  commerce  on  land  and  sea,  had 
previously  been  invaded  by  the  Chaldeans  and  was  now  under  their  undis- 
puted sway ;  and  when  tliis  same  spirit  was  once  aroused  in  the  fresh  and 
vigorous  kingdom  of  the  restoration,  what  was  more  natural  than  that  its 
cupidity  should  turn  in  this  same  direction?  But  some  difficulties  at  liome 
for  the  time  being  prevented,  Tehutimes  I  had  to  repress  outbreaks  in  the 
vicinity  of  the  Second  and  Third  Cataracts. 

The  story  of  Aahmes,  now  nearly  seventy  years  of  age,  relates : 

"  It  fell  to  me  to  carry  the  king  Aa-kheper-ka-Ra  [Tehutimes  I]  on  his 
voyage  to  Khent-en-nefer  for  the  purpose  of  punishing  the  rebels  among  the 


130  THE   HISTORY   OF  EGYPT 

[ca.  1610-1590  B.C.] 

Aahmes  died  when  he  was  between  fifty  and  sixty.  They  buried  the 
great  Pharaoh  in  a  modest  place  he  had  prepared  for  himself  in  the  necrop- 
olis of  Drah-abu'l-Neggah.  His  worship  continued  for  nearly  a  thousand 
years,  and  of  him  — and  still  more  of  Queen  Nefert-ari  — there  exist  more 
instances  of  adoration  than  of  any  other  ruler. 

Aahmes  left  a  numerous  progeny,  and  six  or  seven  of  his  children  had 
Nefert-ari  for  mother.  The  eldest  seems  to  have  been  named  Sapair,  but 
he  died  when  young,  and  it  is  probable  that  a  Se-Amen  was  the  second  son 
and  that  he  too  never  reached  maturity.  But  whether  Amenhotep  I  was 
the  second  or  third  of  Aahmes'  male  issue,  the  kingship  devolved  upon  him. 
As  he  was  still  in  his  minority,  the  queen  mother  assumed  the  reins  of 
government.  Nefert-ari  had  been  no  idle  inmate  of  her  husband's  harem, 
and  she  now  asserted  her  many  titles  to  authority,  some  of  which  had  prece- 


Wak  Chakiot  of  the  Pharaoh 

dence  over  those  of  her  husband  and  son.  There  is  nothing  known  of  her 
joint  rule  with  Amenhotep,  but  it  was  undoubtedly  a  prosperous  one.  She 
was  worsliipped  after  death  as  a  divinity,  on  a  plane,  indeed,  with  the  great 
Theban  triad.  Amen,  Khonsu,  and  Mut,  for  all  the  rights  of  the  royal  line 
des(!ended  through  her.  Her  sons,  Sapair  and  Amenhotep,  her  daughters, 
Set-amen,  Set-kames,  and  Merit-amen,  also  shared  in  the  worship. 

Amenhotep  does  not  seem  to  have  been  ambitious  for  foreign  conquest. 
His  campaigns  were  confined  to  Africa.  The  cliief  chronicle  of  his  reign  is 
again  that  tomb  at  El-Kab  whereon  Aahmes,  son  of  Abana,  recorded  his 
exploits.     The  brave  admiral  was  now  nearly  fifty  years  of  age. 

"It  fell  to  me,"  he  relates,  "to  carry  King  Zeser-ka-Ra  [Amenhotep  I] 
on  his  voyage  to  Cush,  where  he  went  to  extend  the  frontiers  of  Egypt. 
His  majesty  smote  these  Anu  Khenti  [Nubians]  from  the  midst  of  his 
troops. 


THE   RESTORATION  133 

[ca.  1590-1565  B.C.] 

border  it  have  been  found  many  interesting  inscriptions  relating  to  the  trip. 
One  at  Assuan  reads,  "  Year  III,  Pakhons  20,  his  Majesty  passed  this  canal 
in  force  and  power  in  his  campaign  to  crush  Ethiopia,  the  vile  " ;  on  another 
there  is  cut,  "  His  Majesty  came  to  Gush  to  crush  the  vile";  and  on  a  third, 
"  His  Majesty  commanded  to  clear  this  canal,  after  he  found  it  filled  with 
stones  so  that  no  boat  could  pass  up  it.  He  passed  up  it,  his  heart  filled 
with  joy."  The  king  now  placed  the  affairs  of  his  southern  lands  in  the 
hands  of  a  viceroy,  who  is  called  "  Royal  Son  of  Gush,"  and  must,  therefore, 
have  had  the  blood  of  Ra  in  his  veins.  Likewise  the  king  made  extensive 
provisions  for  fortifications.  He  restored  the  fortresses  of  Semneh  and  Kum- 
meh  to  the  efficiency  they  possessed  in  the  great  days  of  the  XHth  Dynasty, 
and  he  built  a  brickwork  citadel  to  command  the  Nile  on  the  island  of 
Tombos,  near  the  Third  Cataract.  All  these  precautions  enabled  Tehu- 
times  I  to  live  out  the  remainder  of  a  reign  of  about  twenty-five  years  in 
complete  peace.  The  strange  circumstance  of  his  later  years  and  the  prob- 
lems of  his  successor  are  well  recounted  in  Maspero's  monumental  work  on 
"  The  Struggle  of  the  Nations  "  and  his  history  of  the  ancient  oriental 
peoples." 

The  position  of  Tehutimes  I  was,  indeed,  a  curious  one  ;  although  de 
facto  absolute  in  power,  his  children  by  Queen  Aahmes  took  precedence  of 
him,  for  by  her  mother's  descent  she  had  a  better  right  to  the  crown  than 
her  husband,  and  legally  the  king  should  have  retired  in  favour  of  his  sons 
as  soon  as  they  were  old  enough  to  reign.  [According  to  Petrie,  these  two 
were  children  of  Amenhotep  I  by  Queen  Aah-hotep  and  consequently 
brothers  of  Queen  Aahmes.]  The  eldest  of  them,  Uazmes,  died  early.  The 
second,  Amenmes,  lived  at  least  to  attain  adolescence  :  he  was  allowed  to 
share  the  crown  with  his  father  from  the  fourth  year  of  the  latter's  reign, 
and  he  also  held  a  military  command  in  the  Delta,  but  before  long  he  also 
died,  and  Tehutimes  I  was  left  with  only  one  son  —  a  Tehutimes  like  himself 
—  to  succeed  him.  The  mother  of  this  prince  was  a  certain  Mut-nefert, 
half-sister  to  the  king  on  his  father's  side,  who  enjoyed  such  a  high  rank  in 
the  royal  family  that  her  husband  allowed  her  to  be  portrayed  in  royal 
dress  ;  her  pedigree  on  the  mother's  side,  however,  was  not  so  distinguished, 
and  precluded  her  son  from  being  recognised  as  heir-apparent;  hence  the 
occupation  of  the  "  seat  of  Horus  "  reverted  once  more  to  a  woman,  Hatshep- 
situ,  the  eldest  daughter  of  Aahmes. 

TEHUTIMES   II  ;     QUEEN    HATSHEPSU 

Hatshepsitu  herself  was  not,  however,  of  purely  divine  descent.  Her 
paternal  ancestor,  Sensenb,  had  not  been  a  scion  of  the  royal  house,  and  this 
flaw  in  her  pedigree  threatened  to  mar,  in  her  case,  the  sanctity  of  the  solar 
blood.  According  to  Egyptian  belief,  this  defect  of  birth  could  be  remedied 
only  by  a  miracle,  and  the  ancestral  god,  becoming  incarnate  in  the  earthly 
father  at  the  moment  of  conception  had  to  condescend  to  infuse  fresh  virtue 
into  his  race  in  this  manner.  The  inscriptions  with  wliich  Hatshepsitu 
decorated  her  chapel  relate  how,  on  that  fateful  night.  Amen  descended 
upon  Aahmes  in  a  flood  of  perfume  and  light.  The  queen  received  him 
favourably,  and  the  divine  spouse  on  leaving  her  announced  to  her  the 
approaching  birth  of  a  daughter,  in  whom  his  valour  and  strength  should 
be  manifested  once  more  here  below. 

The  sequel  of  the  story  is  displayed  in  a  series  of  pictures.  The  pro- 
tecting divinities  who  preside  over  the  birth  of  children  conduct  the  queen 


134  THE   HISTORY   OF  EGYPT 

[ca.  1566-1530  B.C.] 

to  her  couch,  and  the  sorrowful  resignation  depicted  on  her  face,  together 
with  the  languid  grace  of  her  whole  figure,  display  in  this  portrait  of  her 
a  finished  work  of  art.  The  child  enters  the  world  amid  shouts  of  joy, 
and  the  propitious  genii  who  nourish  both  her  and  her  double,  constitute 
themselves  her  nurses.  At  the  appointed  time,  her  earthly  father  sum- 
mons the  great  nobles  to  a  solemn  festival,  and  presents  to  them  his  daughter, 
who  is  to  reign  with  him  over  Egypt  and  the  world. 

From  lienceforth  Hatshepsitu  adopts  every  possible  device  to  conceal  her 
sex.     She  changes  the  termination  of  her  name,  and  calls  herself  Hatshepsu, 

the  "  Chief  of  the  Nobles,"  in  lieu  of  Hatshep- 
situ, the  "  Chief  of  the  Favourites."  She  be- 
comes the  King  Maat-ka-Ra,  and  on  the 
occasion  of  all  public  ceremonies  she  appears 
in  male  costume. 

We  see  her  represented  on  Theban  monu- 
ments with  uncovered  shoulders,  devoid  of 
breasts,  wearing  the  short  loin-cloth  and  the 
kelfieh,  while  the  diadem  rests  on  her  closely 
cut  hair,  and  the  false  beard  depends  from 
her  chin  She  retained,  however,  the  femi- 
nine pronoun  in  speaking  of  herself,  and  also 
an  epithet,  inserted  in  her  cartouche,  which 
declared  her  to  be  the  betrothed  of  Amen  — 
Khnem  Amen.  Her  father  united  her  while 
still  young  to  her  brother  Tehutimes,  who 
appears  to  have  been  her  junior,  and  this  fact 
doubtless  explains  the  very  subordinate  part 
which  he  plays  beside  the  queen.  When  Te- 
hutimes I  died,  Egyptian  etiquette  demanded 
that  a  man  should  be  at  the  head  of  affairs, 
and  this  youth  succeeded  his  father  in  office : 
but  Hatshepsu,  while  relinquishing  tlie  sem- 
blance of  power  and  the  externals  of  pomp 
to  her  husband,  kept  the  direction  of  the  state  entirely  in  her  own  hands. 
The  portraits  of  her  which  have  been  preserved  represent  her  as  having 
refined  features,  with  a  proud  and  energetic  expression.  The  oval  of  the 
face  is  elongated,  the  cheeks  a  little  hollow,  and  the  eyes  deep  set  under 
the  arch  of  the  brow,  while  the  lips  are  thin  and  tightly  closed.  She 
governed  with  so  firm  a  hand  that  neither  Egypt  nor  its  foreign  vassals  dared 
to  make  any  serious  attempt  to  withdraw  themselves  from  her  authority. 
One  raid,  in  which  several  prisoners  were  taken,  punished  a  rising  of  the 
Shasu  in  central  Syria,  while  the  usual  expeditions  maintained  order  among 
the  peoples  of  Ethiopia,  and  quenched  any  attempt  which  they  might  make 
to  revolt.  When  in  the  second  year  of  his  reign  the  news  was  brought  to 
Tehutimes  II  that  the  inliabitants  of  the  Upper  Nile  had  ceased  to  observe 
the  conditions  which  his  father  had  imposed  upon  them,  he  "became  furi- 
ous as  a  panther,"  and  assembling  liis  troops,  set  out  for  war  without  fur- 
ther delay.  Tlie  presence  of  tlie  king  with  the  army  filled  the  rebels  with 
dismay,  and  a  campaign  of  a  few  weeks  put  an  end  to  their  attempt  at 
rebelling.  Tehutimes  II  carried  on  the  works  begun  by  his  father,  but 
did  not  long  survive  him.  Tlie  mask  on  his  coffin  represents  him  with  a 
smiling  and  amiable  countenance,  and  with  the  fine  pathetic  eyes  which 
show  his  descent  from  the  Pharaohs  of  the  Xllth  Dynasty.     By  his  mar- 


Hbad-dbess  of  an  Egyptian  Queen 


[ca.  1565-1530  B.C.] 


THE  EESTORATION 


135 


riage  with  Hatshepsu,  Tehutimes  left  daughters  only,  but  he  had  one  son, 
also  a  Tehutimes,^  by  a  woman  of  low  birth,  perhaps  merely  a  slave,  whose 
name  was  Aset.  Hatshepsu  proclaimed  this  child  her  successor,  for  his  youth 
and  humble  parentage  could  not  excite  her  jealousy.  She  betrothed  him  to 
her  one  surviving  daughter,  Hatshepsitu  II,  and  having  thus  settled  the 
succession  in  the  main  line,  she  continued  to  rule  alone  in  the  name  of  her 
nephew  who  was  still  a  minor,  as  she  had  done  formerly  in  the  case  of  her 
half-brother. 

Her  reign  was  a  prosperous 
one,  but  whether  the  flourish- 
ing condition  of  things  was 
owing  to  the  ability  of  her  po- 
litical administration  or  to  her 
fortunate  choice  of  ministers, 
we  are  unable  to  tell.  She 
pressed  forward  the  work  of 
building  with  great  activity, 
under  the  direction  of  her  archi- 
tect Senmut,  not  only  at  Deir- 
el-Bahari,  but  at  Karnak,  and 
indeed  everywhere  in  Thebes. 
The  plans  of  the  building 
had  been  arranged  under  Te- 
hutimes I,  and  their  execution 
had  been  carried  out  so  quickly 
that  in  many  cases  the  queen 
had  merely  to  see  to  the  sculp- 
tural ornamentation  on  the 
all-but-completed  walls.  This 
work,  however,  afforded  her 
sufficient  excuse,  according  to 
Egyptian  custom,  to  attribute 
the  whole  structure  to  herself, 
and  the  opinion  she  had  of  her 
own  powers  is  exhibited  with  great  naivete  in  her  inscriptions.  [A 
famous  incident  of  her  reign  was  the  sending  out  of  an  expedition  across 
the  Red  Sea  in  quest  of  incense.] 

When  Tehutimes  HI  approached  manhood,  his  aunt,  the  queen,  instead 
of  abdicating  in  his  favour,  associated  him  with  herself  more  frequently 
in  the  external  acts  of  government.  She  was  forced  to  yield  him  prece- 
dence in  those  religious  ceremonies  which  could  be  performed  by  a  man  only, 
such  as  the  dedication  of  one  of  the  city  gates  of  Ombos,  and  the  founda- 
tion and  marking  out  of  a  temple  at  Medinet  Habu  ;  but  for  the  most  part 
she  obliged  him  to  remain  in  the  background  and  take  a  secondary  place 
beside  her.  We  are  unable  to  determine  the  precise  moment  when  this  dual 
sovereignty  came  to  an  end.  It  was  still  existent  in  the  XVIth  year  of  the 
reign,  but  it  had  ceased  before  the  XXIInd  year.  Death  alone  could  take 
the  sceptre  from  the  hands  that  held  it,  and  Tehutimes  had  to  curb  his 
impatience  for  many  a  long  day  before  becoming  the  real  master  of  Egypt. 
He  was  about  twenty-five  years  of  age^  when  this  event  took  place,  and  he 

[1  Whether  Tehutimes  I  or  Tehutimes  II  was  the  father  of  Tehutimes  III  is  still  in  doubt,  but 
Maspero  and  Petrie  incline  to  the  belief  that  it  was  Tehutimes  II.] 
[2  Petrie  says  he  was  about  thirty-one  years  old.] 


Tehutimes  II 


I'll  I  IIIHTOltY    OF   EGYPT 

[ca.  1530-1520  b.c] 

I  r  Tor  IJmi  lon^  repression  he  had  undergone,  by 
KiiiKMiihninoe  of  her  whom  he  regarded  as 
lirr  l.lial,  }i(;  could  deface  without  exposing 
•hiv«'ril«ig(»,  wjiH  cut  away,  and  he  substituted  for 
'htiiuoH  I  or  of  Tehutimes  II.  A  complete  politi- 
\^\  v^h>u\j.j\>  \vi\H  olVooloil  boll  III.  Iioiiui  and  abroad  from  the  first  day  of  his 
rtvv*v*!«\vM\  lv»  powor,  llnlMboMU  bad  boon  averse  to  war.  During  the  whole 
vvf  bov  wmu  Iboro  lind  not  nm  a  singlo  campaign  undertaken  beyond  the 
Ijttbwwvs  \<l  Suof.  nud  by  lbt»uid  of  her  life  slie  had  lost  nearly  all  that  her 
f«tl\ov  bjul  ,^'iMi\od  in  Svriii  jbo  people  of  Kliaru  [I^hoenicia]  had  shaken  off 
tivo  ywko,  pn^bubly  at  tlio  iuM^ation  of  the  king  of  the  Amorites,  and  nothing 
wtwrtinovi  to  Kgvpt   i>f  IlirVsiatic  province  but  Gaza,  Sharhana,  and  the 

V">«\o  of  lT\o  liTNt  ariM  of  '(ihutimoH  III  as  sole  king,  was  to  lead  an  expe- 
ditivMi  rtgaiUv"*!  Syria,  wIumo  »o  constant  revolts  had  weakened  the  power  of 
Kgypt.  Wo  arvivotl  at  (ia/ou  tiio  Jb-d  (or  4th)  of  the  month  of  Pakhons. 
Thoiv  bo  wlobratod  (bt>  jiuivorsary  of  his  coronation,  and  the  twenty-third 
\-x>rtr  of  bivs  roigtu  Ilo  llnM])roceeded  by  gentle  marches  to  Ihem,  twenty 
milos  to  tbo  north  o{  (>;i/.a,  liero  he  learned  from  his  envoys,  that  the  king 
of  Kade«b  b;vvl  intriMU'luMJ  imself  at  Megiddo,  with  a  contingent  of  the 
rebels. 

TKll'MTHS    OITEHUTIMES   III;    HIS   SUCCESSORS 

Fe^\r  of  the  danger  of  lb  mountain  defiles  near  Aluna  made  some  of  the 
offtcers  wish  to  turn  back  ail  go  by  the  Ziftha  road.  But  Tehutimes  indig- 
nantly rejected  their  oounsc  saying  : 

"  By  my  life,  by  the  lov«that  Ra  has  for  me,  by  the  favour  bestowed  on 
me  by'my  father  Amen,  ni  Majesty  will  take  this  road  of  Aluna,  whether 
it  please  Vou  to  take  any  othe  other  routes  suggested,  or  whether  it  please 
you  to  follow  me.  For  woid  not  these  vile  enemies,  detested  by  Ra,  say : 
'  If  Pharaoh  is  going  by  andier  route,  he  is  going  for  fear  of  us '  ?  " 

Then  the  Pharaoh's  g^erals  replied  :  "  Thy  father  Amen  protects 
thee  ;  we  will  follow  whitirsoever  thou  leadest,  as  servants  follow  their 
lord." 

Three  days'  rapid  marel  brought  the  army,  without  any  mishap,  to  the 
town  of  Aluna,  close  to  a  trrent  called  the  Qina,  a  little  to  the  south  of 
Megiddo,  and  there  it  encamed  for  the  night  in  the  face  of  the  enemy  with 
the  watchwords  : 

"  Keep  a  good  heart :  corage  !  watch  well  !     Be  alert  in  the  camp  !  " 

Dawn  found  the  Egyptai  army  ranged  for  battle;  the  right  wing  was 
directed  towards  the  River  ^ina,  while  the  left  extended  into  the  plain 
towards  the  northwest  of  Ajgiddo.  After  a  sharp  encounter,  the  Syrians 
were  seized  by  a  panic,  and  oandoning  their  horses  and  chariots  on  the  bat- 
tle-field, they  fled  back  to  Tegiddo  ;  but  fear  of  the  enemy  kept  the  gates 
closed,  and  among  those  dran  up  to  the  ramparts,  by  ropes  let  down  by  the 
townspeople,  was  the  lord  oKadesh  himself. 

"  If  it  had  pleased  God  nt  to  let  the  soldiers  of  his  Majesty  be  employed 
in  carrying  off  the  spoils  o  his  %^le  enemies,  they  could  then  have  taken 
Megiddo,"  — it  says  in  the  icount  of  the  campaign.  The  cupidity  of  the 
conquerors  saved  the  lives  f  the  vanquished,  for,  although  they  took  pos- 
session on  the  field  of  bate  of  2132  horses,  994  chariots,  and  all  the 
booty  left  behind  by  the  Aatics,  they  took  only  140  prisoners  and  killed 
only  83. 


<!»» 


THE   RESTORATi  X  137 

[ca.  1520-1503  B.C.] 

In  the  evening,  when  the  victorious  ariy  marched  by  Tehutimes  III 
with  the  spoils,  the  king  exchiimed  : 

"Had  you  taken  Megiddo,  it  would  ha 
granted  me  by  my  father  tliis  day;  for  as  al 
within  the  walls,  it  would  be  like  taking  a  tlh 

However,  the  place,  being  soon  besie-; 
With  its  fall,  the  campaign  ended;  and  th.-  >■ 
hastened  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  and  t^ 

Three  successive  campaigns,  from  the  vtMi 
this  reign,  completed  the  subjugation  of  Syii. 

In  the  year  XXIX,  Tehutimes  proceeds' 
tween  the  rivers  Orontes  and  Euphrates,  ai 
Khilibu  were  sacked  to  the  glory  of  the  froi  > 
soon  filled  with  the  gold,  silver,  and  treasuM 

As  the  king  was  returning  to  Egypt  ^\  :i 
bethought  him  that  the  Zalii,  rich  in  wine.  > 
of  military  routes,  would  be  a  wealthy  and  > 
east,  and  made  a  raid  on  the  district  of  Arad 
of  cattle  and  produce. 

The  following  year  the  Thebans  returned 
Semyra,  Aradus,  and  Aratliu,  on  the  shores 
the  other.  The  sons  of  their  chiefs  were  kv 
lasted  till  XXXI  ;  and  the  king  celebrat^ii 
steles  near  Carchemish,  one  on  the  east  of  i 
stele  erected  by  his  father,  or  grandfather,  Tt 
before. 

Then  he  conquered  Ni  ^  and  received  trmte  from  its  prince.  The  so- 
journ of  Tehutimes  III  in  this  town  wa.s  L,nialised  by  the  performance 
of  the  royal  duty  of  killing  wild  beasts  ;  an  the  king  is  reported  to  have 
hunted  and  killed  more  than  one  hundred  an  twenty  elephants. 

All  the  tribes  of  Syria  had  to  submit  to  le  powerful  yoke  of  the  Egyp- 
tians, and  the  chiefs  of  the  Libanu,  the  KHa  [Hittites]  and  the  king  of 
Singara  took  the  oath  of  allegiance. 

Nevertheless  there  was  a  revolt  undi-  the  king  of  Naharain  in 
XXXVII,  which  was  quelled  by  a  great  Ittle  not  far  from  Aluna.  In 
XLI  the  seat  of  war  was  in  Ca?le-Syria  ;  ail  the  king  of  Kadesh  refusing 
to  do  homage  to  Pharaoh,  a  deadly  strugglrtook  place  under  the  ramparts 
of  the  city.  The  besieged  tried  the  ruse  of  etting  a  mare  loose  among  the 
chariots  of  Tehutimes  ;  but  Amenemheb,  a.i  officer  of  the  guard,  leaped  to 
the  ground,  disembowelled  the  animal  withi  thrust  of  his  sword,  and  cut- 
ting off  its  tail,  presented  it  to  the  king ;  ad  the  same  brave  officer,  at  the 
head  of  a  picked  body  of  men,  succeeded  in  laking  a  breach  and  forcing  an 
entrance  into  the  town. 

Hardly  a  year  passed  without  a  skirmii  with  the  Uauatu  in  Ethiopia. 
But  the  tribes,  ha\diig  trembled  so  long  befce  the  Pharaohs,  fled  at  the  first 
sign  of  attack.  The  Egyptians  had  only  toake  possession  of  the  flocks  and 
herds,  or  any  booty  left  in  the  deserted  viages,  and  the  campaign  of  the 
commander  was  a  series  of  easy  victories,  wkli  were  celebrated  with  triumph 
on  their  return  home. 

The  success  of  Tehutimes  III  in  his  caipaigns  increased  the  size  and 
wealth  of  the  kingdom  and  gave  ground  foriis  being  accorded  the  name  of 


'.    been  a   very   great   favour 

lie  chiefs  of  the  country  are 
■and  cities  to  take  Megiddo." 

capitulated   in  a  few  days. 

ts  of  Syria  and  Mesopotamia 

IV  tribute  to  Egypt. 

XIV  to  the  year  XXVIII  of 
;  11(1  southern  Phoenicia. 

>  Naharain,  the  territory  be- 

tlie  districts  on  the  west  of 
I  'i'hebes,  whose  coffers  were 

I  the  Hittite  princes. 

a  joyful  heart,"  he  suddenly 

lul  corn,  and  beyond  the  line 
\  prey.  So  he  turned  to  the 
,  w  hich  the  Egyptians  robbed 

a  in,  and  the  towns  of  Kadesh, 
Lake  Nisrana,  fell  one  after 
as  hostages.  The  campaign 
IS  victory  by  putting  up  two 
river,  and  the  other  near  the 
I  times  I,  nearly  half  a  century 


[1  A  town  in  the  land  of  Naharain  that  sometimes  as  been  confounded  with  Nineveh.] 


136  THE  HISTORY   OF  EGYPT 

[ca.  1530-1520  B.C.] 

immediately  revenged  himself  for  the  long  repression  he  had  undergone,  by- 
endeavouring  to  destroy  the  very  remembrance  of  her  whom  he  regarded  as 
a  usurper.  Every  portrait  of  her  that  he  could  deface  without  exposing 
himself  to  being  accused  of  sacrilege,  was  cut  away,  and  he  substituted  for 
her  name  either  that  of  Tehutiraes  I  or  of  Tehutimes  II.  A  complete  politi- 
cal change  wiis  effected  both  at  home  and  abroad  from  the  first  day  of  his 
accession  to  power.  Hatshepsu  had  been  averse  to  war.  During  the  whole 
of  her  reign  there  had  not  been  a  single  campaign  undertaken  beyond  the 
Isthmus  of  Suez,  and  by  the  end  of  her  life  she  had  lost  nearly  all  that  her 
father  had  gained  in  Syria;  the  people  of  Kharu  [Phoenicia]  had  shaken  off 
the  yoke,  probably  at  the  instigation  of  the  king  of  the  Amorites,  and  nothing 
remained  to  Egypt  of  the  Asiatic  province  but  Gaza,  Sharhana,  and  the 
neighbouring  villages. c 

One  of  the  first  acts  of  Tehutimes  III  as  sole  king,  was  to  lead  an  expe- 
dition against  Syria,  where  the  constant  revolts  had  weakened  the  power  of 
Egypt.  He  arrived  at  Gaza  on  the  3rd  (or  4th)  of  the  month  of  Pakhons. 
There  he  celebrated  the  anniversary  of  his  coronation,  and  the  twenty-third 
year  of  his  reign.  He  then  proceeded  by  gentle  marches  to  Ihem,  twenty 
miles  to  the  north  of  Gaza,  where  he  learned  from  his  envoys,  that  the  king 
of  Kadesh  luul  intrenched  himself  at  Megiddo,  with  a  contingent  of  the 
rebels. 

TRIUMPHS   OF   TEHUTIMES  III;    HIS   SUCCESSORS 

Fear  of  the  danger  of  the  mountain  defiles  near  Aluna  made  some  of  the 
officers  wish  to  turn  back  and  go  by  the  Ziftha  road.  But  Tehutimes  indig- 
nantly rejected  their  counsel,  saying  : 

"  By  my  life,  by  the  love  that  Ra  has  for  me,  by  the  favour  bestowed  on 
me  by  my  father  Amen,  my  Majesty  will  take  this  road  of  Aluna,  whether 
it  please  you  to  take  any  of  the  other  routes  suggested,  or  whether  it  please 
you  to  follow  me.  For  would  not  these  vile  enemies,  detested  by  Ra,  say : 
'  If  Pharaoh  is  going  by  another  route,  he  is  going  for  fear  of  us '  ?  " 

Then  the  Pharaoh's  generals  replied  :  "  Thy  father  Amen  protects 
thee  ;  we  will  follow  whithersoever  thou  leadest,  as  servants  follow  their 
lord." 

Three  days'  rapid  march  brought  the  army,  without  any  mishap,  to  the 
town  of  Aluna,  close  to  a  torrent  called  the  Qina,  a  little  to  the  south  of 
Megiddo,  and  there  it  encamped  for  the  night  in  the  face  of  the  enemy  with 
the  watchwords  : 

"  Keep  a  good  heart :  courage  !  watch  well  !     Be  alert  in  the  camp  !  " 

Dawn  found  the  Egyptian  army  ranged  for  battle;  the  right  wing  was 
directed  towards  tlie  River  Qina,  while  the  left  extended  into  the  plain 
towards  the  northwest  of  Megiddo.  After  a  sharp  encounter,  the  Syrians 
were  seized  by  a  panic,  and  abandoning  their  horses  and  chariots  on  the  bat- 
tle-field, they  fled  back  to  Megiddo  ;  but  fear  of  the  enemy  kept  the  gates 
closed,  and  among  those  drawn  up  to  the  ramparts,  by  ropes  let  down  by  the 
townspeople,  was  the  lord  of  Kadesh  himself. 

"  H  it  had  pleased  God  not  to  let  the  soldiers  of  his  Majesty  be  employed 
in  carrying  off  the  spoils  of  his  vile  enemies,  they  could  then  have  taken 
Megiddo,"  —  it  says  in  the  account  of  the  campaign.  The  cupidity  of  the 
conquerors  saved  the  lives  of  the  vanquished,  for,  although  they  took  pos- 
session on  the  field  of  battle  of  2182  horses,  994  chariots,  and  all  the 
booty  left  behind  by  the  Asiatics,  they  took  only  140  prisoners  and  killed 
only  83. 


■■-,■•  I 


THE   RESTORATION  139 

[ca.  1455-1400  B.C.] 

of  them  were  solemnly  sacrificed  to  Amen,  their  hands  and  heads  being 
exposed  on  the  walls  of  the  temple  of  Karnak.  The  seventh  was  treated 
in  the  same  way  at  Napata,  as  an  example  to  the  Ethiopian  princes  and 
to  make  them  respect  the  authority  of  Pharaoh. 

An  insurrection  of  the  tribes  in  the  desert,  and  the  oases  on  the  east  of 
Egypt,  was  quelled  by  Amenemheb,  who  had  the  same  post  under  Araen- 
hotep  as  he  had  under  Tehutimes  III. 

Tehutimes  IV,  son  of  Amenhotep,  was  the  next  king  of  Egypt,  and  his 
successful  campaigns  confirmed  his  power  in  Syria  and  Ethiopia. 

Under  Amenhotep  III,  who  succeeded  Tehutimes  IV,  the  boundaries  of 
Egyptian  domination  were  fixed  at  the  Euphrates  on  the  north,  and  on  the 
south  by  the  laud  of  the  Gall  as. 

The  Syrians  were  now  completely  under  the  Egyptian  yoke,  and  willingly 
sent  their  daughters  to  the  royal  harem  ;  the  old-time  wars  had  developed 
into  occasional  raids  for  the  acquisition  of  slaves  or  workmen  for  the  build- 
ing operations  in  the  valley  of  the  Nile. 

The  last  kings  of  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty  were  distinguished  by  the  name  of 
"heretic  kings,"  for  as  they  resented  the  increasing  sacerdotal  power  of  the 
cult  of  Amen  they  established  opposition  cults.  Tehutimes  IV  discarded  the 
Great  Sphinx  and  restored  the  old  cult  of  Horemkhu  ("  The  Sun  in  the  Two 
Horizons'').  Amenhotep  III  brought  to  Thebes  the  religion  of  Aten,  the 
solar  disk,  and  in  the  year  X  of  his  reign  inaugurated  a  festival  at  Karnak  in 
honour  of  the  new  religion.  And  Amenhotep  IV,  to  free  himself  from  the 
power  of  the  high  priest  at  Thebes,  determined  to  have  a  new  capital  for  his 
kingdom,  in  which  Aten  should  be  the  supreme  god.  The  religion  of  Aten 
was  probably  the  most  ancient  form  of  the  religions  of  Ra.  The  disk,  before 
which  protestations  were  made,  was  not  only  the  shining  and  visible  form  of 
the  divinity,  it  was  the  god  himself. 

Amenhotep  III  married  a  wife  of  foreign  origin  and  religion,  Thi.  He 
had  by  her  a  son  who  succeeded  him  under  the  name  of  Amenhotep  IV.  The 
figure  of  Amenhotep  IV,  as  made  known  to  us  by  the  monuments,  exhibits 
those  peculiar  and  strange  characteristics  which  mutilation  impresses  upon 
the  face,  chest,  and  abdomen  of  eunuchs.  On  the  other  hand,  we  know  that  at 
an  early  age  he  married  Queen  Nefert-Thi  and  had  by  her  seven  daughters. 
It  is  therefore  probable  that  if  he  really  did  experience  the  misfortune  of 
which  his  features  seem  to  bear  the  evidence,  it  happened  during  the  wars 
of  Amenhotep  III  and  among  the  black  people  of  the  South.  The  custom  of 
mutilating  prisoners  and  wounded  is,  among  these  people,  as  old  as  the  world. 
Amenhotep  IV  doubtless  imbibed  religious  ideas  from  his  mother,  for  he 
manifested  a  great  horror  of  the  cult  of  Amen  and  gave  his  homage  to  the 
solar  divinities,  chiefly  to  the  disk  itself. 

But  the  fear  of  arousing  his  subjects  to  revolt  restrained  him  at  first  from 
too  openly  avowing  his  heresy.  He  contented  himself  with  changing  his 
name,  which  contained  that  of  Amen,  for  that  of  Khun-aten,  "  Splendour  of 
the  Sun's  disk,"  and  continued  to  worship  his  father  Amenhotep  and  the  god 
Amen  himself.  Later,  his  religious  fanaticism  got  the  better  of  his  prudence. 
The  cult  of  Amen  was  forbidden  and  his  name  erased  wherever  it  could  be 
reached.  The  pure-blooded  Egyptians  came  under  suspicion  on  account 
of  their  religion  and  disappeared  from  the  king's  entourage,  giving  place  to 
Asiatic  personages  who  resembled  Pharaoh  and  were  deprived  like  him  of 
their  virility. 

Thebes,  so  full  of  monuments  consecrated  to  the  fallen  god,  lost  its  rank 
of  capital. 


i 


138  THE  HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 

[ca.  150^1455  B.C.] 

"  the  Great "  ;  and  it  is  not  surprisin^^  to  see  that  his  deeds  formed  the  sub- 
ject of  poetic  panegyrics  of  the  period,  inscribed  on  the  Temple  of  Karnak  : 

''  I  am  come,"  said  the  god  Amen  to  him,  "  to  permit  thee  to  crush  the 
princes  of  Zahi  ;  I  cast  them  at  thy  feet  in  their  districts  ;  I  make  them  see 
thy  Majesty  as  a  lord  of  light,  when  thou  shinest  before  them  in  my  likeness. 

"  I  am  come  to  let  tliee  crush  the  barbarians  of  Asia,  to  take  captive  the 
chiefs  of  Ruthen.  I  will  make  them  see  thy  jNIajesty  decked  with  warlike 
apparel,  when  thou  wieldest  thy  arms  upon  the  chariot. 

"  I  am  come  to  let  thee  crush  the  land  of  the  East ;  Kefa  (Phoenicia) 
and  Asebi  (Cyprus)  are  in  fear  of  thee  ;  I  make  them  see  thy  Majesty  like 
a  young  bull,  iirm  of  heart  and  irresistible  with  thy  horns. 

''  I  am  come  to  let  thee  crush  the  people  who  reside  in  their  ports.  And 
the  regions  of  Mathen  tremble  before  thee.  I  make  them  see  thy  Majesty 
like  tlie  liippopotamus,  lord  of  terror  and  unapproachable  upon  the  waters. 

"  I  am  come  to  let  thee  crush  the  people  who  reside  in  their  islands. 
Those  who  live  on  the  bosom  of  the  sea  are  within  reach  of  thy  roaring.  I 
make  them  see  thy  Majesty  as  an  avenger  on  the  back  of  his  victim. 

"  I  am  come  to  let  thee  crush  the  Tuhennu.  The  isles  of  the  Uthent  are 
at  thy  disposal.  I  make  them  see  thy  Majesty  like  that  of  a  furious  lion, 
that  strews  the  valley  with  corpses. 

"  I  am  come  to  let  thee  crush  the  maritime  countries,  so  that  the  girdle 
of  the  oceans  is  in  thy  hand.  I  make  them  see  that  thy  Majesty,  as  the  king 
of  birds,  sees  everything  with  one  glance. 

"  I  am  come  to  let  thee  crush  the  lords  of  the  sands  who  live  in  the 
lagunes  ;  to  let  thee  lead  the  dwellers  upon  the  sand  into  captivity.  I 
make  them  see  thy  Majesty  like  a  jackal  of  the  South,  a  king  of  runners,  a 
scourer  of  the  two  regions. 

"  I  am  come  to  let  thee  crush  the  barbarians  of  Nubia.  As  far  as  the 
land  of  Shat,  all  is  in  thy  hand.  I  make  them  see  thy  Majesty  like  unto  thy 
two  brothers,  Hor  and  Set,  whose  arms  I  have  united  to  secure  thy  power." 

So  much  success  appealed  to  the  imagination  of  the  people,  and  Te- 
hutimes  III  was  soon  regarded  as  a  hero  of  romance,  as  were  Khufu  and 
Usertsen  I.  Only  one  of  the  legends  circulated  for  centuries  after  his  death 
is  still  extant. 

The  prince  of  Joppa  revolted  and  took  the  field  against  the  Egyptians. 
The  Pharaoh,  unable  at  that  time  to  leave  his  country,  sent  Thutii,  one  of 
his  bravest  generals,  to  quell  the  insurrection.     The  town  was  soon  taken. 

Tehutimes  died  on  the  last  day  of  Phamenoth  in  the  year  LIV  of  his 
reign,  and  was  buried  at  Thebes. 

Amenhotep  II  succeeded  his  father  Tehutimes  III. 

The  Syrians  thought  that  the  coming  of  a  new  king  of  Egypt  meant  a 
time  for  casting  off  the  yoke  of  the  Pharaohs.  But  they  soon  saw  their 
mistake.  Amenhotep  laid  waste  the  districts  of  the  upper  Jordan,  and  "like 
a  terrible  lion  which  puts  a  country  to  flight,"  on  Tybi  26th  he  crossed  the 
Arseth  to  reconnoitre  the  passes  of  Anato.  When  "  some  Asiatics  appeared 
on  horseback  to  bar  his  approach,  he  seized  their  weapons  of  war,  and  his 
prowess  equalled  the  mysterious  power  of  Set,  for  the  barbarians  fled  the 
glance." 

On  the  10th  Epiphi  lie  took  Ni  without  striking  a  blow.  The  inhabit- 
ants, men  and  women,  were  on  the  walls  to  do  honour  to  his  Majesty.  Other 
places,  like  Akerith,  underwent  long  siege,  before  surrendering.  But  the 
insurrection  was  entirely  quelled  by  the  year  III,  and  in  the  course  of  the 
campaign  the  Pharaoh  captured  seven  chiefs  of  the  country  of  Thakhis.     Six 


A  ifrr/A  >: 


ir« 


CHAPTICIi  V.     'nil':    XIX'IMI 
DYNASTY 

[m.  i;t(;5  rj'jr.  it.c 

'    Yo  iiu'ii   of    Enypt,   y<i   liavt-   licuid    your 
kiiif;  1 
I  f^o,  and  1  n'tuni  not.      Mul.  Mm  will 
Of  tlui  tircat.  (ioiIh  is  plain  :   and   yo   must, 
hrinn 
111  deeds,  ill  ]iassions,  zealous  to  lullil 
Their   i.leasure,    to   llieir    fiel  ;    and    reaj) 
Mieir  praise. 

The  praise  of  (ioils,  rich  1 !  and  lenj^th 

of  days. — Mai'iiiiow   Ahnoi.h. 

Wk  coiiui  now  to  i\w.  [x-iiod  wlicii  l^'^L^ypl  i-cmcIkm!  Mk^  ii|»ix  of  its  powtM-; 
wluMi  ;i  scries  oi  <j^i'cjit  coiuiucriiiij;;  luoiiurclis  iiiinUi  tlu!  iiuiiu!  of  10,l,''V|>1  known 
jiiul  feared  far  beyond  the  (;onruu's  of  the  NiUi.  Of  these  <j^reat  nionarehs 
the  name  of  one  in  particnhir  was  stamped  npon  the;  traditions  of  Asiatic 
peopUis  and  has  passed  into  popnhir  knowh'dirc;,  'I'his  was  I^ims(!s  II, 
known  to  the  Hebrews,  and  thronii^li  them  to  the  western  world,  ns  the 
IMiaraoh  of  thi'  ()i)pi('ssion.  (ireat  as  this  nionai-eh  was,  little  was  kno',,  m  df 
liim  beyond  the  prc^jiidici'id  riu-itals  of  the  llel)rews,  until  onr  own  time!,  when 
the  decaj)hermt!nt.  of  the  moniuncints  has  bronu^ht  to  li^i'lit  the  riicord  of  many 
of  his  warlike  diieds.  Thcise  rcieords,  lik(i  all  such  nari»a,tiv(!S,  an;  highly 
coloured  and  told  from  the  stand]>oint  of  this  (joiM^ueror  himself  ;  but,  with 
duo  aHowanco  for  (;xa<^<^(!ration,  t.h(>y  may  no  doubt  \h',  accepted  as  accoinits 
of  actual  events. 

A  })eculiar  interest  attaches  to  tlu;  nauu;  of  Ivams(!s  II  in  addilion  to  the 
never  failinj^  fascination  of  the  ^reat  conqueror.  We  shall  th(!r(d'ore  have 
occasion  to  review  his  (hicds  in  detail  as  told  by  tlu;  poet  launsatt!  of  the;  day, 
and  to  consider  various  authoritative  (^stimat«^s,  both  ancient  and  modern, 
that  have  been  passed  U[)on  this  ^rcati^st  Ihu'o  of  10<ryptian  history."  First 
Masptu-o  : 

llor-em-heb,  whose  origin  is  unknown  [Mkuc  seems  no  reason  to  deny 
that  he  was  the  fauu)us  <^eneral  whose  tomb  has  been  discoveicd  at  Sa(|- 
qarah],  ludliiied  the  efforts  of  Amenhotep  and  the  otluu-  hciriitic  kin^''s  to 
lessen  the  power  of  Thebes  and  its  god,  for  he  re-established  the;  cidl  of 
Amen  in  all  its  splendour,  had  the  temple  of  Aten  [)ulled  down,  and  the 
materials  used  to  erect  one  of  tlu;  trium])hal  cntriijs,  leading  into  th(!  sanctu- 
ary of  Karnak  ;  the  muues  of  the  heretic;  kings  were  (iffaccid,  and  their  moini- 
ments  utterly  (U^stroyed.  The  new  king  had  much  to  do  to  I'cpair  the  disas- 
ters of  the  preceding  years  ;  at  home  all  the  governnuMital  machinery  was 
out  of  order,  and  abroad,  the  countries  undiM-  the  Kgyj)tian  yok(!  had  ceased 
to  i)ay  tribute,  llor-em-lud)  put  down  brigandage;,  he  piniishcd  unti-ust- 
worthy  employers  by  death,  and  he  restored  to  the  temples  tht;  prop(!rti(!S 
which  had  been  taken  from  them.  He  imposed  a  tributi;  on  the  ilistant 
country  of  Punt,  he  made  raids  on  the  tribes  of  the  lljjpcr  Nih;,  and  boasted 
of  having  subjugated  the  same  countries  as  Tehutinu.'s  III.  We  have  no 
exact  account  of  his  conquests  except  from  his  monuments,  but  th(;y  were 
numerous,  and  his  reign  seems  to  have  been  glorious,  jiio.spcidus,  and  long. 

141 


140  THE   HISTOKY   OF   EGYPT 

[ca.  1420-1365  B.C.] 

Khun-aten  built  a  new  capital  at  a  place  in  Middle  Egypt  which  to-day 
bears  the  name  of  Tel-el-Amarna,  and  which  he  called  Khut-aten,  where 
there  was  nothing  to  recall  the  old  religion. 

The  sun  was  the  principal  god  of  the  old  religion  ;  all  the  ancient  solar 
divinities,  lia-Horenikhu,  Hor,  were  recognised  and  respected.  Monuments 
show  us  the  god  in  the  form  of  a  disk  whose  rays  descend  toward  the  earth, 
each  ray  terminating  in  a  hand  holding  the  ansated  cross  —  the  emblem  of 
life.  The  disk  is  called  Aten.  Wherever  the  king  goes,  the  solar  disk 
accompanies  him  and  sheds  its  benediction  upon  him. 

But  with  all  the  attention  he  paid  to  religion,  Khun-aten  was,  like  his 
ancestors,  a  great  builder  and  conqueror.  Ethiopia,  Thebes,  and  Memphis 
were  fields  of  liis  activity,  and  he  continued  to  exercise  sovereign  authority 
in  Syria  as  well  as  in  Africa. 

At  his  death  the  urown  passed  to  Prince  Ai,  his  foster-brother,  and  husband 
of  his  eldest  daughter  Tai.  The  new  king,  without  renouncing  the  religion 
of  sun-worship,  suspended  the  persecutions  which  had  the  cult  of  Amen 
for  their  object  and  restored  the  religion  of  the  ancient  national  divinities. 
For  successors  he  had  his  brothers-in-law  Tut-ankh-Amen,  and  later  Saa- 
nekht,  whose  reign,  although  short,  seems  to  have  been  prosperous.  Tut- 
ankh-Amen,  at  least,  is  represented  as  an  all-powerful  Pharaoh,  to  whom 
foreign  peoples  give  trembling  homage.  [According  to  Brugsch  and 
Wiedemann  and  Petrie  the  order  of  these  kings  is  Saa-nekht,  Tut-ankh- 
Amen,  and  Ai  —  the  reverse  of  the  order  here  given.] 

But  after  them  civil  and  religious  wars  desolated  Egypt ;  the  throne  was 
occupied  by  ephemeral  kings  whose  names  even  are  unknown  to  us.  [The 
kings  formerly  reputed  to  belong  to  the  end  of  this  dynasty  are  now,  as 
Professor  Petrie  remarks,  "not  of  historical  substance,  but  only  linguistic 
questions."  It  has  been  well  established  that  the  names  in  question  are 
either  errors  or  "  Ptolemaic  bungles,"  and  they  are  now  assigned  to  mon- 
archs  of  this  and  other  dynasties.] 

King  Ifor-em-heb  re-established  peace,  suppressed  the  solar  religion, 
destroyed  Khun-aten's  monuments,  and  everywhere  restored  the  ancient 
cult.  Outside  the  country  he  reconquered  Ethiopia,  which  for  the  time 
being  had  been  lost,  and  made  the  land  of  Punt  tributary,  but  risked  no 
expeditions  into  Syria.  The  conquests  of  the  Tehutimes  and  the  Amen- 
hoteps,  so  dearly  obtained  in  this  direction,  had  been  lost  during  the 
religious  wars.  The  petty  local  })rinces  had  ceased  to  pay  tribute :  and  to 
reduce  them  anew,  a  whole  generation  of  conquerors  was  necessary.'- 


THE  NINETEENTH   DYNASTY  143 

[CO.  1355-1345  B.C.] 

Dardanians,  and  the  dwellers  of  Ilioii  and  Pidasa.  Supported  by  such 
allies,  and  sometimes  aided  by  companies  of  their  soldiers,  the  Kheta 
were  a  military  power,  quite  equal  to  withstanding  the  Egyptians  and 
waging  war  against  them.  Seti  saw  the  position  of  affairs  as  soon  as  he 
attacked  them,  and  although  doubtless  he  took  Kadesh,  and  tlie  greater 
number  of  the  Amorite  towns  on  the  Orontes  without  much  trouble,  the 
tenacity  of  the  Kheta,  always  ready  to  fly  to  arms  in  spite  of  defeats,  finally 
exhausted  his  patience. 

Tired  of  war,  he  concluded  an  alliance  with  King  jNIaro-sar,  son  of 
Shapalul,  which  lasted  until  his  death.  The  dominion  of  the  Pharaohs  did 
not  extend  beyond  the  Orontes.  So,  being  limited  to  southern  Syria  and 
Phcenicia,  it  gained  in  solidarity  what  it  lost  in  extent.  It  seems  that 
Seti  I  instead  of  simply  exacting  a  tribute,  imposed  Egyptian  governors  on 
some  of  the  conquered  peoples,  and  in  some  places,  like  Gaza  and  Megiddo, 
stationed  permanent  garrisons. 

The  reign  of  Seti  I  undeniably  marked  a  brilliant  epoch  in  the  history 
of  Egypt.  The  treasure  looted  in  Syria  contributed  to  some  of  the  most 
perfect  Egyptian  monuments,  such  as  the  mausoleum  at  Abydos  and  the 
hypostyle  hall  at  Karnak,  the  tomb  of  the  king.  Seti  was  assisted  in  these 
works  by  his  son  Ramses.  During  his  father's  lifetime  Seti  had  married 
the  princess  Tui  of  the  old  royal  family,  probably  the  daughter  of  Hor- 
em-heb,  and  granddaughter  of  Amenhotep  III,  so  that  his  son  Ramses  was, 
from  the  hour  of  his  birth,  considered  by  the  loyalist  Egyptians  as  the  only 
legitimate  king.  His  father,  therefore,  to  prevent  a  rebellion,  was  obliged 
to  make  him  co-regent  when  he  was  quite  a  little  boy,  although  he  was  not 
at  first  taken  much  into  account  by  either  Seti  or  his  ministers. 

At  ten  years  of  age  Ramses  is  said  to  have  made  war  in  Syria,  and,  accord- 
ing to  Greek  tradition,  in  Arabia.  And  it  was  on  his  return  from  these 
campaigns,  that,  ripened  by  age  and  experience,  he  began  to  take  an  active 
part  in  the  internal  government  of  the  kingdom  and  to  claim  his  royal  pre- 
rogative. And  henceforth  we  see  his  increasing  personal  valour  transform 
him  from  an  obscure  prince  into  a  king,  a  "  master  of  the  two  worlds." 

Seti,  now  old,  and  worn  out  with  the  exploits  of  his  youth,  gradually  con- 
ceded all  power  to  his  son,  and  lived  in  retirement  in  his  palace  for  the  rest 
of  his  days,  the  object  of  divine  honours. 

Certain  pictures  of  the  temple  of  Abydos  show  him  seated  on  a  throne 
amid  the  gods.  He  holds  the  club  in  one  hand  and  in  the  other  a  complex 
sceptre,  combining  the  different  symbols  of  life  and  death.  Isis  is  at  his  side, 
and  the  lesser  gods  sit  behind  the  all-powerful  couple,  to  whom  Ramses  ad- 
dresses his  prayer.  It  is  a  premature  apotheosis  of  which  the  conception  does 
honour  to  the  regent,  but  it  leaves  no  doubt  of  the  real  state  of  the  kings  in  their 
old  age.  They  were  worshipped  as  gods,  but  they  did  not  reign.  Seti  was 
no  exception  to  this  common  rule  ;  he  was  worshipped,  but  he  did  not  reign. 

Peace  was  threatened  by  an  unforeseen  danger.  The  people  of  Asia  Minor 
had  hitherto  been  beyond  the  sphere  of  action  of  Egypt  ;  but  now  several 
races,  such  as  the  Shardana  and  Tyrseni,  whose  names  were  new  to  the  ears 
of  the  Egyptians,  landed  on  the  coast  of  Africa,  and  joined  with  the  Libyans. 
Ramses  II  defeated  them,  and  the  prisoners  that  he  took  were  incorporated 
in  the  Royal  Guard  ;  and  the  others  returned  to  Asia  Minor,  with  such  a  rec- 
ollection of  their  defeat,  that  Egypt  was  secure  from  their  invasion  for  nearly 
a  century.  Peace  assured  in  the  North,  Ramses  repaired  to  Ethiopia,  where 
he  spent  the  last  years  of  his  father's  reign  in  making  raids  on  the  nomadic 
tribes  on  the  banks  of  the  Upper  Nile. 


THX  ingstoiiT  c*  iJ^^xr 


«: 

«& 


xjL^c^ss  r. 


vr.     ^iiarSiiHLiai 
>ss:    s-a   ^1^ 

Vt- 


:5i<»«-  a  ait  3r-;::>^    u  - 


two  \>Af)uhi>.  <-;^\u--        ■  -xj  ; 

«  Our  b/<'A;i';/>.  yf *  *^  lii«;  t^roi**,  4t&^  irj^  ^li;  -rjJte  iSu^ 

■■■■■■ V  ^^^-^j,.    X- xk-:^;':.   Xf,   xiSA 


IC: 


144  THE  HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 

[ca.  1355-1345  B.C.] 

On  the  news  of  the  death  of  his  father,  Ramses  left  Ethiopia  and  entered 
on  his  duties  as  sole  king  at  Thebes.  He  was  then  at  the  heiglit  of  his  for- 
tune, and  had  several  sons  old  enough  to  fight  under  his  banner.  The  first 
years  of  his  reign  were  not  disturbed  by  any  war  of  importance  :  in  the  year 
II  there  was  a  short  expedition  against  tlie  Amorites,  and  in  the  year  IV 
there  was  one  to  the  banks  of  the  Nalir-el-Kelb  near  Beyrut.  The  Kheta 
[Hittites],  faitliful  to  the  alliance  made  with  Seti,  did  not  try  to  excite  a 
rebellion  :  and  tlie  people  of  Canaan,  kept  in  check  by  the  Egyptian  garri- 
sons, remained  quiet. 


RAMSES   II,  THE   GREAT 

So  all  went  well  till  the  year  IV,  when  a  terrible  rebellion  broke  out.    The 
king  of  the  Kheta   (Mau-tlian-ar,  son   of  Maro-sar)  was  assassinated  and 

succeeded  by  his  brother,  Kheta-sar, 
who  convoked  his  vassals  and  allies, 
and  broke  with  Egypt.  Naharain,  and 
its  capital  Carchemish,  Arathu  and 
southern  Phoenicia,  Kadesh  and  the 
country  of  Amaour,  Kati  and  the  Ly- 
cians,  joined  the  coalition,  and  the  hope 
of  pillaging  the  Egyptian  provinces  of 
Syria,  if  not  Egypt  herself,  made  Ilion, ' 
Pidasa,  Kerkesh,  the  Masu,  and  Dar- 
danians  also  join  the  Kheta  against 
Sesostris   [Ramses]. 

Trojan  bands  crossed  the  whole 
length  of  the  peninsula  and  encamped 
in  the  valley  of  the  Orontes,  three  hun- 
dred miles  from  their  country.  The 
army  brought  into  the  field  by  Ramses 
shows  liow  easily  nations  were  displaced 
at  that  time,  for  it  was  composed  of 
^     '     I    £   4^^  I     Libyans,  Mashauasha  of  Libya,  Masu 

/  <^  ^^^'m  I     and  Shardana,  the  fruit  of  the  victori- 

ous repulsion  of  the  invasion  a  few 
years  before. 

The  Pharaoh  established  the  basis 
of  his  operations  on  the  frontier  of 
Egypt  and  the  Arabian  Desert  in  the 
town  he  had  recently  founded  under 
the  name  of  Pa-Ramessu-Anekhtu 
("the  city  of  Ramses,  the  Conqueror"). 
He  traversed  Canaan,  still  under  his  sway,  and  quickly  bore  down  upon  the 
southern  countries,  only  stopping  at  Sliabatun,  a  Syrian  village,  rather  to 
the  southwest  of  Kadesh,  and  in  view  of  the  town.  During  a  halt  of  some 
days  he  surveyed  the  district,  and  tried  to  discover  the  position  of  the 
enemy,  liaving  only  vague  ideas  on  the  subject.  But  the  allies,  on  the  con- 
trary, fully  informed  by  their  scouts,  who  mostly  belonged  to  the  nomadic 
tribes  of  Shasu,  were  conversant  with  all  their  movements  ;  and  the  king  of 
the  Kheta,  their  chief,  conceived  and  carried  out  a  clever  manoeuvre,  which 
would  liave  completely  destroyed  the  Egyptian  army,  had  it  not  been  for 
the  personal  bravery  of  the  Pharaoh. 


Bust  of  Ramses  II 
(Now  In  the  British  Museum) 


THE  NINETEENTH   DYNASTY  147 

[ca.  1307-1285  B.C.] 

those  he  loves,  so  all  the  world  loves  him,  and  Kheta  is  in  future  one 
with  him." 

In  the  year  XXXIII  the  Syrian  prince  visited  the  city  of  Ramses, 
probably  Thebes  ;  and  he  is  represented  on  a  stele,  engraven  for  the  occasion, 
with  his  daughter  and  son-in-law. 

So  Egypt  at  last  found  her  most  bitter  enemies  transformed  into  faith- 
ful allies,  and  "  the  people  of  Kamit  were  henceforth  one  in  heart  with  those 
of  Kheta,  which  had  not  been  the  case  since  the  time  of  the  god  Ra." 

As  this  alliance  was  concluded,  the  king  could  now  devote  himself  to 
building  monuments.  According  to  the  Greek  historians,  "  he  had  a  temple 
built  in  each  town  to  the  principal  god  of  the  place." 

Ramses  was  indeed  a  king  of  builders.  During  his  long  sixty-seven 
years'  reign,  he  had  time  to  complete  the  work  of  several  generations,  and 
one  can  safely  say  that  there  is  not  a  ruin  in  Egypt  or  Nubia  which  does 
not  bear  his  name.  The  great  "  speos  "  [cave-temple]  of  Isambul  perpetu- 
ated the  memory  of  his  campaigns  against  the  negroes  and  Syrians,  and  four 
colossal  monoliths,  twenty  metres  high,  adorn  the  entrance.  At  Thebes 
there  was  added  to  the  temple  of  Amenhotep  (Luxor)  a  court  with  two 
pylons  and  two  obelisks  of  granite,  the  finest  of  which  is  on  the  Place  de 
la  Concorde  in  Paris.  The  temple  of  Gurnah,  founded  by  Seti  in  honour 
of  Ramses  I,  was  finished  and  consecrated.  The  Ramesseum,  known  to  the 
ancients  by  the  name  of  Tomb  of  Osymandias,  gives  a  sculptured  account  of 
the  campaign  of  the  year  V  ;  and  the  hand  of  Ramses  II  is  seen  in  the 
necropolis  of  Abydos,  as  well  as  at  Memphis  and  Bubastis  and  in  the 
quarries  of  Silsilis,  as  well  as  in  the  mines  of  Sinai. 

The  temple  of  Tanis,  neglected  by  the  sovereigns  of  the  XVIIIth 
Dynasty,  was  restored  and  enlarged ;  and  the  town  which  was  in  ruins,  was 
rebuilt.  In  many  places  the  architects  effaced  on  the  statues  and  temples 
the  names  of  their  royal  builders,  and  substituted  the  cartouches  of  Ramses  II. 
The  decoration  of  the  hypostyle  hall  of  Karnak  is  certainly  due  to  this  king : 
Ramses  I  conceived  the  plan,  Seti  commenced  it,  and  Ramses  II  decorated 
it  entirely.  From  the  year  III,  Ramses  was  also  greatly  interested  in  the 
working  of  the  gold  mines  in  Nubia,  and  established  a  line  of  stations  with 
cisterns  and  wells  along  the  road  leading  from  the  Nile  to  Gebel  OUaqi. 
Then  he  had  the  network  of  canals,  which  water  Lower  Egypt,  cleared, 
including  the  one  between  the  Nile  and  the  Red  Sea  on  the  borders  of  the 
desert.  He  repaired  the  walls  and  fortifications  which  protected  Egypt 
from  the  Bedouins ;  and  as  political  necessity  led  him  to  reside  on  the  west 
of  the  Delta,  he  founded  several  towns  on  the  frontier,  the  most  important 
of  which  was  Ramses  Anekhtu. 

The  poets  of  the  period  have  left  us  pompous  descriptions  of  this  city : 
"  It  is  situated,"  they  say,  "  between  Syria  and  Egypt ;  it  is  full  of  delicious 
provisions ;  it  is  like  unto  Hermonthis.  Its  length  is  that  of  Memphis,  the 
sun  rises  and  sets  there.  All  men  leave  their  towns  and  settle  on  its  terri- 
tory ;  the  rivers  of  the  sea  pay  homage  in  eels  and  fish,  and  bring  the  fruit 
of  their  tides.  The  dwellers  in  the  town  are  in  holiday  attire  every  day ; 
perfumed  oil  anoints  their  heads  on  new  wigs.  They  stand  at  their  doors, 
their  hands  filled  with  bouquets,  with  green  boughs  from  the  town  of 
Pa-Hathor,  with  garlands  from  Pahir,  at  the  entrance  gate  of  Pharaoh. 
Joy  increases  and  dwells  there  without  end." 

Poetry,  we  see,  flourished  at  the  time  of  Ramses,  and  the  manuscripts  of 
the  works  have  been  preserved,  but  the  names  of  the  authors  were  not 
added. 


148 


THE   HISTORY   OF  EGYPT 


[ca.  1340  B.C.] 


^^^ 


ITl-K   OF  K.VMSES  II 
(British  Museum) 


THE   WAR-POEM    OF    PENTAUR 

The  most  often  quoted  and  the  best-inspired  poem  is  the  Poem  of 
Pentaur,  which  describes  the  exploits  of  Ramses  in  the  year  V  at  the  battle 
of  Kadesh.  [Pentaur,  or  rather  Pentauirit,  is  not  the  author,  but  merely 
the  transcriber  of  the  copy  now  in  the  British 
Museum.  The  author  is  not  known.]  We  know 
tlie  subject  of  the  poem:  the  king,  surprised  by 
the  prince  of  the  Kheta,  is  obliged  to  lead  the 
charge  at  the  head  of  his  household  troops  : 

"  His  Majesty  now  rises  like  his  father  Mentu. 
He  seizes  his  arms,  and  buckles  on  his  cuirass 
like  Baal  in  his  time.  Great  horses  bear  on  his 
Majesty  —  '  Victory  to  Thebes  '  was  their  name 
as  they  left  the  stables  of  King  Ramses,  beloved  of 
Amen.  The  king,  having  started,  broke  the  ranks 
of  the  vile  Kheta.  He  was  alone,  nobody  with 
him.  Having  advanced  in  sight  of  those  behind 
him,  he  was  surrounded  by  two  thousand  five 
hundred  chariots;  cut  off  from  retreat  by  all  the 
warriors  of  the  vile  Kheta  and  by  the  numerous 
people  with  him  from  Arathu,  Masa,  and  Pidasa. 
Each  of  their  chariots  carried  three  men,  and  they 
were  all  massed  together. 

" '  No  prince  with  me,  no  general,  no  officer  of 
the  archers,  no  archers,  or  chariots.     My  soldiers 
have  forsaken  me,  my  horsemen  have  fled,  and  not 
one  remains  to  fight  with  me.'     Then  his  Majesty  said : 

"  '  Where  art  thou,  my  father  Amen?  Does  a  father  forget  his  son  ?  Have 
I  done  anything  without  thee?  Have  I  not  marched  and  halted  according 
to  thy  word?  I  liave  in  no  way  disobeyed  thy  orders.  He  is  very  great, 
the  lord  of  Egypt  who  overthrows  the  barbarians  on  his  way!  What  are 
these  Asiatics  to  thee  ?  Amen  enervates  the  impious.  Have  I  not  presented 
thee  with  numberless  gifts?  I  have  filled  thy  sacred  dwelling  with  prisoners; 
I  have  built  thee  a  temple  which  will  last  a  million  years ;  I  have  given  all 
my  goods  for  thy  stores ;  I  have  offered  thee  the  entire  world  to  enrich  thy 
domains.  Truly  a  miserable  fate  is  reserved  to  those  who  oppose  thy  designs, 
and  happiness  to  him  who  knows  thee,  for  thy  acts  come  from  a  heart  full  of 
love.  I  invoke  thee,  my  father  Amen !  Here  I  am  in  the  midst  of  a  great 
and  strange  company,  all  the  nations  are  leagued  against  me,  and  I  am 
alone,  with  no  other  but  thee.  My  numerous  soldiers  have  abandoned  me, 
none  of  my  horsemen  regarded  me  when  I  called  to  them,  they  did  not 
hearken  to  my  voice.  But  I  believe  that  Amen  is  more  to  me  than  a  million 
horsemen,  than  a  myriad  brothers,  or  young  sons  all  assembled  together. 
The  work  of  men  is  naught.  Amen  will  overrule  them.  I  have  accom- 
plished the.se  things  by  the  counsel  of  thy  mouth,  O  Amen !  and  I  have  not 
transgressed  thy  counsels:  here  I  have  given  glory  to  thee  to  the  ends  of 
the  earth.' " 

The  king  is  here  represented  alone,  surrounded  by  the  enemy  and  in 
great  danger,  but  his  first  impulse  is  to  God ;  and  before  rushing  into  the 
melee,  he  makes  this  long  address  to  Amen,  and  help  came  to  him : 

"  The  voice  resounded  to  Hermonthis.  Amen  answers  my  cry ;  he  gives 
me  his  hand,  I  utter  a  cry  of  joy,  he  speaks  behind  me : 


THE  NINETEENTH   DYNASTY  149 

[ca.  1340  B.C.] 

" '  I  hasten  to  thee,  to  thee  Ramses  Meri-Amen,  I  am  with  thee.  It  is  I, 
thy  father ;  my  hand  is  with  thee  and  I  am  of  more  avail  than  hundreds  of 
thousands.  I  am  the  lord  of  strength,  a  lover  of  courage,  I  have  recognised 
a  courageous  heart  and  am  satisfied  my  will  will  be  done.' 

"  Like  Mentu,  I  then  cast  my  arrows  to  the  right,  I  overthrew  my 
enemies.  I  am  like  Baal  before  them.  The  two  thousand  five  hundred 
chariots  which  surround  me  are  dashed  to  pieces  by  my  horsemen.  Not  one 
of  them  has  a  hand  to  fight  with,  their  hearts  fail  them,  and  fear  enfeebles 
their  members.  They  cannot  draw^  their  arrows,  nor  have  they  strength  to 
wield  their  lances.  I  precipitate  them  into  the  water  as  you  would  a  croco- 
dile, they  are  cast  down  on  the  top  of  each  other.  I  do  not  wish  one  to  look 
behind  nor  to  turn  back.     He  who  falls  will  never  regain  his  feet." 

The  effect  produced  by  this  outburst  about  God  was  very  great,  espe- 
cially on  the  Kheta,  who  seemed  arrested  by  an  invisible  power  when  on 
the  point  of  victory,  and  hesitated  in  terror.  Then  they  commanded  the 
chiefs  in  their  cars,  and  the  men  versed  in  war  to  advance,  so  that  the  com- 
pany of  the  kings  of  Arathu,  of  Ilion,  of  Lycia,  Dardania,  Carchemish, 
Kerkesh,  Khilibu,  numbering  three  thousand  chariots,  proceed  forward. 

"  But  all  their  efforts  are  useless.  I  dashed  on  them  like  Mentu,  my 
hands  destroyed  them  in  the  space  of  an  instant,  I  cut  and  I  killed  amongst 
them,  so  that  they  said  one  to  another : 

" '  This  is  not  a  man  amongst  us,  it  is  Sutekh,  the  great  warrior.  It  is 
Baal  in  person.  These  are  not  the  actions  of  a  man  that  he  does.  Alone, 
all  alone,  he  repulses  hundreds  of  thousands  without  chiefs,  and  without 
soldiers.  Let  us  hasten  to  fly  before  him,  let  us  save  our  lives,  let  us  breathe 
again.' 

"  All  who  came  to  fight  found  their  hands  weakened,  they  could  no 
longer  hold  bows,  or  lance.  Seeing  that  he  had  arrived  at  cross-roads  the 
king  pursued  them  like  a  griffin." 

It  was  only  when  the  enemy  is  in  retreat  that  he  summons  his  soldiers, 
not  so  much  for  their  aid  as  to  let  them  witness  his  valour : 

"  Be  firm,  keep  up  your  heart,  O  my  soldiers  !  You  see  my  victory  and 
I  was  alone.     It  is  Amen  who  gave  me  strength ;  his  hand  is  with  me." 

He  encourages  his  shield-bearer  Menna  who  is  full  of  fear  at  the  number 
of  the  enemy,  and  rushes  into  the  melee. 

"  Six  times  I  charged  the  enemy !  " 

At  last  his  army  arrives  toward  evening  and  helps  him.  He  assembles 
his  generals  and  overwhelms  them  with  reproaches. 

"  What  will  the  whole  world  say,  when  it  learns  that  you  left  me  quite 
alone?  That  not  a  charioteer  nor  any  archers  joined  with  me?  I  have 
fought,  I  have  repulsed  millions  of  people  alone.  '  Victory  of  Thebes,'  and 
'  Mut  is  satisfied  '  were  my  glorious  horses.  It  was  with  them  that  I  was 
alone  amid  terrifying  enemies.  I  will  see  them  fed  myself  every  day,  when 
I  am  in  my  palace,  for  I  had  them  when  I  was  in  the  midst  of  my  enemies 
with  the  chief  Menna,  my  shield  bearer,  and  with  the  officers  of  my  horse 
who  accompanied  me,  and  are  witnesses  of  the  battle ;  they  were  with  me. 
I  have  returned  after  a  victorious  battle  and  I  have  struck  the  assembled 
multitudes  with  my  blade." 

The  skirmish  of  the  first  day  was  only  the  preliminary  to  a  more  impor- 
tant engagement,  and  with  what  success  to  the  Egyptians,  and  what  loss  to 
the  Asiatics,  has  already  been  told.  The  poet  does  not  give  any  details  of 
this  second  affair.  He  describes  it  in  a  few  lines  dedicated  entirely  to  praise 
of  the  king.     The  subject,  in  fact,  is  not  the  victory  at  Kadesh  and  the  defeat 


160  THE  HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 

[ca.  1345-1285  B.C.] 

of  the  Syrian  armies,  important  as  these  may  be  to  the  historian ;  but  the 
poet  sings  the  indomitable  courage  of  Ramses,  his  faith  in  the  aid  of  the 
gods,  the  irresistible  strength  of  his  arm.  He  wished  to  portray  him  sur- 
prised, abandoned,  and  compensating  for  the  faults  of  the  generals  by  his 
bravery.  All  the  facts  which  could  lessen  the  general  impression  or 
diminish  the  glory  of  the  royal  bravery  are  put  in  the  background.  The 
household  troops  are  mentioned  only  once ;  of  the  second  day  of  the  battle 
there  is  but  an  insufficient  description.  The  king  of  the  Kheta  implores 
peace,  Ramses  grants  it,  and  returns  in  triumph  to  Thebes. 

"  Come,  our  beloved  son,  O  Ramses  Meri-Amen  !  The  gods  have  given 
him  infinite  periods  of  eternity  upon  the  double  throne  of  his  father  Tmu, 
and  all  the  nations  are  put  under  his  feet."& 

THE   KINGDOM    OF   THE    KHETA   AND   THE   NINETEENTH   DYNASTY 

After  the  preceding  eulogy  by  Maspero,  it  is  well  to  read  Eduard  Meyer's 
more  cynical  account  of  the  reign  of  the  great  Ramses.  It  will  enable  us  the 
better  to  preserve  a  mental  balance.  It  should  not,  however,  lead  us  to  for- 
get that  we  are  in  the  presence  of  one  of  the  great  epochs  of  civilisation  ;  for 
all  such  great  epochs  have  had  their  iconoclasts  as  well  as  their  adulators. « 

Ramses  II  exaggerated  his  own  praises  in  inscriptions,  saying  that,  already 
in  the  womb,  he  had  been  acknowledged  king  and  that  his  father  had  handed 
him  over  the  government  when  he  was  yet  a  child.  This  is  correct  in  so  far 
as  he  was  solemnly  proclaimed  successor  to  the  throne  in  his  early  youth, 
and  probably  raised  to  be  co-regent  by  Seti  toward  the  end  of  his  reign  ; 
as  crown-prince  he  accompanied  his  father  in  the  wars  against  the  Libyans. 

In  the  fifth  year  the  king  directed  his  second  campaign  against  the 
Kheta.  The  king  of  Kheta  had  summoned  all  his  allies  and  tribes  depen- 
dent on  him,  and  a  formidable  army  was  gathered  together  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Kadesh.  He  almost  succeeded  in  destroying,  in  an  ambush,  the 
advance-guard,  in  which  Ramses  was  present.  The  mass  of  the  army  which 
had  been  called  together  in  haste  did  not  reach  the  battle-field  in  time,  and  it 
was  only  the  personal  courage  of  the  king,  who  boasts  of  having  fought 
against  thousands  alone  when  all  deserted  him,  that  gained  the  victory  for 
the  Egyptians.  The  enemy  were  driven  into  the  Orontes,  and  suffered  heavy 
losses  ;  the  king  of  Khilibu  was  almost  drowned.  Ramses  II  boasts  again 
and  again  of  this  victory  ;  he  had  the  fight  represented  and  poetically 
extolled  in  Luxor,  in  Karnak,  in  the  Ramesseum  built  in  the  west  town  for 
the  worship  of  the  dead,  and  in  Nubia  in  the  temple  of  Abu  Simbel.  Never- 
theless, it  was  only  a  brave  personal  feat  and  no  great  military  success. 

We  hear  nothing  of  the  conquest  of  Kadesh,  and  when  Ramses  asserts 
"  that  the  king  of  Kheta  turned  his  hands  to  worship  him,"  this  refers  to 
passing  negotiations  or  to  an  armistice,  for  we  see  that  the  war  continued 
uninterruptedly. 

We  have  only  very  incomplete  information  concerning  the  continuance 
of  the  war.  Only  once  more  do  we  find  the  king  penetrating  far 
toward  the  north  :  in  the  province  of  Tunep  in  the  land  of  Naharain  he 
personally  fought  against  the  Kheta.  How  he  arrived  so  far  north,  we  do 
not  know. 

It  is  clear  that  the  Egyptians  were  being  more  and  more  driven  back, 
and  finally  completely  lamed.  Doubtless  the  king  of  Kheta  could  boast 
of  numerous  victories.  On  the  other  hand,  it  was  only  boasting  when 
Ramses  gave  long  lists  of  conquered  people  and  towns  in  his  temple  inscrip- 


THE  NINETEENTH  DYNASTY  161 

[CO.  1345-1285  B.C.] 

tions,  in  which,  so  as  to  equal  Tehutimes  III,  he  had  to  include  the  names 
of  Asshur  and  Sangara,  Mannus  and  Karak  (Cilicia),  with  which  the  king 
scarcely  came  into  contact.  It  can  at  once  be  seen  that  it  is  no  historical 
document. 

When  and  on  what  conditions  peace  was  concluded  is  not  known,  and 
tradition  does  not  relate  what  part  of  Syria  the  Egyptians  maintained.  At 
any  rate  Palestine  remained  essentially  Egyptian.  It  would  appear  that 
it  was  agreed  that  South  Syria  should  be  relinquished  to  Egypt,  and  that 
the  Kheta  should  retain  a  free  hand  in  the  North. 


Bringing  Tribute  to  Ramses  II 


By  this  agreement,  there  was  maintained  between  the  two  states  a  lasting 
peace  which  soon  ripened  into  a  close  union.  In  the  twenty-first  year  of  Ram- 
ses II  King  Kheta-sar  proposed  one  of  those  everlasting  treaties  to  the  Pha- 
raoh, in  which  both  states  guaranteed  their  own  integrity,  formed  an  alliance 
for  protection  against  every  outside  enemy,  and  mutually  bound  themselves 
to  watch  over  all  exiles  who  might  seek  refuge  with  them,  and  to  surrender 
all  deserters  and  emigrants.  The  treaty  held  good  for  a  long  time ;  thirteen 
years  later  Kheta-sar  visited  the  ruler  of  Egypt  and  gave  him  his  daughter 
to  wife.  Then  took  place  what,  as  the  god  Ptah  says  to  Ramses,  "  was 
unheard  of  even  from  the  days  of  Ra  until  thine  own."  It  is  evident 
that  under  such  circumstances  the  relations  of  culture  between  Egypt  and 
Syria  must  have  been  active  and  manifold. 

The  powerful  influence  which  Egypt  had  exercised  over  the  East  has 
already  been  depicted  in  connection  with  this ;  and,  for  example,  when  we 
find  that  the  characteristics  of  an  Egyptian  legend  recorded  under  the  suc- 
cessor of  Ramses  are  taken  up  by  the  Hebrews  and  transferred  to  the  hero 
of  their  race,  Joseph,  this  is  only  one  feature  more  added  to  the  many  we 
know. 

But  in  Egypt  we  also  find  the  worship  of  Syrian  divinities  spreading 
more  and  more  —  at  the  same  time  Set-Sutekh,  the  powerful  patron  god 
of  the  stranger  who  gave  the  enemy  victory,  was  greatly  respected. 

Syrian  names  are  considerably  met  with,  and,  above  all,  the  language  is 
most  strikingly  influenced  by  the  Canaanite.  In  many  documents  Semitic 
words  were  almost  used  to  the  same  extent  as  French  in  German  literature 
of  the  eighteenth  century. 

After  having  concluded  the  treaty  with  Kheta-sar,  Ramses  II  ruled  over 
Egypt  for  forty-six  years  more  in  peace. 


152  THE   HISTORY   OF  EGYPT 

[ca.  1345-1285  B.C.] 

This  epoch,  the  time  of  Seti  I  and  Ramses  II,  has  rightly  been  called  the 
prime  of  the  New  Theban  Kingdom.  The  martial  successes  in  its  first  half, 
the  peaceful  and  well-ordered  relations  of  the  ensuing  time,  made  the  uni- 
versal development  of  the  land's  resources  feasible  to  the  government,  and 
assured  the  subjects  a  comfortable  enjoyment  of  life,  such  as  the  Egyptians 
of  old  loved. 

Of  no  other  period  of  Egypt  do  we  possess  so  many  monuments  — 
temples,  tombs,  dedications,  and  inscriptions  concerning  victories  —  and 
so  many  literary  remains.  But  nowhere  does  the  typical  character  which 
adheres  to  the  new  Egyptian  appear  more  prominently  than  here. 

The  type  is  supreme  over  all,  and  there  is  no  question  of  individuality 
anywhere.  It  is  in  vain  that  we  seek  for  a  new  thought  or  an  original 
turn  in  the  temple  inscriptions,  in  the  hymns  on  the  king  written  on  the  face 
of  the  rocks  or  on  papyrus,  and  in  the  appeals  to  the  divinities.  Frequently 
all  tangible  import  is  wanting.  Everything  is  a  copy  and  is  carefully 
worked  out  from  a  fixed  model;  it  has  often  been  remarked  how  greatly 
the  historical  value  of  the  reports  has  suffered  through  this.  In  value  they 
are  far  below  those  of  the  time  of  Tehutimes  III. 

The  administration  of  the  land  in  the  new  kingdom  does  not  differ  much 
from  that  of  the  former  one.  The  king  appears  to  us  surrounded  by  the 
entire  fulness  of  divine  glory;  in  the  official  reports  his  counsellors  are 
only  assembled  so  as  to  marvel  at  his  superhuman  wisdom,  or  else  to  be 
reproached  for  their  want  of  foresight. 

The  further  we  advance  into  the  history  of  Egypt,  the  more  does  the 
self-conceit  and  absurdity  of  the  glorification  of  the  king  increase  ;  under 
the  reign  of  Ramses  II  one  often  gets  the  impression  that  he  considered 
himself  a  superhuman  being  standing  in  direct  communication  with  the 
gods.  Like  Amenhotep  III,  we  often  find  him  in  the  Nubian  temples 
too,  worshipping  his  own  person,  which  is  seated  between  Amen  and  Mut, 
or  Khnem  and  Anuqat.  The  intention  may  have  been  to  raise  the 
reigning  king — as  formerly  Usertsen  III  —  to  be  territorial  god  of  the 
subjected  Cushites. 

The  residence  of  Ramses  II  was  generally  at  Tanis,  which  he  had  newly 
constructed  and  adorned  with  numerous  monuments,  and  which  now  received 
the  name  of  "the  town  of  Ramses."  The  writers  of  the  time  are  never  tired 
of  praising  the  glories  of  this  city,  which  was  a  seaport  as  well  as  an  impor- 
tant emporium.  On  account  of  its  numerous  relations  with  Syria,  it  is  only 
natural  that  the  centre  of  gravity  of  the  kingdom  should  have  been  trans- 
ferred here,  and  that  many  new  foundations  should  have  originated  on  the 
eastern  frontier  of  Egypt.  The  frontier  defences  of  Egypt  proper  against 
the  tribes  of  the  desert,  were  always  kept  up  and  sharply  watched.  As 
formerly,  Thebes  remained  the  real  capital  of  the  land  ;  next  to  it,  Memphis 
asserted  its  long-inJierited  right  as  the  oldest  residence  and  as  dwelling- 
place  of  Ptah,  the  Father  of  the  Divinities.  The  numerous  private  monu- 
ments bear  witness  to  the  well-being  of  the  land  more  than  the  buildings,  as 
also,  to  a  certain  degree,  do  the  rhetorical  descriptions  of  the  writers. 

Numerous  admirable  experiments  in  sculpture  have  come  down  to  us, 
above  all  the  likeness  of  Ramses  II  preserved  in  Turin.  The  marvellous  and 
careful  work  of  the  relief  in  the  tem.ple  of  Seti  I  at  Abydos  has  already  been 
mentioned  ;  a  certain  grandeur  must  not  be  denied  to  the  composition  of 
the  great  war  picture  wliich  represents  the  events  of  the  Kheta  war  in  the 
year  V  of  Ramses  II,  —  the  mustering  of  the  troops,  the  life  in  camp,  the 
advance  of  the  enemy,  and  the  battle  of  Kadesh.     The  king  had  the  picture 


THE  NINETEENTH  DYNASTY  163 

[ca.  1345-1285  B.C.] 

carried  out  in  coloured  relief  three  times,  in  the  Ramesseum,  in  Luxor,  and  in 
Abu  Simbel.  Besides  these,  there  are  also  numerous  examples  of  every  kind 
of  art-work,  even  to  the  simplest  steles,  often  very  roughly  worked. 

Some  things  have  come  to  us  of  the  literature  of  the  times ;  chiefly  the 
poem  which  Ramses  II  had  composed  and  written  on  the  walls  of  the  temples 
to  commemorate  his  battle  with  the  Kheta.  It  is  a  work  which,  in  spite  of 
its  official  character,  is  not  wanting  in  life  and  poetry. 

There  are  also  many  narratives,  such  as  the  celebrated  tale  of  the  two 
brothers,  written  under  Meneptah.  Above  all,  there  are  the  numerous  epis- 
tles, rhetorical  studies,  descriptions  of  the  power  of  the  king  and  his  works, 
the  praise  of  learning,  hymns,  moral  exhortations,  also  unmeaning  letters 
which  evidently  served  as  models  for  real  letters  and  reports.  Besides  these 
collections,  we  have  also  many  authentic  letters,  reports,  acts,  etc.,  which 
give  us  much  information  concerning  the  life  and  doings  of  the  Egyptians  in 
the  thirteenth  century  B.C. 

If  we  cast  an  eye  on  the  religious  life,  we  clearly  recognise  that  we  are 
here  dealing  with  an  epoch  in  which  heretic  endeavours  are  completely  sup- 
pressed, and  orthodoxy  asserts  its  unconditional  sway.  The  religious  litera- 
ture of  the  time  became  characterised  fairly  early.  At  every  turn  we  meet 
with  the  formulas  of  the  victorious  esoteric  doctrine.  The  numerous 
temples  show  the  increase  of  the  power  of  the  priests.  All  natural  relations 
were  restrained  and  stifled  by  religion.  War  was  carried  on  by  order,  and 
in  the  name  of.  Amen,  so  as  to  increase  his  subjects  and  to  bring  him  in  rich 
booty.  The  inscriptions  relate  very  little  concerning  the  actions  of  the  kings, 
but  a  great  deal  concerning  the  conversations  which  thej^  had  with  the  deities, 
and  how  they  "  cast  all  lands  at  their  feet."  The  eldest  son  of  Ramses  II, 
Khamuas,  became  high  priest  of  Ptah  in  Memphis,  and  carefully  looked  after 
the  worship  of  the  sacred  Apis  :  he  caused  the  celebrated  tombs  of  Apis,  the 
Serapeum  of  Memphis,  to  be  built.  By  those  who  came  after,  he  was  looked 
on  as  a  great  philosopher  and  magician. 

It  is  known  to  us  that,  as  a  long  established  custom,  the  officials  as  a  rule 
held  one  or  more  priesthoods  besides  their  state  office  ;  naturally,  higher 
education  and,  above  all,  instruction  in  writing  and  learning,  were  entirely 
in  the  hands  of  the  priests.  We  meet  with  the  enervating  effects  of  these 
conditions  throughout  the  whole  course  of  Egyptian  history. 

When  the  intellectual  life  becomes  torpid,  physical  strength  also  disap- 
pears. Since  everything  that  constitutes  nationality  is  converted  into  outer 
forms,  a  nation  loses  even  the  vitality  and  power  necessary  to  maintain 
an  independent  existence,  c 

DEATH    OF   RAMSES    II 

Thus,  somewhat  frigidly,  Eduard  Meyer  has  summed  up  the  achieve- 
ments of  the  great  Ramses.     The  words  of  Brugsch  make  a  good  epilogue. 

Ramses  II  enjoyed  a  long  reign.  The  monuments  expressly  testify  to  a 
reign  of  sixty-seven  years'  duration,  of  which,  apparently,  more  than  Jialf 
should  be  reckoned  to  his  rule  conjointly  with  his  father.  The  jubilee  cele- 
bration of  his  thirtieth  year  as  (sole?)  Pharaoh  gave  occasion  for  great 
festivities  throughout  the  country,  of  which  the  inscriptions  in  Silsilis,  El- 
Kab,  Biggeh,  Seliel,  and  even  on  several  scarabs,  make  frequent  mention. 
The  prince  and  high  priest  of  Memphis,  Khamuas,  journeyed  through  the 
chief  cities  of  the  country  in  this  connection,  that  lie  might  have  the  great 
and  joyful  festival  in  honour  of  his  father  prepared  in  a  worthy  fashion  by 


154  THE   HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 

[ca.  1285  B.C.] 

the  different  governors.  The  anniversary  of  the  festival  was  calculated 
according  to  a  fixed  cycle,  and  apparently  fell  when  the  lunar  and  solar 
years  coincided  at  short  intervals  of  three  or  four  years.  It  was  observed 
as  a  solemn  feast. 

Great  in  the  field,  active  in  works  of  peace,  Ramses  appears  to  have  also 
tasted  heaven's  richest  blessings  in  his  family  life.  The  outer  surface  of 
the  front  of  the  temple  of  Abydos  reveals  to  us  the  portraits  and  the  names, 
now  only  partially  preserved,  of  119  children  (59  sons  and  60  daughters), 
whicli  besides  the  lawful  consorts  known  to  us,  the  favourite  wife  Isinefer, 
mother  of  Khamaus,  the  queens  Nefert-ari,  Meri-mut,  and  the  daughter  of 
the  king  of  Kheta,  implies  a  large  number  of  inferior  wives. 

It  is  scarcely  probable  that  the  great  Ramses  departed  this  life  leaving 
his  earthly  kingdom  in  a  peaceful  condition.  Already  in  his  old  age  a 
numerous  progeny  of  sons  and  grandsons  were  disputing  over  their  father's 
inheritance.  The  seed  of  periods  of  storm  and  unrest  was  laid.  According 
to  historical  tradition  these  bearings  were  confirmed  in  the  most  striking 
manner  by  subsequent  events. 

The  body  of  Pharaoh  was  consigned  to  its  death  chamber  in  the  rocky 
valley  of  Biban-el-Moluk.  In  spite  of  the  large  number  of  his  children, 
Seti's  grateful  son  had  left  no  offspring  behind  him  who  would  have  pre- 
pared a  tomb  for  his  father  worthy  of  his  deeds  and  of  his  name  ;  a  tomb 
which  might  if  only  in  some  degree  have  approached  the  dignity  of  Seti's 
noble  funeral  vaults.  The  tomb  of  Ramses  is  an  insignificant,  rather  taste- 
less erection,  seldom  visited  by  travellers  to  the  Nile  Valley,  who  probably 
scarcely  suspect  that  the  great  Sesostris  of  Greek  story  has  found  his  last 
resting-place  in  this  modest  place.  This  Pharaoh  might  have  repeated  of 
himself  at  his  death,  as  formerly  in  his  struggle  against  the  Kheta  he  said, 
"  I  stood  alone ;  none  other  was  with  me."<^ 


CHAPTER  VI.     THE   FINDING   OF   THE   ROYAL   MUMMIES 

Nothing  in  modern  discovery  has  more  vividly  and  suddenly  brought 
the  ancient  world  home  to  the  world  of  to-day  than  the  finding  of  the  actual 
bodies,  the  very  flesh  and  blood  of  the  Pharaohs  marvellously  preserved  to 
us  by  the  embalmer's  venerable  art.  The  discovery  has  bridged  the  chasm 
between  the  Ancient  and  the  New  as  a  midnight  flash  of  lightning  from  the 
clouds  to  the  earth. 

As  so  often  happens,  what  had  foiled  the  eager  search  of  the  patient 
scholar,  had  not  eluded  the  cupidity  of  the  thief.  The  appearance  of  royal 
mummies  and  priceless  manuscripts  on  the  open  market  filled  the  explorers 
with  both  chagrin  and  zeal.  M.  Maspero  tells  of  the  various  wiles  by  which 
influential  politicians  of  the  Orient  concealed  their  rich  treasure-sources,  and 
of  the  almost  endless  difiiculties  overcome  by 
the  European  explorers  before  the  thieves 
could  be  first  deprived  of  their  influence 
with  the  authorities,  and  then  of  their  dis- 
coveries. These  latter  the  scholars  wished 
to  examine  and  study  where  found,  and  then 
distribute  them  among  museums  for  the  bene- 
fit of  other  scholars  and  for  public  enlighten- 
ment. The  real  discoverers,  the  Arabs,  were 
after  loot  alone,  and  mingled  ruthlessness, 
lies,  misrepresentations,  and  all  manner  of 
duplicity  with  their  thrift.  It  is  not  here 
fitting  to  tell  the  story  of  the  fight  between 
scholarship  and  commerce ;  but  the  account 
of  the  revelation  of  the  treasure-chamber 
itself  is  as  appropriate  as  it  is  thrilling. « 

On  Wednesday,  the  6th  of  July,  1879, 
Messrs.  Emil  Brugsch  and  Ahmad  Effendi 
Kamal  were  conducted  by  Muhammed  Ah- 
med Abd-er-Rassul  to  the  entrance  of  the 
funeral  vault  itself. 

The  Egyptian  engineer  who  long  ago 
hollowed  out  the  secret  chamber  had  made 
his  arrangements  in  the  most  ingenious 
fashion.  Never  was  secret  chamber  better 
disguised.  The  chain  of  hills  which  at  the 
spot  divides  the  Biban-el-Moluk  from  the 
Theban  plain,  forms,  between  the  Assassif  and  the  Valley  of  the  Queens,  a 
series  of  natural  amphitheatres,  of  which  the  best  known  was,  up  to  the 

155 


Mummy  and  Inner  Case 


156  THE   HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 

present,  that  on  which  stands  the  monument  of  Deir-el-Bahari.  In  the  wall 
of  rocks  which  separates  Deir-el-Bahari  from  the  succeeding  amphitheatres, 
just  behind  the  knoll  of  Sheikh  Abd-el-Gurnah,  about  two  hundred  feet 
above  the  level  of  the  cultivated  lands,  a  pit  was  dug  forty  feet  in  depth  by 
six  in  breadth.  At  the  bottom  of  the  pit,  in  the  western  side,  was  cut  the 
entrance  of  a  corridor  four  and  a  half  feet  wide  by  nearly  three  in  height. 
After  running  a  length  of  about  twenty-five  feet,  it  turns  abruptly  to  the 
north,  and  extends  to  a  distance  of  two  hundred  feet,  not  always  keeping  to 
the  same  dimensions ;  in  certain  parts  it  is  about  six  and  a  half  feet  wide,  in 
others  little  more  tlian  four.  Near  the  centre  five  or  six  roughly  hewn  steps 
indicate  a  sensible  change  in  the  level,  and  on  the  right  hand  a  sort  of  unfin- 
ished niche  shows  that  there  had  been  an  idea  of  once  more  changing  the 
direction  of  the  gallery.  The  latter  at  last  emerges  into  a  kind  of  irregular, 
oblong  chamber,  about  twenty-five  feet  in  length. 

The  first  object  which  struck  the  eye  of  Ilerr  Brugsch,  wdien  he  reached 
the  bottom  of  the  pit,  was  a  white  aiul  yellow  coffin,  with  the  name  of 
Nesi-Khonsu.  It  was  in  the  corridor,  about  two  feet  from  the  entrance;  a 
little  further  was  a  coffin  whose  form  recalled  the  style  of  the  XVIIth 
Dynasty;  then  Queen  TiuHathor  Hont-tui,  then  Seti  I.  Alongside  the 
coffins  and  strewing  the  ground,  were  boxes  of  funeral  statuettes,  canopic 
vases,^  bronze  libation  vases,  and  right  at  the 
back,  in  the  angle  formed  by  the  corridor  as  it 
turns  north,  the  funeral  canopy  of  Queen  Isiem- 
kheb,  folded  and  crumpled  like  a  worthless  object 
which  some  priest  in  a  hurry  to  get  away  had 
thrown  carelesslj^  in  a  corner.  AH  along  the 
great  corridor  was  the  same  confusion  and  dis- 
order ;  it  was  necessary  to  crawl  along  without 
knowing  where  hands  and  knees  were  being 
placed. 

The  coffins  and  mummies,  hastily  scanned  by 
the  light  of  a  candle,  bore  historic  names  — 
Amenhotep  I,  Tehutimes  II,  in  the  niche  near 
the  staircase,  Aahmes  I,  and  his  son  Se-Amen, 
Seqenen-Ra,  Queens  Aah-hotep,  Aahmes,  Nefert- 
ari,  and  others.  In  the  chamljer  at  the  end,  the 
confusion  was  at  its  height,  but  the  predominance 
of  the  style  proper  to  the  XXth  Dynasty  was 
recognised  at  a  glance.  The  report  of  Muhammed 
Ahmad  Abd-er-llassul,  which  had  at  first  appeared 
exaggerated,  was  scarcely  more  than  the  attenu- 
ated expression  of  the  truth :  where  I  had  ex- 
])ected  to  come  on  one  or  two  obscure,  petty 
kings,  the  Arabs  had  unearthed  a  whole  hypogee 
of  Pharaohs. 
iMY  IN  IIS  WuAiriNns  And    what     Pharaohs  !    perhaps     the     most 

illustrious    in    the    history    of    Egypt  —  Tehu- 
times III  and  Seti  I,  Aahmes  the  liberator  and  Ramses  II  the  conqueror  ! 
Two  liours  sufficed  for  this  first  examination,  and  then  the  work  of  removal 
began.     Three  hundred  Arabs  were  speedily  collected  by  the  efforts  of  the 
mndir's  people,  and  set  about  the  work.     The  museum's  boat,  hastily  sum- 

[i  Vases  with  tops  of  human  forms  or  divinities,  used  to  hold  the  entrails  of  embalmed  bodies.] 


THE  FINDING  OF  THE  ROYAL  MUMMIES  157 

moned,  liad  not  yet  arrived;  but  reis  Muhammed,  one  of  the  pilots  on  whom 
reliance  could  be  placed,  was  on  the  spot.  He  descended  to  the  bottom  of 
the  pit  and  undertook  to  extract  its  contents.  Messrs.  Brugsch  and  Ahmad 
Effendi  Kamal  received  the  objects  as  they  were  brought  above  ground, 
carried  them  to  the  foot  of  the  hill,  and  ranged  them  side  by  side  without 
relaxing  their  vigilance  for  a  moment.  Forty-eight  hours  of  energetic  labour 
sufficed  to  exhume  everything  ;  but  the  task  was  only  half  finished. 

The  convoy  had  to  be  conducted  across  the  plain  of  Thebes  and  beyond 
the  river  as  far  as  Luxor  ;  several  of  the  coffins,  raised  with  great  difficulty 
by  twelve  or  sixteen  men,  took  seven  or  eight  hours  to  go  from  the  moun- 
tain to  the  bank,  and  it  will  be  easily  imagined  what  this  journey  must  have 
been  like  in  the  dust  and  heat  of  July. 

At  last,  on  the  evening  of  the  11th,  mummies  and  coffins  were  all  at 
Luxor,  duly  enveloped  in  mats  and  canvases.  Three  days  after,  the  mu- 
seum's steamer  arrived  ;  it  only  remained  to  load  it,  and  it  immediately 
started  again  for  Bulaq  with  its  freight  of  kings. 

Then  a  singular  thing  happened,  for  from  Luxor  to  Kuft,  along  either 
bank  of  the  Nile,  the  fellah  women  followed  the  boat  with  dishevelled  hair 
and  uttering  loud  cries,  and  the  men  fired  rifle-shots  as  they  do  at  funerals. 

HOW  CAME  THESE  MONARCHS  HERE? 

And  now  a  question  arises.  The  greater  number  of  the  kings  and  princes 
of  the  XVIIIth  and  XlXth  Dynasties,  had  each  his  tomb,  which  exists  to-day 
or  whose  site  we  learn  from  ancient  documents  ;  Amenhotep  I  at  Drah-abu'l- 
Neggah,  Seti  I  and  Ramses  II  at  the  Biban-el-Moluk,  and  others  elsewhere. 
How  is  it  that  their  corpses  were  hidden  away  between  Deir-el-Bahari  and 
Sheikh  Abd-el-Gurnah,  huddled  together  with  the  corpses  of  the  high  priests 
of  Amen  ?  The  Egyptians  themselves  have  taken  pains  to  furnish  us  with 
the  materials  for  the  answer.  Several  of  the  mummies  or  coffins  which  we 
possess,  bear,  written  in  ink  by  the  hand  of  contemporary  scribes,  the  date, 
the  circumstances,  and  sometimes  the  reason  of  the  transfer.  These  are  veri- 
table official  reports,  whose  testimony  on  the  subject  is  unimpeachable. 

The  three  mummies  of  the  XlXth  Dynasty  had  a  common  fate.  The 
coffins  of  Seti  I  and  Ramses  II  bear  three  inscriptions,  which  are  identical, 
or  nearly  so,  and  which  date  from  three  different  periods  :  what  is  left  of 
the  coffin  of  Ramses  -II  bears  the  remains  of  a  hieratic  text  ^  analogous  to 
the  second  inscription  of  the  text  of  Seti  I. 

The  two  most  ancient  of  these  inscriptions  mention  Her-Hor.  The  first 
is  conceived  in  these  terms :  "  The  year  VI,  of  the  2nd  month  of  Shuit  the 
VII,  the  day  of  the  expedition  made  by  Her-Hor  the  ...  of  the  first 
Prophet  of  Amen  Ra,  king  of  the  gods,  to  restore  the  funeral  pomj)  of 
King  Men-maat-Ra  L.  H.  S.  [life,  health,  strength]  Son  of  the  Sun,  Seti 
Meneptah,  througli  the  inspector,"  a  name  which  is  not  very  legible,  as  is  also 
the  case  with  those  of  his  companions.  The  inscription  which  liad  been 
placed  on  the  cofiin  of  Ramses  II  has  been  rubbed  out,  and  then  written  over. 
As  it  now  reads,  it  suffices  to  show  that  it,  like  the  preceding,  was  of  the  year 
VI  and  of  the  2nd  month  of  the  season  of  Shait,  the  VII  ;  that  the  expedi- 
tion had  been  undertaken  by  order  of  Her-Hor,  and  tliat  its  object  was  to 
ascertain  the  condition  of  the  body  of  Ramses  11.  This  interpretation  of 
the  date  does  not  fail,  however,  to  involve  some  difficulties.     Tlie  name  of 

[1  Hieratic  writing  is  a  modified  form  of  liieroglypbics.J 


158  THE  HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 

Her-Hor  is  not  surrounded  with  the  cartouche ;  and  we  may,  if  we  choose,  con- 
clude from  this  fact  that  the  mention  of  the  year  VI  refers  to  the  reign  of 
the  Ramesside  whom  Her-Hor  succeeded  on  the  throne.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  comparison  of  this  inscription  with  the  following  ones  appears  to  me 
to  prove  that  the  date,  year  VI,  should  probably  be  placed  to  the  count  of 
the  priest-king. 

Indeed,  no  hesitation  is  possible  in  regard  to  the  second  inscription.  It 
presents  itself  under  two  forms,  of  which  one  is  found  only  on  the  coffin 
of  Seti  I,  whilst  the  other  is  afforded  us  by  the  two  coffins  of  Ramses  I 
and  Ramses  II.  The  inscription  of  Seti  I  is  conceived  in  these  terms  : 
"  In  the  year  XVI,  of  the  4th  month  of  the  season  Pirt,  the  VII,  under  King 
Se-Amen,  the  day  of  the  exhuming  of  the  King  Men-maat-Ra  Seti  Meri-en- 
Ptah  L.  H.  S.,  from  his  tomb  to  bring  him  into  the  tomb  of  the  lady 
An  .  .  .of  the  great  dwelling,  by  the  prophet  of  Amen-Ra,  king  of  the 
gods,  the  tiiird  prophet  of  Khonsumois  Neferhotep,  chief  scribe  of  the  monu- 
ment of  the  temple  of  Amen-Ra,  king  of  the  gods,  servant  of  the  temple  of 
Ramses  II  in  the  temple  of  Amen,  Nesipkhashuti,  son  of  Beken-Khonsu. 
The  superior  of  the  funeral  hall  had  said  in  the  presence  (of  the  king) 
what  was  the  condition  (of  the  mummies)  and  that  they  had  suffered  no 
damage  in  being  taken  from  the  tomb  where  they  were,  and  transported 
to  the  tomb  of  the  lady  An  ...  of  the  great  dwelling  where  King  Amen- 
hotep  rests  in  peace." 

The  inscription  of  Ramses  II  differs  from  the  preceding  only  in  the  open- 
ing words  :  "  In  the  year  XVI,  of  the  4th  month  of  Pirt,  the  VII,  the  day 
of  the  exhuming  of  King  User-maat-Ra-sotep-en-Ra,  the  great  god  of  the 
tomb  of  King  Men-maat-Ra,  Seti  Miptah."  The  rest  is  similar  in  every 
point  to  the  text  of  Seti  I. 

The  inscription  of  Ramses  I  is  much  mutilated  ;  but  what  has  been  pre- 
served permits  us  to  restore  a  formula  at  the  commencement,  which  is  inter- 
mediary between  the  formula  of  Seti  I  and  that  of  Ramses  II.  ''  (The  year 
XVI,  of  the  4th  month  of  Pirt,  the  VII,  under)  King  Se-Amen,  (day  of) 
the  exhuming  of  (the  King  Men-pehtet-Ra  L.  H.  S.)  from  the  (tomb  of  King 
Men-maat-Ra)  Seti  Miptah  (to  bring  it  into  this  tomb)  of  the  lady  An  .  .  . 
of  the  (great)  dwelling  (where  the  King  Amen)  hotep  (rests)  in  peace, 
etc." 

The  three  bodies,  carried  at  different  periods  to  Seti's  hypogee,  were  taken 
thence  all  three  in  one  day.  This  identity  in  time  explains  why,  in  the  sec- 
ond part  of  each  inscription,  the  scribe  has  always  made  use  of  the  plural 
nuinber  to  express  the  condition  of  the  mummy  :  he  placed  on  each  of  the 
coffins  the  formula  which  applied  to  all  three. 

The  other  coffins  of  the  X  Vlllth  and  XlXth  Dynasties  bear  no  inscriptions, 
but  I  have  no  doubt  that  at  about  the  same  time  they  were  the  object  of 
frequent  visits.  One  certain  fact  seems  to  me  to  result  from  the  reports  :  by 
the  close  of  the  XXth  Dynasty  the  bodies  of  Seti  I,  Ramses  I,  Ramses  II, 
and  Tehutimes  I  were  no  longer  in  their  own  tombs,  and  not  yet  in  the 
hidden  chamber  where  they  were  discovered  :  they  were  carried  from  place 
to  place  and  their  funerary  appointments  restored  at  fairly  short  intervals. 
What  was  the  motive  for  so  often  taking  the  trouble  to  verify  this  condition  ? 

The  documents  which  have  come  down  to  us  from  the  last  kings  of  the 
XXth  Dynasty  give  us  some  idea  of  an  epoch  of  decadence.  Egypt, 
exhausted  by  six  centuries  of  conquest,  no  longer  possessed  the  strength 
necessary  to  retain  her  dominion  over  the  provinces  in  Syria,  and  was  losing 
with  them  the  best  part  of  her  revenue.     The  great  towns  of  the  Delta  — 


THE  FINDING  OF  THE   ROYAL  MUMMIES 


159 


Queen  Nubkhas 


Memphis,  Tanis,  Sais  —  standing  on  the  natural  highway  of  Asiatic  com- 
merce, did  not  suffer  greatly  from  this  political  diminution  of  the  country ;  but 
Thebes,  which  was  situated  in  the  inte- 
rior, at  a  distance  from  the  great  com- 
mercial routes,  and  had  owed  the 
prosperity  she  enjoyed  to  conquest 
alone,  grew  poorer  and  rapidly  declined. 
Constructive  works  were  for  the  most 
part  suspended  for  want  of  supplies ; 
and  the  labouring  population,  ill-paid 
from  the  royal  treasure,  began  to  feel 
the  pangs  of  hunger.  Hence  proceeded 
strikes  and  daily  disorders,  which  the 
overseers  of  the  workshops  recorded 
in  their  note-books  ;  and  then  pillage 
and  theft. 

Bands  were  organised,  in  which 
civil  employees,  officers,  workmen,  even 
women,  figure  indiscriminately,  and 
these  set  to  work  to  exploit  the  necrop- 
olis. They  forced  the  doors  of  the 
tombs,  that  they  might  carry  off  the  ob- 
jects of  value,  the  jewels,  furniture,  and 
gorgeous  arms  which  the  piety  of  rela- 
tives had  deposited  with  the  corpses. 

Soon,  not  content  with  attacking 
private  individuals,  they  ventured  to 
lay  their  hands  upon  the  kings.  The  government  of  Ramses  made  vain  at- 
tempts to  stop  their  depredations.  An  inquiry,  opened  in  the  XVIth  year  of 
Ramses  IX,  informs  us  that  the  king's  commissioners  found  one  royal  tomb 
violated  for  every  ten  that  thoy  were  authorised  to  visit.  It  is  curious  that 
one  of  the  hypogees  examined  belonged  to  a  prince  whose  mummy  we  found 
in  the  secret  chamber  of  Deir-el-Bahari,  namely  Amenhotep  I  ;  it  was  still 
intact. 

The  report  of  the  opening  of  the  tomb  of  Sebekhotep  [VI]  tells  us  in 
what  the  booty  of  the  thieves  consisted  :  "  We  opened  the  coffins  of  the  king 
and  his  wife.  Queen  Nubkhas,  as  well  as  the  funeral  caskets  in  which  they 
lay.  We  found  the  august  mummy  of  the  king,  and  beside  it  his  sword,  as 
well  as  a  considerable  number  of  talismans,  and  ornaments  of  gold  about  his 
neck.  The  head  was  covered  with  gold,  and  gold  was  scattered  all  over  the 
mummy  :  the  coffins  were  plated  with  gold  and  silver  within  and  without, 
and  incrusted  with  all  kinds  of  stones.  We  took  the  gold  which  we  found 
on  the  mummy,  as  well  as  the  talisman  and  the  ornaments  of  the  neck  and 
the  gold  of  the  coffins.  We  likewise  took  all  we  could  find  on  the  royal 
spouse,  then  we  burned  their  funeral  caskets  and  we  robbed  them  of  their 
furniture,  which  consisted  of  vases  of  gold  or  silver  and  of  bronze,  and  we 
divided  them  among  us  in  eight  portions."  One  might  fancy  he  was  reading 
the  description  of  that  mummy  of  Queen  Aah-hop,  whose  jewels  now  form 
an  ornament  of  the  museum  at  Bulaq. 

Let  us  now  examine  the  condition  of  the  coffins  and  mummies  found  at 
Deir-el-Bahari.  Seqenen-Ra,  Aahmes  and  his  son  Se-Amen,  Nefert-ari,  and 
Aah-hotep  are  certainly  in  their  original  coffins,  as  is  proved  by  the  style 
and  the  absence  of  inscriptions  indicating  a  restoration.     Amenhotep  I  and 


160 


Tffi  HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 


Tehutimes  II  appear  to  lia3  retained  only  the  covers  of  their  original  coffins ; 
the  case  is  of  wood,  very  loghly  shaped,  and  in  order  to  introduce  the  mummy 
of  Tehutimes  11,  it  has  len  found  necessary  to  reduce  the  thickness  of  the 
sides  at  the  level  of  the  soulders.  The  inscriptions  assert  that  the  wrap- 
pings have  been  renewe  :  this  may  have  been  as  much  because  they 
were  worn  out  in  the  nairal  course  of  things  as  because  of  the  violence 
of  human  hands,  and  tb  restoration  does  not  in  itself  prove  that  the 
mummy  has  suffered  by  hieves.  But  do  not  the  two  false  mummies  of 
Princess  Meshent-themhuind  the  Princess  Set- Amen  furnish  us  with  proof 
of  a  violation  analogous  :o  that  to  which  King  Sebekhotep  and  his  wife 
Nubkhas  were  subjected  ? 

The  robbers,  after  bredng  open  Sebekhotep's  coffin,  had  dispersed  the 
bones  of  the  king,  and  tb  tomb  was  empty.  Something  similar  must  cer- 
tainly have  occurred  in  he  case  of  the  Princess  Meshent-themhu.  The 
coffin  was  broken  open,  ad  the  inscription  which  it  bore,  inlaid  with  blue 
enamel,  partly  disappeared  for  it  was  necessary,  as  I  have  shown  above,  to 
restore  it  roughly  in  ink.  \s  for  the  bones,  they  had  disappeared  :  probably 
the  thieves,  fearing  they  light  be  disturbed  in  their  sacrilegious  work,  made 
haste  to  carry  off  the  muimy  with  them  ;  then  abandoned  it,  once  it  had 
been  despoiled,  in  some  p.ce  where  no  one  thought  of  looking  for  it.  On 
the  other  hand,  religion  dl  not  allow  that  the  disembodied  soul  could  enjoy 
a  full  existence  in  the  ther  world  if  the  body  it  had  owned  during  its 
earthly  life  should  compbely  disappear. 

In  default  of  the  rea  body,  the  commissioners  charged  to  inspect  and 
restore  the  tombs  adopt!  the  plan  of  manufacturing  the  semblances  of 
bodies  for  Seti  and  Messnt-themhu.  A  fragment  of  broken  coffin  simu- 
lated the  bust  of  Meshenithemhu,  a  bundle  of  rags  the  head,  another  bundle 
of  rags  the  feet,  and  the  -hole,  duly  encased  in  wrappings,  was  deposited  in 
the  coffin,  which  was  mce  or  less  carefully  restored.  Was  the  soul  satis- 
fied at  recognising  the  conterfeit  body  ? 

For  my  part  I  am  vcy  glad  to  have  discovered,  thanks  to  that  pious 
fraud,  the  principal,  if  nt  the  only,  reason  for  the  collection  of  so  many 
royal  mummies  in  one  pbe. 

It  was  to  save  the  dea  Pharaohs  from  thieves  that  it  was  decided  to  hide 
tliem  away.  It  was  hopedhat  a  pit,  thirty-eight  yards  deep,  followed  by  a  nar- 
row corridor  of  two  hundjd  and  fifty  feet,  would  protect  them  from  profana- 
tion; and  experience  has  roved  that  the  reckoning  was  not  so  far  out,  since 
centuries  rolled  away  froi  the  day  that  they  were  deposited  there,  before  that 
on  which  the  Arabs  of  Sbikh  Abd-el-Gurnah  discovered  the  hiding-place. 

Some  Egyptologists  vil,  at  first  sight,  be  amazed  at  the  rude  character 
of  this  supposed  tomb,  ad  will  object  that  it  is  a  far  cry  from  a  chamber 
without  ornament  and  roghly  hollowed  out  of  the  rock,  to  tlie  magnificent 
hypogees  of  Biban-el-Muk.  I  answer  that  the  difference  between  the 
tombs  IS  not  greater  thaithe  difference  between  the  kings.  Amenhotep  III, 
Ramses  II,  even  Ramse  V  and  Her-Hor,  reigned  over  all  Egypt,  over 
Ethiopia,  over  at  least  fipart  of  Syria,  and  had  command  of  the  men  and 
money  needful  to  hew  oi:  and  decorate  immense  syringes,  i 

Painet'-em  II  and  tb  people  of  his  family  possessed  only  the  poorest 
region  of  Egypt  and  Nula :  it  was  as  much  as  they  could  do  to  secure  their 
mummies  the  same  burii  as  that  of  the  wealthier  men  of  their  time.  No 
more  special  monument^for  each  of  the  dead,  but  one  common  vault  for 

[1  Syringes  (plural  f  syrinx)  are  narrow  and  deep  rock  tunnel-tombs.] 


THE  FINDING  OF   THE  ROYAL   MHVIMIES 


161 


all ;  no  more  immense  sarcophagi  in  hard  stone,  bu 

wood,  sometimes  stolen    from    earlier  kings  or  pr; 

nothing   which   more   clearly   marks   the   decadence  of 'Thebes  than  this 

increasing  poverty  of  the  last  Theban  kings.  6 


re  coffins  in  polished 
persons.     There  is 


Female  Heaxhdekss,  Ancient  Eotf! 


160 


THE  HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 


Tehutimes  II  appear  to  have  retained  only  the  covers  of  their  original  coffins  ; 
the  case  is  uf  \v.)()d,  very  roughly  shaped,  and  in  order  to  introduce  the  mummy 
of  TehutiniL-s  II,  it  has  been  found  necessary  to  reduce  the  thickness  of  the 
sides  at  the  level  of  the  shoulders.  The  inscriptions  assert  that  the  wrap- 
pings have  been  renewed  :  this  may  have  been  as  much  because  they 
were  worn  out  in  the  natural  course  of  things  as  because  of  the  violence 
of  human  liands,  and  the  restoration  does  not  in  itself  prove  that  the 
mummy  has  sutTered  by  thieves.  But  do  not  the  two  false  mummies  of 
I'rincess  Meslu-nt-themhu  and  the  Princess  Set- Amen  furnish  us  with  proof 
of  ii  violation  analogous  to  that  to  which  King  Sebekhotep  and  his  wife 
Nubkhas  were  sul)jected  ? 

The  robbers,  after  breaking  open  Sebekhotep's  coffin,  had  dispersed  the 
bones  of  the  king,  and  the  tomb  was  empty.  Something  similar  must  cer- 
tainly have  occurred  in  the  case  of  the  Princess  Meshent-themhu.  The 
coffin  was  broken  open,  and  the  inscription  which  it  bore,  inlaid  with  blue 
enamel,  partly  disappeared  ;  for  it  was  necessary,  as  I  have  shown  above,  to 
restore  it  roughly  in  ink.  As  for  tlie  bones,  they  had  disappeared  :  probably 
the  thieves,  fearing  they  might  be  disturbed  in  their  sacrilegious  work,  made 
huiJte  to  carry  off  the  mummy  with  them  ;  then  abandoned  it,  once  it  had 
l)een  despoiled,  in  some  place  where  no  one  thought  of  looking  for  it.  On 
the  other  hand,  religion  did  not  allow  that  the  disembodied  soul  could  enjoy 
a  full  existence  in  the  other  world  if  the  body  it  had  owned  during  its 
earthly  life  should  completely  disappear. 

In  default  of  the  real  body,  the  commissioners  charged  to  inspect  and 
restore  the  tombs  adoj)ted  the  plan  of  manufacturing  the  semblances  of 
bodies  for  Seti  and  Meshent-themhu.  A  fragment  of  broken  coffin  simu- 
lated the  bust  of  Meshent-themhu,  a  bundle  of  rags  the  head,  another  bundle 
of  rags  the  feet,  and  the  whole,  duly  encased  in  wrappings,  was  deposited  in 
the  coffin,  which  was  more  or  less  carefully  restored.  Was  the  soul  satis- 
tied  at  recognising  the  counterfeit  body  ? 

For  my  part  I  am  very  glad  to  have  discovered,  thanks  to  that  pious 
fraud,  the  principal,  if  not  tlie  only,  reason  for  the  collection  of  so  many 
royal  mummies  in  one  place. 

It  wiis  to  save  the  dead  Pharaohs  from  thieves  that  it  was  decided  to  hide 
t hem  away.  1 1  was  hoped  that  a  pit,  thirty-eight  yards  deep,  followed  by  a  nar- 
row corridor  of  two  hundred  ancl  fifty  feet,  would  protect  them  from  profana- 
tion; and  experience  has  proved  that  the  reckoning  was  not  so  far  out,  since 
centuries  rolled  away  froni  the  day  that  they  were  deposited  there,  before  that 
on  wliielj  tlie  Arabs  of  Sheikh  Abd-el-Gurnah  discovered  the  hiding-place. 

Some  Egyptologists  will,  at  first  sight,  be  amazed  at  the  rude  character 
of  this  supi)osed  tomb,  and  will  object  that  it  is  a  far  cry  from  a  chamber 
without  ornament  and  roughly  hollowed  out  of  the  rock,  to  the  magnificent 
hypogees  of  liiban-el-Moluk.  I  answer  that  the  difference  between  the 
tombs  is  not  greater  than  the  difference  between  the  kings.  Amenhotep  III, 
Ramses  II,  even  Ramses  V  and  Her-IIor,  reigned  over  all  Egypt,  over 
Ethioi)i:i,  ov(!r  at  least  a  part  of  Syria,  and  had  command  of  the  "'men  and 
money  nciedfid  to  hew  out  and  decorate  immense  syringes. ^ 

Painet'-eni  II  and  the  people  of  his  family  possessed  only  the  poorest 
region  of  Egypt  and  Nubia  :  it  was  as  much  as  they  could  do  to  secure  their 
munmues  the  same  burial  as  that  of  the  wealthier  men  of  their  time.  No 
more  special  monuments  for  each  of  the  dead,  but  one  common  vault  for 


4 
I 


H 


['  Syringes  (plural  of  syrinx)  are 


and  deep  rock  tuunel-tombs.] 


THE  PERIOD   OF  DECAY  163 

[ca.  1285-1250  B.C.] 

as  regent.  He  was  now  no  longer  young.  Born  somewhere  about  the  begin- 
ning of  the  reign  of  Ramses  II,  he  was  now  sixty,  possibly  seventy,  years  old  ; 
thus  an  old  man  succeeded  another  old  man  at  a  moment  when  Egypt  must 
have  needed  more  than  ever  an  active  and  vigorous  ruler.  The  danger  to  the 
country  did  not  on  this  occasion  rise  from  the  side  of  Asia,  for  the  relations 
of  the  Pharaoh  with  his  Kharu  [Phoenician]  subjects  continued  friendly,  and, 
during  a  famine  which  desolated  Syria,  he  sent  wheat  to  his  Hittite  allies. 

The  nations,  however,  to  the  north  and  east,  in  Libya  and  in  the  Mediter- 
ranean islands,  had  for  some  time  past  been  in  a  restless  condition,  which 
boded  little  good  to  the  empires  of  the  Old  World.  The  Tamahu,  some  of 
them  tributaries  from  the  Xllth,  and  others  from  the  first  years  of  the 
XVIIIth  Dynasty,  had  always  been  troublesome,  but  never  really  danger- 
ous neighbours.  From  time  to  time  it  was  necessary  to  send  light  troops 
against  them,  who,  sailing  along  the  coast  or  following  the  caravan  routes, 
would  enter  their  territory,  force  them  from  their  retreats,  destroy  their 
palm  groves,  carry  off  their  cattle,  and  place  garrisons  in  the  principal 
oases  —  even  in  Siwa  itself.     For  more  than  a  century,  however,  it  would 


"ccTforrer   "' 


Templk  on  the  Island  of  Phil^ 


seem  that  more  active  and  numerically  stronger  populations  had  entered 
upon  the  stage.  A  current  of  invasion,  having  its  origin  in  the  region  of 
the  Atlas,  or  possibly  even  in  Europe,  was  setting  toward  the  Nile,  forcing 
before  it  the  scattered  tribes  of  the  Sudan. 

Who  were  these  invaders?  Were  they  connected  with  the  race  which 
had  planted  its  dolmens  over  the  plains  of  the  Maghreb?  Whatever  the 
answer  to  this  question  may  be,  we  know  that  a  certain  number  of  Berber 
tribes  —  the  Libu  and  Mashauasha  —  who  had  occupied  a  middle  position 
between  Egypt  and  the  people  behind  them,  and  who  had  only  irregular 
communications  with  the  Nile  Valley,  were  now  pushed  to  the  front  and 
forced  to  descend  upon  it. 

The  Libu  might  very  well  have  gained  the  mastery  over  the  other  inhab- 
itants of  the  desert  at  this  period,  who  had  become  enfeebled  by  the  frequent 
defeats  which  they  liad  sustained  at  the  hands  of  the  Egyptians.  At  the 
moment  when  Meneptah  ascended  the  throne,  their  king,  Marajui,  son  of 
Did,  ruled  over  immense  territory. 


164  THE   HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 

[ca.  1286-1250  B.C.] 
A  great  kingdom  had  risen  capable  of  disturbing  Egyptian  control.  The 
danger  was  serious.  The  Hittites,  separated  from  the  Nile  by  the  broad 
breadth  of  Pluenicia,  could  not  directly  threaten  any  of  the  Egyptian  cities : 
but  the  Libyans,  lords  of  llie  desert,  were  in  contact  with  the  Delta,  and 
could  in  a  fJw  days  fall  upon  any  point  in  the  valley  they  chose.  Meneptah, 
therefore,  hastened  to  resist  the  assault  of  the  Westerners,  as  his  father  had 
formerly  done  that  of  the  Easterners;  and,  strange  as  it  may  seem,  he  found 
among  "the  troops  of  iiis  new  enemies  some  of  the  adversaries  wath  whom 
the  Egyptians  had  fought  under  the  walls  of  Kadesh  sixty  years  before. 
The  Siiarilana,  Lycians,  and  others,  having  left  the  coasts  of  the 
Delta  and  the  IMiaMiician  seaports,  owing  to  the  vigilant  watch  kept 
by  the  Egyptians  over  their  waters,  had  betaken  themselves  to  the 
Libyan  littoral,  where  they  met  with  a  favourable  reception.  Whether 
they  had  settled  in  some  places,  and  formed  there  those  colonies  of 
which  a  (Ireek  tradition  of  a  more  recent  age  speaks,  we  cannot  say. 
They  certaiidy  followed  the  occupation  of  mercenary  soldiers,  and  many 
of  them  hired  out  their  services  to  the  native  princes,  while  others 
were  enrolled  among  the  troops  of  the  king  of  Kheta  or  of  the  Pharaoh 
himself.  Marajui  brought  with  him  Achajans,  [Aqauasha],  Shardana, 
Turishm  Shakalisha,  and  Lycians  in  considerable  numbers  when  he  re- 
solved to  begin  the  strife. 

This  was  not  one  of  those  conventional  little  wars  which  aimed  at 
nothing  further  than  the  imposition  of  the  payment  of  a  tribute  upon  the 
conquered,  or  the  conquest  of  one  of  their  provinces.  Marajui  had  nothing 
less  in  view  than  the  transport  of  his  whole  people  into  the  Nile  Valley,  to 
settle  permanently  there  as  theHyksoshad  done  before  him.  He  set  out  on  his 
march  toward  the  end  of  the  fourth  year  of  the  Pharaoh's  reign,  or  the  begin- 
ning of  his  fifth,  surrounded  by  the  elite  of  his  troops,  "the  first  choice  from 
among  all  the  .soldiers  and  all  the  heroes  in  each  land."  The  announcement 
of  their  api)roach  spread  terror  among  the  Egyptians.  The  peace  which  they 
enjoyed  for  fifty  years  had  cooled  their  warlike  ardour,  and  the  machinery 
of  their  military  organisation  had  become  somewhat  rusty.  The  standing 
army  had  almost  melted  away  ;  the  regiments  of  archers  and  charioteers  were 
no  longer  effective,  and  the  neglected  fortresses  were  not  strong  enough  to 
protect  the  frontier. 

As  a  consetiuence,  the  oases  of  Farafrah  and  of  the  Natron  lakes  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  enemy  at  the  first  attack,  and  the  w^estern  provinces 
of  the  Delta  became  the  possession  of  the  invader  before  any  steps  could  be 
taken  for  their  defence.  Memphis,  which  realised  the  imminent  danger, 
broke  out  into  open  murmurs  against  the  negligent  rulers  who  had  given  no 
heed  to  the  country's  ramparts,  and  had  allowed  the  garrisons  of  its  fortresses 
to  dwindle  away.  Fortunately  Syria  remained  quiet.  The  Kheta,  in  return 
for  the  aid  afforded  them  by  Meneptah  during  the  famine,  observed  a  friendly 
attitude,  and  the  Pharaoh  was  thus  enabled  to  withdraw  the  troops  from  his 
Asiatic  provinces.  He  could  with  perfect  security  take  the  necessary  meas- 
ures ior  insuring  '' Heliopoli.s,  the  city  of  Tmu,"  against  surprise,  "for 
arming  Memphi.s  the  citadel  of  Ptah-Tanen,  and  for  restoring  all  things 
which  were  in  disorder;  he  fortified  Pa-Bailos  (Bilbeis),  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  the  Shakana  canal,  on  a  branch  of  that  of  Heliopolis ;  "  and  he  rapidly 
concentrated  his  forces  behind  these  quickly  organised  lines.  Marajui,  how- 
ever, continued  to  advance  ;  in  the  early  months  of  the  summer  he  had 
crossed  the  Canopic  branch  of  the  Nile,  and  was  now  about  to  encamp  not 
far  from  the  town  of  Pa-Arshop  (Proposis). 


THE  PERIOD  OF   DECAY  165 

[ca.  1285-1250  B.C.] 

The  Pharaoh  did  not  stir  from  his  position.  Marajui  had,  in  the  mean- 
time, arranged  his  attack  for  the  1st  of  Epiphi,  at  the  rising  of  the  sun  :  it 
did  not  take  place  however  until  the  3rd.  "  The  archers  of  his  Majesty- 
made  havoc  of  the  barbarians  for  six  hours ;  they  were  cut  off  by  the  edge 
of  the  sword." 

When  Marajui  saw  the  carnage,  "  his  heart  failed  him  ;  he  betook 
himself  to  flight  as  fast  as  his  feet  could  bear  him  to  save  his  life,  so 
successfully  that  his  bow  and  arrows  remained  behind  him  in  his  precipita- 
tion, as  well  as  everything  else  he  had  upon  him."  His  treasure,  his  arms, 
his  wife,  together  with  the  cattle  which  he  had  brought  with  him  for  his  use, 
became  the  prey  of  the  conqueror  ;  "  he 
tore  out  the  feathers  from  his  head-dress, 
and  took  flight  with  such  of  those  wretched 
Libyans  as  escaped  the  massacre,  but  the 
officers  who  had  the  care  of  his  Majesty's 
team  of  horses  followed  in  their  steps " 
and  put  most  of  them  to  the  sword. 
Marajui  succeeded,  however,  in  escaping 
in  the  darkness,  and  regained  his  own 
country  without  water  or  provisions,  and 
almost  without  escort.  The  conquering 
troops  returned  to  the  camp  laden  with 
booty,  and  driving  before  them  asses  carry- 
ing, as  bloody  tokens  of  victory,  quanti- 
ties of  hands  and  phalli  cut  from  the  dead 
bodies  of  the  slain.  The  bodies  of  six 
generals  and  of  6359  Libyan  soldiers  were 
found  upon  the  field  of  battle,  together 
with  222  Shakalisha,  724  Turisha,  and 
some  hundreds  of  Shardana  and  Aqauasha 
[Achseans] ;  several  thousands  of  prisoners 
passed  in  procession  before  the  Pharaoh, 
and  were  distributed  among  such  of  his 
soldiers  as  had  distinguished  themselves. 

Meneptah  lived  for  some  time  after  this 
memorable  year  V,  and  the  number  of 
monuments  which  belong  to  this  period 
shows  that  he  reigned  in  peace.  We  can 
see  that  he  carried  out  works  in  the  same 
places  as  his  father  before  him  —  at  Tanis  Egyptian  Soldier  with  Captured  Hand 
as  well  as  Thebes,  in  Nubia  as  well  as  in 

the  Delta.  He  worked  the  sandstone  quarries  for  his  building  materials, 
and  continued  the  custom  of  celebrating  the  feasts  of  the  Inundation,  at 
Silsilis.  One  at  least  of  the  steles  which  he  set  up  on  the  occasion  of  these 
feasts  is  really  a  chapel,  with  its  architraves  and  columns,  and  still  excites 
the  admiration  of  the  traveller  on  account  both  of  its  form  and  of  its 
picturesque  appearance.  The  last  years  of  his  life  were  troubled  by  the  in- 
trigues of  princes  who  aspired  to  the  throne,  and  by  the  ambition  of  the 
ministers  to  whom  he  was  obliged  to  delegate  his  authority.  One  of  the 
latter,  a  man  of  Semite  origin,  named  Ben-Azana,  of  Zor-bisana,  who  had 
assumed  the  appellation  of  his  first  patron  Ramses-uparna-Ra,  appears  to  have 
acted  for  him  as  regent.  [Chronological  reasons  demand  that  we  place  the 
Exodus  of  the  Hebrews  from  Egypt  in  the  reign  of  this  Pharaoh.] 


n 


IBfi  THE  HISTORY   OF  EGYPT 

•'"'»  [CO.  1250-1235B.C.] 

Meneptah  was  succeeded,  apparently,  by  one  of  his  sons,  called  Seti 
after  l"s^great-grandfather.  Seti  II  had  doubtless  reached  middle  age  at 
uVe  time  of  his  ac-c.ssi..n,  but  his  portraits  represent  him,  nevertheless,  with 
ef  e  and  iL^nire  of  a  young  man.  The  expression  in  these  is  gentle 
refinVd,  haught^,  and  somewhat  melancholy.  t  is  the  type  of  feeti  I  and 
Kamse;  II,  but  enfeebled  and,  as  it  were,  saddened.  An  inscription  of 
his  seeond  year  attributes  to  him  victories  in  Asia,  but  others  of  the  same 
period  indicate  the  existence  of  disturbances  simi  ar  to  those  which  had 
doubled  the  last  years  of  his  father  Seti  died,  it  would  seem,  without 
having  time  to  finish  his  tomb.  We  do  not  know  whether  he  left  any 
legitimate  ehildren,  l)ut  two  sovereigns  succeeded  him  who  were  not  directly 
connected  with  him,  but  were  probably  the  grandsons  of  the  Amenmes 
and  the  Siptah,  whom  we  meet  with  among  the  children  of  Ramses. 

The  first  .>f  these  was  also  called  Amenmes,  and  he  held  sway  for  several 
years  over  the  whole  of  Egypt,  and  over  its  foreign  possessions.  The 
Hceond,  wlio  was  named  Siptah-Meneptah,  ascended  "the  throne  of  his 
father  "  thanks  to  the  devotion  of  his  minister,  Bi,  but  in  a  greater  degree 
to  his'marria.re  witii  a  certain  princess  called  Ta-user.  He  maintained  him- 
self in  tliis  position  for  at  least  six  years,  during  which  he  made  an  expedi- 
tion into  Ktlui)pia,  and  received  in  audience  at  Thebes  messengers  from 
all  foreign  nations.  He  kept  up  so  zealously  the  appearance  of  universal 
dominion  that  to  judge  from  his  inscriptions  he  must  have  been  the  equal 
of  the  most  powerful"  of  his  predecessors  at  Thebes.  Egypt,  nevertheless, 
wa.s  i)roceeding  at  a  quick  pace  toward  its  downfall.  No  sooner  had  this 
monarch  disai)peared  than  it  began  to  break  up. 

As  in  the  case  of  the  Egyptians  of  the  Greek  period,  we  can  see  only 
througli  a  fog  what  took  place  after  the  deaths  of  Meneptah  and  Seti  II. 
Wo  know  only  for  certain  that  the  chiefs  of  the  nomes  were  in  perpetual 
strife  with  each  other,  and  that  a  foreign  power  was  dominant  in  the  country 
as  in  the  time  of  Apophis.  Tlie  days  of  the  kingdom  would  have  been 
numbered  if  a  deliverer  had  not  promptly  made  his  appearance.  The  direct 
line  of  Kamses  H  was  extinct,  but  his  innumerable  sons  by  innumerable 
concul)ines  had  left  a  posterity  out  of  which  some  at  least  might  have  the 
requisite  ability  and  zeal,  if  not  to  save  the  empire,  at  least  to  lengthen  its 
duration,  and  once  more  give  to  Thebes  days  of  glorious  prosperity. 

Egypt  had  set  out  some  five  centuries  before  this  for  the  conquest  of  the 
world,  and  fortune  had  at  first  smiled  upon  her  enterprise.  Tehutimes  I, 
Teluitimes  HI,  and  the  several  Pharaohs  bearing  the  name  of  Amenhotep, 
had  marched  with  their  armies  from  the  upper  waters  of  the  Nile  to  the 
i)anks  of  the  Euphrates,  and  no  power  had  been  able  to  withstand  them. 
New  nations,  however,  soon  rose  up  to  oppose  her,  and  the  Hittites  in  Asia 
and  the  Libyans  of  the  Sudan  together  curbed  her  ambition.  Neither  the 
triumphs  ai  Kamses  II  nor  the  victory  of  Meneptah  had  been  able  to  restore 
her  prestige,  or  the  lands  of  which  her  rivals  had  robbed  her  beyond  her 
aiKMent  frontier.  Now  her  own  territory  itself  was  threatened,  and  her 
own  well-being  was  in  question  ;  she  was  compelled  to  consider,  not  how 
to  rule  other  tribes,  great  or  small,  but  how  to  keep  her  own  possessions 
intact  and  indepen<l('nt  ;   in  short,  her  very  existence  was  at  stake. ^ 


FROM    SETNEKHT   TO  RAMSES    VIII   AND   MERI-AMEN   MERI-TMU 

In  the  midst  of  the  unsettled  state  of  affairs  a  new  dynasty  arose  under 
tiio  leadership  of   Setnekht,  a  descendant  of  Ramses   II  and  governor  of 


i 


THE  PERIOD   OF   DECAY  167 

[ca.  1235-1200  B.C.] 

Thebes,  who  with  some  difhculty  succeeded  in  quelling  the  rebels  and  subju- 
gating the  Syrian  Arisu.  "  He  was  like  the  gods  Kheper  and  Sutekh  in  his 
energy,  repairing  the  state  of  disorder  of  the 
whole  country,  killing  the  barbarians  who 
were  in  the  Delta,  and  purifying  the  great 
realm  of  Egypt.  He  was  regent  of  the  two 
countries  on  the  throne  of  Tmu  (the  chief 
god  of  Heliopolis)  devoting  himself  so  well 
to  the  reorganisation  of  what  had  been  upset, 
that  each  one  found  a  brother  in  every  one  of 
those  from  whom  they  had  been  so  long  sepa- 
rated ;  and  re-establishing  the  temples  and 
sacrifices  so  well  that  the  traditional  homage 
was  rendered  to  the  divine  cycles." 

His  son,  Ramses  III,  who  had  been  his 
co-regent,  was  the  last  of  the  great  sovereigns 
of  Egypt.  His  ambition  during  the  thirty- 
two  years  of  his  reign  was  to  follow  in  the 
steps  of  his  namesake,  Ramses  the  Great,  in 
re-establishing  the  integrity  of  the  empire 
abroad,  and  the  prosperity  of  the  country  at 
home.  But  in  spite  of  his  father's  successful 
warfare,  the  Syrian  provinces  were  lost,  and 
the  frontiers  encroached  upon.  On  the  east, 
the  Bedouins  attacked  the  fortified  ports 
of  the  Delta,  and  the  mining  colonies  of 
Sinai ;  on  the  west,  the  nations  of  Libya 
had  invaded  the  Nile.  Led  by  their  chiefs 
Did  (probably  the  son  of  Marajui,  the  con- 
temporary of  Meneptah),  Mashaknu,  Zamar, 
and  Zautmar,  the  Tuhennu,  the  Tamahu,  the 
Kahaka,  and  their  neighbours,  left  the  sandy 
plains  of  the  desert  and  conquered  the  Mare- 
otic  nome  or  district  of  the  Said,  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Nile,  as  far  as  the  great  arm  of  the 
river,  in  short  all  the  western  part  of  the 
Delta  from  the  town  of  Karbria  on  the  west 
to  the  outskirts  of  Memphis  on  the  south. 

After  repulsing  the  Bedouins,  Ramses  III 
turned  his  arms  against  the  Libyans  in  the 
year  V  and  completely  conquered  them. 
"  They  were  as  terrified  as  goats  attacked 
by  a  bull,  that  tramples  with  his  foot, 
strikes  with  his  horns,  and  makes  the  moun- 
tains tremble  in  his  rush  upon  those  that 
approach  him."  The  raids  of  the  barbarians 
had  exasperated  the  Egyptians,  they  gave  no 
quarter  ;  the  Libyans  fled  in  disorder,  and 
some  of  their  tribes,  lingering  in  the  Delta, 
were  taken  off  and  incorporated  in  the  aux- 
iliary army. 

Scarcely  was  this  trouble  over  when  Ramses  attacked  Syria.     Whilst 
Egypt  was  being  ruined  with  civil  wars,  her  old  enemy,  the  Kheta,  made 


Mummy  of  liAMSKS  III 


1«.  THE   HISTORY   OF  EGYPT 

*"*»  [ca.  1250-1235  B.C.] 

MtMU'ptah    was  succeeded,  apparently,  by  one  of  his  sons,  called  Seti 

after  1  ^great-grandfather.     Seti  II  had  doubtless  reached  middle  age  at 

uVe    inie  o'  his  a'ccession,  but  his  portraits  represent  him,  nevertheless,  with 

he  face  and  figure  of  a  young  man.     The  expression  in  these  is  gentle 

efined,  haught^y,  and  .somewhat  melancholy.       t  is  the  type  of  Seti  I  and 

Kale;   II,  but:  enfeebled   and,  as   it  were,  saddened.       An   inscription   of 

^ts'  oncl  year  attributes  to  him  victories  in  Asia,  but  others  of    he  same 

ZrUA   indicate  the  existence   of  disturbances  simikr  to  those  which  had 

roubled  tbe  last   years  of  his  father.      Seti  died,  it  would  seem,  without 

havin-  time   to  finish   his   tomb.      We  do  not  know  whether  he  left  any 

legitimate  ehildren,  but  two  sovereigns  succeeded  him  who  were  not  directly 

eomiected    witli    him,   but  were    probably  the   grandsons  of  the  Amenmes 

and  the  Siptah,  whom  we  meet  with  among  the  children  of  Ramses. 

The  lirst  of  these  was  also  called  Amenmes,  and  he  held  sway  for  several 
years  over  the  whole  of  Egypt,  and  over  its  foreign  possessions.  The 
second,  who  was  named  Siptah-Meneptah,  ascended  -the  throne  ot  his 
father,"  thanks  to  the  devotion  of  his  minister,  Bi,  but  in  a  greater  degree 
t(.  his  marria«^e  witli  a  certain  princess  called  Ta-user.  He  maintained  him- 
self in  this  position  for  at  least  six  years,  during  which  he  made  an  expedi- 
tion into  Ethiopia,  and  received  in  audience  at  Thebes  messengers  from 
all  foreign  nations.  He  kept  up  so  zealously  the  appearance  of  universal 
dominion  that  to  judge  from  his  inscriptions  he  must  have  been  the  equal 
of  the  most  powerful'  of  his  predecessors  at  Thebes.  Egypt,  nevertheless, 
was  proceeding  at  a  (piick  pace  toward  its  downfall.  No  sooner  had  this 
monarch  disappeared  than  it  began  to  break  up. 

A.s  in  tlie  case  of  the  Egyptians  of  the  Greek  period,  we  can  see  only 
through  a  fog  what  took  place  after  the  deaths  of  Meiieptah  and  Seti  II. 
Wo  know  only  for  certain  that  the  chiefs  of  the  nomes  were  in  perpetual 
strife  with  each  other,  and  that  a  foreign  power  was  dominant  in  the  country 
as  in  tlie  time  of  Apophis,  The  days  of  the  kingdom  would  have  been 
numl)ered  if  a  deliverer  had  not  promptly  made  his  appearance.  The  direct 
line  of  Kam.ses  II  was  extinct,  but  his  innumerable  sons  by  innumerable 
concubines  liad  left  a  posterity  out  of  which  .some  at  least  might  have  the 
rcrpiisite  al)ility  and  zeal,  if  not  to  save  the  empire,  at  least  to  lengthen  its 
duration,  and  once  more  give  to  Thebes  days  of  glorious  prosperity. 

Egypt  had  set  out  some  five  centuries  before  this  for  the  conquest  of  the 
world,  and  fortune  had  at  first  smiled  upon  her  enterprise.  Tehutimes  I, 
Tchutimes  III,  and  the  several  Pharaohs  bearing  the  name  of  Amenhotep, 
had  marched  with  their  armies  from  the  upper  waters  of  the  Nile  to  the 
banks  of  tlie  Euphrates,  and  no  power  had  been  able  to  withstand  them. 
New  nations,  jiowever,  soon  rose  up  to  oppose  her,  and  the  Hittites  in  Asia 
and  the  Libyans  of  the  Sudan  together  curbed  her  ambition.  Neither  the 
triumphs  of  Kam.ses  II  nor  the  victory  of  I\Ienei)tah  had  been  able  to  restore 
her  prestige,  or  the  lands  of  which  her  rivals  had  robbed  her  beyond  her 
ancitrnt  frontier.  Now  her  own  territory  itself  was  threatened,  and  her 
own  wcll-l)i'ing  was  in  question  ;  she  was  compelled  to  consider,  not  how 
to  nde  other  tribes,  great  or  small,  but  how  to  keep  her  own  possessions 
intact  and  independent ;  in  short,  her  very  existence  was  at  stake. & 

FUr»M    SETNEKIIT   TO   R.AMKES    VIII    AND   MERI-AMEN   MERI-TMU 

In  the  midst  of  the  unsettled  state  of  affairs  a  new  dynasty  arose  under 
the  leadership  uf   Setnekht,  a  descendant  of  Ramses   II  and  governor  of 


THE  PERIOD  OF   DECAY  169 

[ca.  1220-1195  B.C.] 

"His  Majesty  fell  upon  their  heads  like  a  mountain  of  granite,  he 
crushed  them  and  watered  the  earth  with  their  blood,  their  army  and  their 
soldiers  were  massacred  .  .  .  they  were  taken,  they  were  struck,  their  arms 
were  tied,  and  like  birds,  imprisoned  in  the  hold  of  a  ship,  they  were  in  the 
power  of  his  Majesty.  The  king  was  like  Mentu,  his  victorious  feet  trampled 
on  the  heads  of  the  enemy;  the  chiefs  who  opposed  him  were  struck  and 
held  by  the  wrists." 

So  the  Libyans  were  careful  henceforth  not  to  disturb  the  peace  of  Egypt. 

The  victories  of  these  twelve  years  healed  the  wounds  of  the  preceding 
period.  A  voyage  of  the  fleet  along  the  coasts  made  the  ancient  Syrian 
provinces  return  to  their  allegiance  and  the  allied  nations  of  the  Kheta 
[Hittites],  of  Carchemish  and  of  the  Kati,  seeing  the  subjugation  of  the 
maritime  people,  soon  followed  suit.  A  second  maritime  expedition  was 
directed  against  Arabia. 

"  I  equipped  vessels  and  galleys,  armed  with  numerous  sailors  and  work- 
men. The  captains  of  the  maritime  auxiliary  forces  were  there  with  over- 
seers and  managers  to  provision  the  ships  with  the  countless  products  of 
Egypt.  There  were  tens  of  thousands  of  every  kind  passing  through  the 
great  sea  of  Kati.  They  arrived  at  the  country  of  the  Punt  without  any 
misadventure,  and  prepared  to  load  the  galleys  and  vessels  with  the  prod- 
ucts of  Tonutir,  with  all  the  mysterious  wonders  of  the  country,  and  with 
considerable  quantities  of  the  perfumes  of  Punt.  Their  sons,  the  chiefs  of 
the  Tonutir  came  themselves  to  Egypt  bringing  tribute ;  they  came  safe  and 
sound  to  the  country  of  Coptos  and  landed  in  the  country  with  their  riches. 
They  brought  them  in  caravans  of  asses  and  men,  and  embarked  them  on  the 
river  at  the  port  of  Coptos." 

Other  expeditions  to  the  peninsula  of  Sinai  restored  the  mining  districts 
to  the  possession  of  Pharaoh.  So  the  Egyptian  empire  was  reconstituted  as 
it  was  in  the  preceding  century  in  the  time  of  Ramses  II.  The  Shardana, 
Tyrians,  Lycians,  and  Trojans  no  longer  landed  en  masse  on  the  coasts  of 
Africa. 

The  tide  of  Asiatic  emigration  now  turned  from  the  valley  of  the  Nile, 
which  had  been  its  direction  for  the  last  one  hundred  and  fifty  years,  towards 
the  west,  and  inundated  Italy,  at  the  same  time  that  the  Phoenician  col- 
onists arrived  there.  The  Tyrians  took  the  land  at  the  north  of  the  mouth 
of  the  Tiber,  the  Shardana  occupied  the  large  island,  which  later  was  called 
Sardinia,  and  soon  nothing  remained  of  them  in  Egypt  but  the  recollection 
of  their  raids  and  the  legendary  recital  of  their  migrations  from  the  shores 
of  the  Archipelago  to  the  coasts  of  the  western  Mediterranean. 

The  Philistines  were  the  only  people  of  the  confederation  allowed  to 
settle  in  Syria,  and  they  took  root  along  the  southern  coast  between  Joppa 
and  the  river  of  Egypt,  in  the  districts  hitherto  peopled  by  the  Canaanites, 
and  there  they  primarily  lived  under  the  yoke  of  Pharaoh.  On  the  other 
frontier  of  the  Delta,  a  Libyan  tribe,  called  Mashauasha,  likewise  obtained 
a  concession  of  territory,  and  the  Mashauasha  soldiers  raised  in  Libya,  from 
that  portion  of  the  tribe  encamped  on  the  bank  of  the  Nile,  formed  a  picked 
corps,  the  Ma,  the  leaders  of  which  played  a  great  part  in  the  internal  history 
of  Egypt. 

Herodotus  relates  that  on  the  return  of  Sesostris  (the  name  given  by  that 
historian  to  Ramses  II)  he  was  nearly  killed  by  treachery.  His  brother,  to 
whom  he  had  intrusted  the  government  during  his  absence,  invited  hira  and 
his  children  to  a  great  feast ;  then  he  surrounded  the  house  with  wood  and 
gave  orders  for  it  to  be  set  alight.     The  king,  learning  this,  immediately  con- 


170  THE   HISTORY  OF   EGYPT 

[ca.  1220-1195  B.C.] 

suited  with  his  wife,  who  was  with  him,  and  she  advised  him  to  take  two  of 
their  six  children  and  lay  them  on  the  burning  wood,  so  that  they  could  use 
their  bodies  as  a  bridj^^e  by  which  to  pass  over.  Sesostris  did  this,  and  thus 
burned  two  of  his  children,  and  the  others  were  saved  with  the  parents. 

The  monuments  have  proved  that  the  Sesostris  of  this  legend  of  Herodo- 
tus is  not  Ram.scs  II  but  his  namesake,  Ramses  III.  One  of  the  brothers 
of  the  king  mentioned  in  otlicial  documents  under  the  pseudonym  of  Pen- 
ta-ur  consiurcd  against  him  with  a  large  number  of  courtiers  and  ladies  of 
tiie  harem,  with  Uie  object  of  killing  Pharaoh  and  putting  his  brother  in 
his  place.  The  plot  was  discovered,  the  conspirators  cited  before  the  tribu- 
nals and  condemned,  some  to  death  and  others  to  perpetual  imprisonment. 

The  last  years  of  the  reign  of  Ramses  III  were  passed  in  peace.  He 
built  at  Thebes,  in  memory  of  his  wars,  the  great  palace  of  Medinet  Habu  ; 
lie  enlarged  Karnak  and  restored  Luxor.  The  details  of  these  pious  works 
in  the  Delta  iiave  been  preserved  in  a  manuscript  at  the  library  of  Heliopo- 
lis,  the  great  Harris  papyrus. 

One  sees  by  this  document  that  Egypt  not  only  regained  her  foreign  em- 
pire, but  her  commercial  and  industrial  activity.  The  prosperous  days  of 
Telmtimes  HI  and  Ramses  II  seemed  to  have  returned. 

Nevertheless,  the  decadence  was  at  hand.  Egypt,  exhausted  by  four 
centuries  of  perpetual  warfare,  became  more  and  more  incapable  of  serious 
effort.  The  population  decimated  by  recruiting,  inefficiently  replaced  by 
the  incessant  introduction  of  foreign  elements,  had  lost  the  patience  and 
enthusiasm  of  early  times.  The  upper  classes,  accustomed  to  comfort  and 
riches,  now  only  cared  for  the  civil  professions,  and  thought  lightly  of  what 
was  military. 

THE   SORROWS    OF   A   SOLDIER 

"Why  do  you  say  that  an  infantry  officer  is  happier  than  a  scribe?" 
asked  a  scribe  of  his  pupil.  "  Let  me  describe  to  you  the  lot  of  an  infantry 
officer,  and  the  extent  of  his  miseries.  He  is  taken  when  quite  a  child  and 
shut  up  in  a  barrack  ;  a  cutting  sore  forms  on  his  stomach  ;  a  wearing  pain 
is  in  his  eye  ;  an  open  wound  is  on  his  two  eyebrows  ;  his  head  is  split  and 
covered  with  matter.  In  short,  he  is  beaten  like  a  roll  of  papj^rus,  he  is 
bruised  by  the  pressure  of  arms.  Come  and  let  me  tell  you  of  his  marches 
towards  Syria  and  his  campaigns  in  distant  countries.  His  bread  and  his 
water  are  on  his  shoulder  like  an  ass's  burden,  and  make  the  nape  of  his  neck 
like  that  of  an  ass.  The  joints  of  his  spine  are  broken  ;  he  drinks  putrid 
water,  then  returns  to  his  watch.  If  he  reaches  the  enemy,  he  trembles  like 
a  goos(!,  for  he  has  no  valour.  If  he  end  by  returning  to  Egypt,  he  is  like  a 
tick  consumed  by  the  worm.  If  he  be  ill,  what  alleviation  does  he  have  ? 
He  is  taken  away  on  an  ass  ;  his  clothes  are  carried  off  by  robbers ;  his 
domestics  flee  from  liim.  Tiiat  is  the  foot-soldier,  and  the  cavalry  one  is  not 
mu('h  better  treated.  The  scribe  Amenonopit  says  to  the  scribe  Peiibisit  : 
'  When  this  written  communication  reaches  thee,  apply  yourself  to  becom- 
ing a  scrilje,  and  you  will  rise  in  the  world.  Come,  let  me  tell  you  of  the 
fatiguing  duties  of  a  chariot  officer  : 

"'  When  he  is  placed  at  school  by  his  father  and  mother,  he  has  to  give 
away  two  of  his  slaves.  After  he  dons  his  uniform,  he  goes  to  choose  his 
liorsos  in  the  stable.  In  the  presence  of  his  Majesty,  he  takes  the  good 
steeds  ;ind  with  shouts  of  joy  wishes  to  bring  them  to  the  town  at  a  gallop. 
Hut  the  horses  will  not  go  without  a  stick.  Then,  as  he  does  not  know  what 
fate  awaits  him,  he  bequeaths  all  his  goods  to  his  father  and  mother.     He 


THE  PERIOD   OF  DECAY  171 

[ca.  1195-945  B.C.] 

goes  off  then  with  a  chariot,  but  its  pole  weighs  more  than  twice  the  weight 
of  the  chariot.  So  when  he  wishes  to  gallop  with  this  chariot,  he  is  forced 
to  get  down  and  pull  it.  He  does  so,  falls  on  to  a  reptile,  slips  into  the 
brushwood,  his  legs  are  bitten  by  the  reptile,  his  heel  is  pierced  by  the  bite, 
his  misery  is  extreme.     He  lies  on  the  ground  and  receives  a  hundred  blows.'  " 

And  these  lines  were  written  in  the  reign  of  Ramses  II  to  the  sound  of 
songs  of  triumph,  when  the  populace  were  full  of  enthusiasm  for  victory,  andA 
followed  the  triumphal  chariot  of  Pharaoh  with  acclamations  of  delight. (| 
The  first  intoxication  over,  the  lower  classes,  exhausted  by  centuries  of  in- 
cessant warfare,  crushed  under  the  weight  of  tributes  and  taxes,  lapsed  into 
their  normal  depression,  the  literature  turned  the  sufferings  of  the  soldiers 
into  ridicule.  This  weariness  of  success,  this  disgust  for  the  bloody,  dearly 
bought  victories,  explains  some  obscure  points  in  the  history  of  Egypt,  and 
casts  great  light  on  the  rapid  fall  of  the  edifice  so  laboriously  raised  by  the 
princes  of  the  XVIIIth  and  XlXth  Dynasties.  The  Egypt  of  Tehutimes 
III  wished  for  war ;  the  Egypt  of  Ramses  III  wished  for  peace  at  any  price. 

This  was  especially  seen  to  be  the  case  in  the  course  of  the  XXth 
Dynasty.  In  the  year  XXXII,  Ramses,  tired  of  government,  called  his  son 
Ramses  IV  to  share  it.  He  died  two  years  later,  and  Ramses  IV,  after  a 
reign,  of  not  more  than  three  or  four  years,  was  followed  by  a  distant  relation 
who  was  Ramses  V.  Then  came  the  four  sons  of  Ramses  III  :  Ramses  VI, 
Ramses  VII,  Ramses  VIII,  and  Meri-Amen  Meri-Tmu,  who  succeeded  each 
other  rapidly  on  the  throne.  These  Ramses  made  some  expeditions  here 
and  there,  but  never  great  wars.  They  passed  their  days  in  peace  abroad, 
and  peace  at  home,  and  if  it  be  true  that  people  are  happy  who  have  no 
history,  Egypt  was  very  happy  under  their  rule. 

No  more  constant  struggles,  no  more  distant  marches  to  the  mountains  of 
Cilicia  and  to  the  plains  of  the  Upper  Nile.  Syria  continued  to  pay  tribute 
for  some  time  ;  for  if  Egypt,  exhausted  by  victory,  had  scarcely  the  strength 
to  enforce  obedience,  Syria  was  exhausted  with  defeat,  and  had  no  more 
strength  to  revolt.  But  there  was  this  difference  between  the  two  countries, 
the  one  bordered  on  old  age  and  never  revived,  while  the  other  soon  rallied 
from  its  reverses.  The  kingdom  of  Egypt  died  of  exhaustion  in  full  pros- 
perity, c 

EGYPT    UNDER    THE   DOMINION   OF    MERCENARIES 

The  first  sign  of  weakness  in  an  empire  seems  to  be  scented.  Egypt, 
decaying  within,  attracted  speedy  attention  from  the  ambitious,  who  turned 
greedy  eyes  towards  her  hoarded  wealth. 

After  the  death  of  Ramses  III,  Egypt  had  ceased  to  exercise  any  influ- 
ence upon  Syria.  A  time  of  increasing  inaction  and  stagnation  had  set  in  for 
Egypt,  which  at  last  led  to  Her-Hor,  the  Theban  high  priest,  being  placed  upon 
the  throne.  How  long  Her-Hor  ruled  over  Egypt,  we  know  not,  but  we  see 
that  his  son  Piankhi  and  his  grandson  Painet'em  I  did  not  have  royal  power 
but  only  succeeded  tlieir  father  as  high  priests,  and,  as  such,  had  uncontrolled 
power  in  Thebes  and  its  environs. 

Another  ruling  house  of  foreign  (Libyan)  origin  arose  at  tliis  time  in 
Tanis.  King  Se-Amen  (according  to  Manetho,  Smendes)  was  its  chief.  His 
name  is  seen  on  the  walls  of  a  temple  at  Tanis,  and  upon  an  obelisk  of  Heli- 
opolis.  He  also  reigned  over  Thebes.  In  the  sixteenth  year  of  his  reign  he 
had  the  mummies  of  Ramses  I,  Seti  I,  and  Ramses  II  examined  and  put  in 
another  tomb.  He  evidently  overthrew  the  dominion  of  the  Theban  high 
priests  and  forced  them  to  recognise  his  power. 


172  THE   HISTORY   OF  EGYPT 

[ca.  1000  B.C.] 

Thereupon  Painet'era  I  added  the  title  of  provost  (of  Thebes)  and  com- 
mander-in-chief of  the  South  and  North,  to  his  dignity  of  high  priest,  evi- 
dently taking,  with  tlie  Tanitic  kings,  a  position  similar  to  that  of  Her-Hor 
with  Ram.ses''xil.  Se-Amen's  son,  Pasebkhanu  (Greek,  Psousennes),  seems 
to  have  gone  a  step  farther;  he  overcame  the  party  of  the  Theban  priests, 
and  gave  the  otlice  of  chief  priest  to  one  of  his  sons,  who,  like  the  grandson 
of  Ikr-Hor,  had,  or  took,  the  name  of  Painet'em  II.  A  few  short  reigns, 
anion-'-  which  were  those  of  the  Amenemapt,  also  recognised  in  Thebes,  seem 
to  have  followed  that  of  Pasebkhanu  I;   and  then  Painet'em  ascended  the 

throne.  -,■■,■  c  ■,     . 

As  "  high  priest  of  Amen  "  at  Thebes,  and  commander-in-chiet,  he  invested 

his  sons  Musaherta  and  Men-kheper-Ra  and  then  Painet'em  (III),  the  son  of 

the  latter,  with  power ;  and  Hor-Pasebkhanu  II  seems  to  have  succeeded  him 

in  Tanis.     The  rule  of  the  Tanites  seems  to  have  lasted 

about  120  years  (from  about  1060  to  943  B.C.). 

The  kingdom,  or  at  all  events  the  part  of  the  country 
governed  by  the  priests  of  Amen,  was  certainly  not  well 
organi.sed,  for  we  have  several  accounts  of  embezzlements 
of  the  properties  of  the  temple  of  Amen  by  the  stewards 
and  scribes,  of  the  robbing  of  graves,  etc.  The  constant 
necessity  of  removing  the  mummies  of  the  early  kings  in 
the  west  part  of  Thebes  from  their  magnificent  tombs 
into  secret  caves,  shows  the  weakness  of  the  government. 
Moreover,  the  great  state  trials  were  conducted  on  a  very 
simple  system.  The  question  Guilty  or  Not  Guilty  was 
put  to  the  statue  of  Amen,  which  gave  its  verdict  by  the 
mouth  of  an  oracle. 

One  sees  how  perfectly  realised  is  the  idea  of  God's 
rule  in  practice.  Doubtless  the  theory  was  at  this  time 
evolved  in  Thebes,  later  in  Ethiopia,  that  the  king  was 
not  only  obliged  to  consult  the  oracle  in  all  his  acts,  but 
also  that  he  was  appointed  and  could  be  deposed  by  the 
oracle. 

The  title  of  commander-in-chief  borne  by  the  Theban 
An  Egyptian  Pkiest  priests,  seems  to  distinguish  them  as  commanders  of  the 
(From  »»'at"<'  1"  the      soldicrs  takcu  f rom  the  Egyptian  peasants  in  contradis- 
tinction to  the  mercenaries  which,  since  Seti  I,  composed 
the  chief   part  of   the  army.     This  force  was  partially  furnished  by  those 
domiciled  in  the  country,  and  partially  by  fresh  supplies  from  Libya. 

There  was  thus  formed  in  the  country  an  exclusive  set  similar  to  the 
Mamelukes,  which  held  the  fate  of  the  country  in  its  hand,  and  which  be- 
queathed the  martial  profession  from  father  to  son. 

These  mercenaries  were  classed  together  under  the  name  of  Ma,  derived 
from  the  contraction  of  the  Libyan  name  Mashauasha.  We  soon  see  from  the 
surnames  of  the  warriors  that  the  Libyans  attained  ascendance  over  them  ; 
and  iilthough  the  repeated  attacks  of  the  Libyans  on  Egypt  were  successfully 
repulsed,  they  were  now  in  fact  rulers  of  the  country. 

It  is  noteworthy  that  the  corps  of  the  Shardana,  so  often  mentioned  in 
more  ancient  times,  is  no  more  spoken  of ;  it  must  have  been  absorbed  in  the 
mass  of  the  other  soldiers.  But  the  name  of  Mashau  has  been  retained,  and 
in  Coptic  matoei  is  still  a  common  name  for  soldier.  One  can  easily  under- 
stand that  they  had  frequent  opportunities  of  gaining  wealth  and  land  ;  and 
the  kings  granted  them  exemption  from  the  land  tax.     At  their  head  stood 


THE  PERIOD   OF  DECAY  173 

tea.  W5-800  B.C.] 

the  "  dukes  of  the  Ma,"  the  grand-duke  of  the  Ma  having  the  chief  command. 
But  many  of  such  generalissimi  may  have  had  equal  rank. 

Buiu-uaua,  a  Libyan,  came  to  Egypt  about  Her-Hor's  time.  His  family 
attained  great  importance ;  his  fifth  descendant,  Naromath  [Nimrod]  was 
made  "  grand-duke  of  the  Ma  and  Generalissimo "  sometime  under  King 
Painet'em.  After  his  death  his  son  Shashanq  succeeded  him  as  commander 
of  the  army.  An  inscription  at  Abydos  shows  in  what  honour  he  was 
held,  how  the  king  looked  after  his  father's  grave,  questioned  the  oracle 
at  Thebes  on  his  behalf,  and  prayed  God  for  the  victory  of  the  general.  It 
is  conceivable  that  Shashanq  ended  by  trying  to  gain  the  crown  for  himself, 
943  (?)  B.C. 

By  peaceable  or  violent  means  he  was  the  successor  of  Hor-Pasebkhanu  II, 
the  last  Tanite,  whose  daughter  Ka-Ra-maat  he  married  to  his  son  Uasarken, 
to  give  support  tc  his  dynasty.  According  to  the  ruling  custom  of  the 
Tanites  he  made  Auputh,  another  of  his  sons,  high  priest  of  Amen  and  com- 
mander-in-chief of  all  the  military  forces.  By  the  inscriptions  he  seems  to 
have  been  co-regent  with  his  father. 

Under  the  subsequent  rulers  it  remained  a  custom  for  one  of  the  king's 
sons  to  be  endowed  with  the  highest  priestly  power  in  Thebes,  and  also  the 
priesthood  of  Ptah  at  Memphis  was  given  to  a  branch  of  the  royal  family, 
and  the  other  princes  were  priests  as  well  as  generals. 

Moreover,  Shashanq  seems  to  have  brought  forward  the  descendants  of 
the  Ramses,  for  we  find  a  Ramses  prince  occupying  a  high  military  post 
under  him. 

The  history  of  the  Hebrews  shows  that  the  Pharaohs  of  the  XXIst 
Dynasty  were  not  in  a  condition  to  take  part  in  Asiatic  affairs.  It  was 
early  in  Solomon's  reign  that  the  king  of  the  period,  probably  Pasebkhanu 
II,  entered  into  relations  with  the  Israelitish  state,  took  Gaza  for  Solomon  and 
gave  it  to  his  daughter  as  a  dowry,  and  also  gave  refuge  to  political  fugitives 
like  Jeroboam  and  Hadad  of  Edom  to  leave  a  loophole  for  intervention. 

The  separation  of  Judah  from  Israel  and  the  subsequent  long  civil  war 
offered  an  opportunity  to  renew  the  expeditions  into  Syria.  So  Shashanq 
repaired  to  Syria  in  the  fifth  year  of  the  reign  of  Rehoboam.  The  scanty 
remains  of  the  annals  of  the  Hebrew  kings  only  report  that  he  carried  off 
the  treasures  of  the  temple  and  palace  at  Jerusalem ;  that  is,  the  golden  shields 
which  Solomon  had  hung  up  there.  The  long  list  of  the  conquered  places 
upon  a  wall  of  the  temple  of  Karnak  shows  that  Israelitish  strongholds  were 
likewise  conquered  and  plundered. 

The  Pharaoh  hardly  met  with  any  great  resistance  anywhere.  The  in- 
scription of  his  victory  contains,  according  to  the  fashion  of  the  time,  only 
religious  phrases  instead  of  an  account  of  the  war.  The  expedition  was 
nothing  more  than  a  predatory  raid  for  booty ;  it  had  no  political  conse- 
quences, and  it  is  quite  a  mistake  to  think  it  was  undertaken  in  the  interest 
of  Jeroboam  against  the  king  of  Judah. 

The  increase  of  the  Egyptian  power,  consequent  on  the  accession  to  the 
throne  of  the  new  dynasty,  was  of  short  duration.  The  successors  of 
Shashanq  I  —  Uasarken  I,Takeleth  I,  Uasarken  II,  Shashanq  II,Takeleth  II  — 
are  only  mentioned  by  name  on  the  monuments.  In  Thebes  they  enlarged  the 
entrance  hall  of  the  temple  of  Amen,  begun  by  Shashanq  I.  We  find  further 
traces  of  them  at  Bubastis,  the  cradle  of  the  dynasty,  at  Memphis,  and  else- 
where. 

The  state  gradually  fell  into  complete  decay  under  them.  The  chief 
generals  of  the  Ma,  perhaps  partially  belonging  to  the  branch  lines  of  the 


174  THE  HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 

[ca.  WX>-735  B.C.] 

boose,  foond^i  tbeir  own  princsedorajf  aod  shook  off  the  Bubastites.  Sha^ 
sL&nq  III,  tbt  suc-cessz-'r  ^f  Takeleth  II,  is  the  last  whose  name  we 'find  in 
Tbebe*.  where  a  loa?  a:  -.ilat^d  inscription  of  the  twenty-ninth  year 

of  his  rei^  spwiks'of  j  -  he  brought  to  Amen.     Then  it  &eems  as 

if  the  s/>utLenj  j>jnion  o:  ::-c  country  was  taken  by  the  Ethiojjians. 

SLiiihiii'i  III  reig-ned  fifty-two  years  altogether.  Then  came  his  son 
PamaL  who  reigned  at  least  two  years,  and  his  grandson  Shashanq  IV,  who 
wignwi  at  Ica-fet  iLiny-fl^ven  years.  untH  about  7:^5  B.C.  We  only  know  of 
ibes-e  kiiiiTs  bv  their  'Wwg  mentioned  on  several  of  the  monuments  to  the 
honour  of  the  Apis  bulls  which  died  ifl  their  reigns.  So  their  supremacy 
laost  at  lea^t  Lave  been  rec  ••  — - :  'or  a  time  in  Memjjhis.  But  their  do- 
miuiorj  luu^t  Lave  l>e>en  lim.-  .'•0%-ince  of  Busiris.     King  Piankhi  of 

EtLioj  ia  m*r:jtion.-  in  his  gi-  on  a  grand-duke  of  the  Ma,  Shashanq 

of  Bii-1.^1*-  a.M<i  his  successor  Famai.  who,  presumably,  were  identical  with 
SLsbfehaiiq  III  and  Pamai.  At  tie  time  of  this  conqueror,  a]x>ut  775  B.C.,  we 
find  near  them  a  king  Nimrod  of  Hermopolis.  a  ruler  Peftotbast  of  Heracle- 
oy/As  Magna,  who  Vx>re  the  king's  ring,  a  king  Auputh  of  the  Delta  cities 
Tentremu  ar.;d  Ta-an.  and  a  king  Uasarken  ClII)  of  Bubastis.  The  latter 
pn>}j«ibly  l>^:ojjg5  Xo  the  Manethan  XXllIrd  Dynasty  which  came  from  Tanis, 
and  aco.'ding  to  Africa^nus-  ascended  the  throne  about  823  B.C.  Manetho 
mention-*  Pet^sebast  as  its  founder,  and  he  was  succeeded  by  Uasarken,  who 
is  presumab'y  the  aforementioned  Uasarken  III.  Manetho  evidently  did 
not  regar<i  the  la-rt  rulers  of  the  XXIlnd  Dynasty  as  legitimate,  so,  although 
ihev  are  njrjjtione^L  they  are  not  included  in  the  chronology. 

By  the  hide  of  tijese  -kiugs"  there  are,  moreover,  numerous  princes 
(  Cr J  of  ti.e  Ma-  designated  in  other  cases  as  lords  (rpa)  or  nomarclis  (ha). 
Independent  rulers  in  the  few  pro^■inc.es  of  the  Delta,  in  AthriVjis,  Mendes, 
Sebennytuji.  Sais.  et-c-  and  the  provost  of  Letopolis  bore  the  title  of  high 
pckst. 

These  le^Aimg  men  came  mostly  from  the  leaders  of  the  mercenaries,  and 
tibnr  poMeanoia  and  power  constantly  tottered.  It  is  very  possible  that  the 
•ingle  states  formed  a  daek  political  confederation,  and  it  is  probable  that 
the  descendants  of  the  old  ruling  house  were  recognised  as  the  chief  feudal 
lords,  while  those  rolers  who  osmrped  the  title  of  king  laid  claim  to  com- 
plete independence. 

THE  ETHIOPIAy  CX^SQUEST 

At  the  time  when  a  great  conquering  kingdom  was  forming  itself  on  the 
upper  Tigns  and  began  to  lay  hold  on  all  sides  around  it,  the  fxjwer  of  the 
PharM^  in  the  Nile  Valley  completely  went  down.  The  kingdom  of 
Tc^ntimes  III  liad  l^een  divided  into  a  succeission  of  small  independent  prin- 
cipalities and  was  roled  by  dynasties  which  had  arisen  from  the  leaders  of 
the  moioenariesL  Of?  th«?  other  hand,  in  the  upper  valley  of  the  Kile,  in 
the  lands  first  joir  ot  in  the  time  of  Usertsen  III  and  afterwards  for 

fire  centuries  by  "  I,  tliere  arose  the  px^werful  kingdom  of  Cush 

COreek  Ethiopia,  :.  '•  .^  .o;.<i^.  Its  capital  was  Naj^ata  in  the  Gebel  Barhal, 
**the  sacred  mountain,^  at  the  ff>ot  of  which  Amenhotep  III  had  already 
founded  a  great  aaacUiary  to  the  Theban  Amen.  By  its  long  connection 
with  Egypt,  Egyptian  culture  was  completely  naturalised  in  Ethiopia. 
Egyptian  was  tne  oflficial  l^.':--  •'"-  'he  writing  was  in  hierogh7jhics,  the 
styljjBg  of  the  kings  was  afte;  :  Pliaraoh^.    A Ixjve  alh  the  Egyptian, 

and  et^Msdally  the  Theban,  :  ,.  .  :  Amen  gained  complete  dominion  in 
Cosh.     In  the  name  of  Amen  the  kings  went  to  battle;   they  were  fully 


I 


I 


I 


THE  PERIOD  OF  DECAY  175 

[col  lOCO-775  B.C] 

dependent  on  his  instmctions  and  oracles ;  thej  carefoIlT  observed  the  laws 
on  onter  cleanliness  and  on  the  food  forbidden  bj  religion.  What  had 
remained  theoiy  in  ^^^^t,  became  practice  in  Ethiopia ;  a  long  inscription 

descnbes  to  ns  how  the  god  hiix^lf  iinme>di- 
atelj  elects  the  king  through  Lis  oracle,  asd 
strikinglj  confirms  the  accoonts  of  the  Greeks. 
Whence  it  followed  that  the  priests  oonld  com- 
mand the  king  in  the  name  of  the  god  to  pat 
an  end  to  his  life,  a  prerogatiTe  which  Ergar 
loenes  abolished  in  the  third  century  B.C.    By 
these  circumstanc'es  it  can  be  seen 
why    the    Egyptian    priests    de- 
scribed Ethiopia  to  the  Greeks 
as  the   Promised  Land.      From 
these  circnmstanoes  it  can  also 
be  supposed  that  the  rise  of  the 
kingdom  of  Napata  was  ocmnected 
with  the  asmpation  of  the  praests 
of  the  Theban  Amen  at  the  time 
of  the  XXIst  Dynasty,  an  aasomp- 
-'-:^  kings  having  borne  the  name  of 
ler-Hor.      After  that  time  there 
.  ._:aohs  over  Cosh;  so  perhaps  rela- 
:^Te  founded  the  Ethiopian  town  euva 

became  lamed,  the  kings  of 

Ezrpt.     Probablj  about  the 

inay  haTe  lall«n  into  their 

1!!^  of  the  File  to  ibe 

pian  king  PiankhL 

"  -Tibjectiiiig  the  west 

'in  making  all 

suud  east  Delta, 


Wiien  me  power 
Xapata  could  extend 
end  of  the  reign  of  S 
hands  ;  in  the  first  L  , 
vicinity  of  Hermopolk  tv..- 
In  his  time  the  Prince  Tii:    : 
part  of  the  Delta  in  Lower  Egy 
tiie  numerous  jMinces,  kings,  ai 
*•  all  princes  of  Lower  Eigy 
casts  of  the  Ma},  acknowl 
of  king,  probably  because  '. 
tions  of  rank  which  esiste 
he  went  south,  subjected  1 
Heracleopolis,  the  royal  re  ~ 
rod  of  Hermopolis  to  subir. 
by  the  adversaries  of  Tef  : 
Nile,  drove  Tefnekht  back 
and  seized  a  number  of  £:: 
the  seat  of  war ;  he  comp^ 
ents  from  him.     After  tbv 
themselves,  only  Memphis 
nekht  to  relieve  it  had  fail 
princes  hastened  together 
gifts.     Thus  Tefnekht  wi  - 
Piankhi  may  also  have  h&  . 
west  Delta.*   He  contents 
giance  in  the  presence  of  : 
him  presents  after  being  5 : 


th^».  title 

the  rela- 

Mempids 


T^f- 


174  THE   HISTORY   OF  EGYPT 

[ca.  800-735  B.C.] 

house,  founded  their  own  princedoms  and  shook  off  the  Bubastites.  Sha- 
shanq  III,  the  siu-cessor  of  Takeleth  II,  is  the  Last  whose  name  we 'find  in 
Thebes,  where  u  hni\^  and  very  mutihited  inscription  of  the  twenty-nmth  year 
of  liis  reign  speaks^f  gifts  which  he  brought  to  Amen.^  Then  it  seems  as 
if  the  .^ouUiern  portion  of  the  country  was  taken  by  tlie  Ethiopians. 

Sluislmn.i  III  reigned  fifty-two  years  altogether.  Then  came  his  son 
Pamui,  who  reigned  at  least  two  years,  and  his  grandson  Shashanq  IV,  who 
reigned  at  least  thirty-seven  years,  until  about  735  B.C.  We  only  know  of 
these  kings  by  their  being  mentioned  on  several  of  the  monuments  to  the 
honour  of  tlR'  Apis  bulls  which  died  in  their  reigns.  So  their  supremacy 
must  at  least  have  been  recognised  for  a  time  in  Memphis.  But  their  do- 
minion must  have  been  limited  to  the  province  of  Busiris.  King  Piankhi  of 
Ethiopia  ineiitions  in  his  great  inscription  a  grand-duke  of  the  Ma,  Shashanq 
t)f  Busiris,  and  liis  successor  Bamai,  who,  presumably,  were  identical  with 
Shashanq  III  and  Bamai.  At  the  time  of  this  conqueror,  about  775  B.C.,  we 
find  near  them  a  king  Nimrod  of  Hermopolis,  a  ruler  Peftotbast  of  Heracle- 
opolis  Magna,  who  bore  tlie  king's  ring,  a  king  Auputh  of  the  Delta  cities 
Tentrenuraud  Ta-an,  and  a  king  Uasarken  (III)  of  Bubastis.  The  latter 
probably  beh>iigs  to  tlie  Manethan  XXIIIrd  Dynasty  which  came  from  Tanis, 
and,  according  to  Africanus,  ascended  the  throne  about  823  B.C.  Manetho 
mentions  Betasebast  as  its  founder,  and  he  was  succeeded  by  Uasarken,  who 
is  presumably  the  aforementioned  Uasarken  III.  Manetho  evidently  did 
not  regard  the  last  rulers  of  the  XXIInd  Dynasty  as  legitimate,  so,  although 
they  are  mentioned,  they  are  not  included  in  the  chronology. 

By  the  side  of  these  "kings"  there  are,  moreover,  numerous  princes 
(Ur)  of  the  Ma,  designated  in  other  cases  as  lords  (rpa')  or  nomarchs  (/w). 
Independent  rulers  in  the  few  provinces  of  the  Delta,  in  Athribis,  Mendes, 
Sebennytus,  Sais,  etc.,  and  the  provost  of  Letopolis  bore  the  title  of  high 
priest. 

These  leading  men  came  mostly  from  the  leaders  of  the  mercenaries,  and 
tlieir  possessions  and  power  constantly  tottered.  It  is  very  possible  that  the 
single  states  formed  a  slack  political  confederation,  and  it  is  probable  that 
the  descendants  of  the  old  ruling  house  were  recognised  as  the  chief  feudal 
lords,  while  those  rulers  who  usurped  the  title  of  king  laid  claim  to  com- 
plete independence. 

THE   ETHIOPIAN   CONQUEST 

At  the  time  when  a  great  conquering  kingdom  was  forming  itself  on  the 
upper  Tigris  imd  began  to  lay  hold  on  all  sides  around  it,  the  power  of  the 
Biiaraohs  in  the  Nile  Valley  completely  went  down.  The  kingdom  of 
Tehutimes  III  had  i)een  divided  into  a  succession  of  small  independent  prin- 
cipalities and  was  ruled  by  dynasties  which  had  arisen  from  the  leaders  of 
tlie  mercenaries.  On  the  other  hand,  in  the  upper  valley  of  the  Nile,  in 
the  lands  first  joined  to  Egypt  in  tlie  time  of  Usertsen  III  and  afterwards  for 
five  centuries  by  Tehutimes  I,  there  arose  the  powerful  kingdom  of  Gush 
(Greek  yEthiopia,  now  Nubia).  Its  capital  was  Napata  in  the  Gebel  Barhal, 
"the  .sacred  mountain,"  at  the  foot  of  which  Amenhotep  III  had  already 
founded  a  great  sanctuary  to  the  Theban  Amen.  By  its  long  connection 
with  Egypt,  Egyptian  culture  was  completely  naturalised  in  Ethiopia. 
Egyptian  was  the  official  language,  the  writing  was  in  hieroglyphics,  the 
styling  of  the  kings  was  after  that  of  the  Pharaohs.  Above  all,  the  Egyptian, 
and  especially  the  Theban,  religion  of  Amen  gained  complete  dominion  in 
Cush.     In  the  name  of  Amen  the  kings  went  to  battle;    they  were  fully 


THE   PERIOD   OF  DECAY  177 

[ca.  704-672  B.C.] 

Syrian  princes  were  ready  to  join  the  liberator  from  the  Assyrian  yoke, 
especially  Eliileeus  of  Tyre,  Hezekiah  of  Judah,  who,  in  the  year  714,  had 
succeeded  Ahaz,  and  Zidqa  of  Askalon.  King  Padi  of  Ekron  remained 
faithful  to  the  Assyrians,  but  his  magnates  revolted  against  him  and 
delivered  him  up  to  Hezekiah.  It  might  have  been  hoped  that  Sennacherib 
would  be  detained  for  a  long  time  in  Babylonia.  We  learn  that  Merodach- 
baladan  had  opened  negotiations  with  Hezekiah,  so  that  a  great  coalition 
against  Assyria  seems  to  have  been  planned. 

Yet  this  time  also  the  Assyrians  were  able  to  forestall  their  adversaries. 
Before  their  preparations  were  completed,  in  the  beginning  of  701,  Sen- 
nacherib appeared  in  Syria  and  turned  first  against  Elulseus.  Sidon, 
Sarepta,  Akko,  and  the  other  towns  subject  to  him  submitted,  and  he 
himself  fled  to  Cyprus.  From  Phoenicia,  Sennacherib  marched  to  Philistia, 
having  received  in  every  way  the  homage  of  those  vassals  who  had  remained 
loyal.  Zidqa  of  Askalon  was  captured,  his  towns  reduced,  and  a  new 
king  set  up.  Then,  the  Great  King  further  informs  us,  he  marched 
against  Ekron,  when  the  army  of  the  King  of  Cush  (Assyrian,  Melukhkha) 
and  the  princes  of  Egypt  came  to  its  assistance.  At  Altaku  he  defeated 
this  force,  took  that  city  and  Timnath,  reduced  Ekron  where  he  punished 
the  instigator  of  the  rebellion,  and  restored  King  Padi,  who  had  been  taken 
as  a  prisoner  to  Jerusalem. 

Trusting  in  Pharaoh  and  in  Jehovah,  Hezekiah  persisted  in  resisting. 
Meantime  the  army  of  Tirhaqa,  King  of  Cush,  marched  up.  Sennacherib 
advanced  against  him  and  again  demanded  the  surrender  of  Jerusalem.  But 
Hezekiah,  trusting  in  Jehovah's  word  as  announced  to  him  by  the  prophet 
Isaiah,  once  more  refused.  In  the  night  the  Mal'ak-Yahveh  (the  angel 
of  the  Lord)  smites  the  Assyrian  army,  so  that  185,000  men  die,  and  Sen- 
nacherib had  to  return  to  Nineveh. 

The  Egyptians  gave  Herodotus  a  similar  account :  after  the  Ethiopian 
Sabaco  [Shabak],  a  former  priest  of  Ptah,  Sethos,  who  had  been  at  enmity 
with  the  warrior  caste,  ruled  over  Egypt.  Now  when  Sennacherib,  "  King 
of  the  Arabians  and  Assyrians,"  made  an  expedition  against  Egypt,  the 
warriors  refused  to  fight,  and  Sethos  was  in  great  distress.  But  the  gods 
sent  field-mice  against  the  hostile  army  which  was  encamped  at  Pelusium, 
and  the  mice  gnawed  the  bows  and  all  the  leather  trappings  of  the  enemy, 
so  that  on  the  following  day  they  could  easily  be  defeated  by  the  Egyptian 
artisans  and  merchants  that  had  been  impressed  into  service. 

We  can  never  be  completely  clear  as  to  what  did  happen,  especially 
so  long  as  the  position  of  the  places  mentioned  is  not  positively  ascertained. 
This  much  is  established,  that  although  Sennacherib  may  have  exaggerated 
the  importance  of  the  victory  at  Altaku,  he  did  not  suffer  defeat  at  the 
hands  of  the  Egyptians.  For  in  that  case  Tirhaqa  would  have  followed 
up  his  victory  —  while,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  he  did  not  again  interfere  in 
Syria  for  the  space  of  thirty  years  —  and  the  Egyptians  would  have  spoken 
of  a  victory  and  not  of  a  miracle.  It  is  much  more  likely  that  it  was  some 
natural  visitation,  presumably  a  pestilence,  which  compelled  Sennacherib 
to  give  up  the  invasion  of  Egypt  and  raise  the  siege  of  Jerusalem.  There 
was,  however,  no  further  hope  of  aid  from  Egypt,  so  Hezekiah  made  liis 
peace  with  the  Great  King  and  sent  to  his  capital  the  heavy  contribution 
which  could,  only  with  great  difficulty,  be  raised  by  the  little  city.  In  spite 
of  the  half  compulsory  retreat,  the  supremacy  over  Syria  was  secured ; 
during  the  next  decades  none  of  the  petty  states  ventured  to  dream  of  a 
revolt  from  the  Assyrian.     It  was  not  till  towards  the  end  of  his  reign, 

H.   W. VOL.   I.   N 


178  THE   HISTORY   OF  EGYPT 

[ca.  672-663  B.C.] 

after  072  B.C.,  that  Esarhaddon  undertook  a  great  campaign.  Again  had 
rebellion  broken  out  in  Syria  in  reliance  on  Ethiopian  support  :  King  Baal 
of  Tyre  had  renounced  'his  allegiance.  Esarhaddon  determined  to  find 
some  means  of  putting  an  end  to  the  ever-recurring  danger.  Tyre  was 
blockaded  anew,  l)Ut  the  main  army  marched  straight  on  Egypt.  The 
prince  i)f  the  desert  Arabs  furnislied  camels,  and  the  toilsome  march  from 
Raj>hia  to  Pelusium  was  successfully  accomplished.  We  do  not  know 
whether  Tirhaqa  was  in  a  position  to  offer  resistance ;  at  all  events  Memphis 
was  tiiken,  and  the  Assyrian  army  penetrated  as  far  as  Thebes.  Tirhaqa 
had  to  retreat  to  Ethiopia,  and  the  numerous  provincial  princes  of  Egypt 
submitted,  and  were  confirmed  in  possession  as  tributary  vassals.  No  less 
than  twenty  of  them  are  mentioned  as  being  summoned  to  Thebes  from 
the  Delta  and  the  towns  of  Upper  Egypt.  The  most  powerful  amongst 
them  was  Neku,  the  lord  of  Sais  and  Memphis  (according  to  Manetho 
671-Gt)4  H.('.),  whose  forefathers,  Stephinates  and  Nechepsos,  had  already 
risen  in  power  in  Sais,  and  were  probably  the  direct  successors  of  Tefnekht 
and  Bocchoris  (Hakenranf).  At  the  bidding  of  the  Assyrian  king,  Neku 
had  to  change  the  name  of  Sais  into  Karbilmatati,  "garden  of  the  lord 
of  the  countries"  ;  in  the  same  way  his  son  Psamthek  received  the  Assyrian 
name  of  Nabu-shezib-anni.  From  this  time  Esarhaddon  styles  himself 
"  King  of  the  Kings  of  Misir  (Lower  Egypt),  Patoris  (Upper  Egypt),  and 
Cash."  On  the  12th  of  Airu  (April),  668  B.C.,  Esarhaddon  laid  down 
the  government.  He  set  his  illegitimate  son  Shamash-shum-ukin  over 
the  Babylonian  provinces  as  vice-king,  while  Asshurbanapal  inherited  the 
crown  of  the  Assyrian  empire.  The  change  of  rulers  encouraged  Tirhaqa 
to  attempt  to  win  back  Egypt.  Mentu-em-ha,  the  governor  of  Thebes, 
hailed  him  as  a  deliverer.  Memphis  was  also  won,  and  in  Thebes  restoration 
works  were  even  taken  in  hand.  But  the  success  was  not  a  lasting  one  ; 
an  army  despatched  by  Asshurbanapal  beat  the  Ethiopian  troops,  and 
Tirhaqa  had  to  fly  to  Thebes  but  did  not  manage  to  hold  it  (about  667 
B.C.).  It  is  true  that  several  Egyptian  princes,  Neku,  Pakruru  of  Pisept, 
and  Sarludari  of  Tanis  (Pelusium),  now  attempted  to  overthrow  the  rule 
of  the  foreigner  and  bring  back  Tirhaqa  :  but  the  Assyrian  generals  antici- 
patetl  them  ;  Neku  and  Sharludari  were  taken  and  the  rebel  towns  severely 
punished.  In  Neku,  Asshurbanapal  hoped  to  be  able  to  win  a  firm  support 
for  his  rule,  and  presumably  on  information  of  warlike  preparations  in 
Ethiopia,  he  released  him  from  his  captivity  with  rich  presents  and  re-in- 
stated him  in  his  principality. 

In  the  year  664-663  Tirhaqa  died  ;  he  was  succeeded  by  his  step-son 
Tanut-Amen,  who  was  already  advanced  in  years.  A  dream  which  promised 
iiim  the  double  crown,  induced  him,  so  he  states  in  an  inscription,  to  lead 
his  army  from  Napata  against  Egypt  in  the  very  beginning  of  his  reign. 
At  Thei^es  he  encountered  no  resistance  ;  before  Memphis  the  enemy's 
troops  were  beaten  and  the  town  taken.  In  one  of  these  engagements 
Neku,  the  most  powerful  of  the  Assyrian  vassals,  probably  met  his  death  : 
Herodotus  relates  that  he  was  slain  by  the  Ethiopian  king,  and  according  to 
Manetluj  he  died  663  B.C.  On  the  other  hand,  the  attempt  to  conquer 
the  towns  of  the  Delta  was  unsuccessful  :  but  some  of  the  vassals,  including 
Pakruru  of  Pisept,  presented  themselves  at  the  court  at  Memphis.  Tanut- 
Ainen's  inscription  tells  only  of  the  long  theological  discourses  which  the 
king  held  before  tliem,  and  how,  after  having  been  well  entertained,  each 
returned  to  his  own  town.  Silence  is  preserved  as  to  the  sequel  ;  from 
AsshurbanapaPs  amials  we  learn  that  the  feeble  prince,  who  was  completely 


THE   PERIOD   OF   DECAY  179 

[663-655  B.C.] 

under  the  dominion  of  theological  fancies,  evacuated  the  country  before  the 
Assyrian  army,  without  striking  a  blow,  and  returned  to  his  own  land. 
This  terminated  the  Ethiopian  rule  for  all  time  (about  662  B.C.)  :  Thebes 
fell  again  into  the  hands  of  the  Assyrians  and  rich  booty  was  carried  to 
Nineveh.  The  memory  of  the  retreat  of  the  Ethiopians  was  preserved  down 
to  a  late  period  ;  the  priests  told  Herodotus  that  Shabak,  the  representative 
of  the  Ethiopian  rule,  had  voluntarily  evacuated  Egypt  after  a  reign  of  fifty 
years,  in  consequence  of  a  dream.  It  is  true  that  they  omitted  to  mention 
that  as  a  result  of  this  the  country  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Assyrians. 

The  following  table   will   assist   the    reader   in    straightening    out   the 
dynasties  of  this  much  confused  period. 

TABLE   OF   CONTEMPOEANEOUS   DYNASTIES 


Dates 

XXIInd  Dynasty 

XXIIIrd  Dynasty 

XXIVth  Dynasty 

XXVth  Dynasty 

B.C. 

Bubastites 

(From  monuments 
at  Memphis) 

Tanites 

(From  Manetho) 

Saites 

Ethiopians 

800 

1.  Shashanq    III     (52 
years) 
(Perhaps    S  —  of 
Busiris,  of  Piankhi 
Stele) 

Petasebast 

775 

2.  Pamai   (at   least  2 

Uasarken  III 

Tefnekht 

Piankhi  I 

years) 

(King    of    Bubastis 

(Prince  of  Sais  ac- 

(Perhaps   P  —  of 

according  to  Piankhi 

cording  to  Piankhi 

Busiris,  of  Piankhi 
Stele) 

3.  Shashanq     IV     (at 

Stele) 

Stele) 

Psamus 

least  37  years) 

(According   to  The- 

Kashta 
(Husband   of  She- 

(About  771-735). 

ban  monuments) 

750 

Predecessor  of  Boc- 

4.  Bocchoris 

peuapet,      daughter 
of    King    Uasarken 

choris    (Baken- 

Zet 

(of  Manetho,  or 

ranf) 

(Total    duration  of 

Bakenranf ,    from 

[III  ?]  ) 

this   dynasty   accord- 

the Memphis  mon- 

5. Shabak 

(728-717    [Mane- 
tho];    brother     of 
Ameniritis,  wife  of 
Piankhi  11) 

725 

ing   to    Africauus,    89 
years.    823-735  b.c.) 

uments)    ruled,  ac- 
cording   to   Africa- 
nus,  6  years,  734- 
726  ;   according    to 
Eusebius,  44  years. 

772-729  [?]  ) 

6.  Shabatakh 

(716-705    [Mane- 
tho]) 

7.  Tirhaqa 

700 

XXVIth  Dynasty. 

Saites 

(7()4-<)64;    only  to 

(Figures    accord- 

685 [Manetho] ) 

ing  to  Manetho) 

Tanut-Amen 

675 

Stephinates,  684-687 
Nechepsos,  677-^372 
Neku  I,  67W)64 

8.  Psamthek  I,  663-610 
(Psamthek   I   be- 
came   king    of    all 
Egypt  about  655) 

(664-663;  reigned 
12  years  [ManetSo]) 

The  numbers  1,2,  etc.,  show  the  direct  successiou  of  the  recognised  legitimate  Pharaohs.'* 


CHAPTER  VIII.     THE   CLOSING  SCENES 

[Dynasties  XXVI-XXXI:  655-332  B.C.] 

And  the  sword  shall  come  upon  Efrypt,  and  great  pain  shall  be  in 
Ethiopia,  when  the  slain  .sliall  fall  in  Egypt,  and  they  shall  take  away 
her  multitiule,  and  her  foundations  shall  be  broken  down.  They 
also  tiiat  uphold  Egypt  shall  fall ;  and  the  pride  of  her  power  shall 
come  down  :  from  the  tower  of  Syene  shall  they  fall  in  it  by  the  sword, 
saith  the  Lord  God.  And  they  shall  be  desolate  in  the  midst  of  the 
countries  that  are  desolate,  and  her  cities  shall  be  in  the  midst  of  the 
cities  that  are  wasted.  —  Ezekiel  xxx.  4,  6,  7. 

A  GREAT  nation  in  its  time  of  decline  does  not  sink  into  utter  insignifi- 
cance without  making  spasmodic  efforts  at  recuperation.  Such  efforts  were 
made  by  Egypt  in  the  XXVIth  Dynasty,  when  there  sat  upon  the  throne 
of  Egypt  several  monarchs  who  recalled  something  of  the  days  of  yore. 
Notable  among  these  were  Psamthek  I  (Psammetichus)  and  Aahmes  II, 
under  whose  beneficent  rule  Egypt  was  voluntarily  opened  up  to  commerce 
with  tlie  outside  world.  These  rulers  built  no  lasting  monuments  comparable 
to  the  Pyramids  or  the  Labyrinth,  and  attempted  no  conquests  like  those  of 
Tehutimes  and  Ramses.  But  their  reigns  were  marked  by  a  period  of  national 
prosperity  such  as  had  not  been  known  in  Egypt  for  several  centuries;  and 
they  were  also  notable  because  at  this  time  the  first  recorded  observations 
that  have  come  down  to  us  were  made  by  foreigners  regarding  Egyptian 
history  and  the  Egyptian  people.  We  shall,  therefore,  consider  some  details 
of  this  dynasty  before  passing  on  to  a  brief  consideration  of  the  reign  of  the 
Persians  in  Egypt  and  an  even  briefer  analysis  of  the  remaining  dynasties. 
In  this  sweeping  view  more  than  three  hunclred  years  are  covered.  During 
this  j)eriod  the  centres  of  world-historic  influence  are  shifted  from  Assyria  to 
Babylonia;  from  Babylonia  to  Persia;  and  thence  to  Greece;  but  never 
again  does  Egypt  occupy  her  old  position.  Her  reminiscent  glory  only 
serves  to  make  her  the  more  coveted  as  a  conqueror's  prize.  But  first  there 
is  the  bright  spot  of  Psamthek's  reign. a 


PSAMTHEK 

It  was  no  longer  the  time  of  Teliutimes  and  Ramses.     It  was  the  turn  of 
Egypt  U)  be  enslaved,  now  by  the  "vile  race  of  the  Cushites,"  now  by  the 

180 


THE   CLOSING   SCENES  181 

[655  B.C.] 

"vile  race  of  the  Kheta."  The  Egyptian  monuments,  which  register  only 
victories,  would  not  have  sufficed  to  make  known  to  us  the  history  of  this 
troubled  epoch  ;  it  is  only  since  the  Assyrian  inscriptions  have  been  deci- 
phered that  we  have  been  able  to  learn  of  the  double  conquest  of  Egypt  by 
Kings  Esarhaddon  and  Asshurbanapal. 

The  princes  of  the  Delta  received  investiture  from  these  Asiatic  con- 
querors, for  whom  they  had  perhaps  less  aversion  than  for  the  Ethiopian 
kings.  Twice,  however,  was  Egypt  reconquered  by  Tirhaqa  and  by  his  suc- 
cessor, Tanut-Amen.  But  all  these  successive  invasions  had  broken  the 
bond  which  attached  the  nomes  to  the  national  unity  ;  all  that  remained  was 
an  Egypt  parcelled  out  like  feudal  Europe  after  the  invasion  of  the  Northmen. 

The  princes  of  the  South  continued  to  recognise  the  authority  of  the 
Ethiopian  Dynasty  ;  those  of  the  Delta,  to  the  number  of  twelve,  formed  a 
sort  of  federation  which  the  Greek  authors  call  the  Dodecarchy.  But  at  the 
end  of  fifteen  years,  the  prince  of  Sais,  Psamthek,  became  an  object  of  suspi- 
cion to  his  colleagues.     Herodotus  tells  us  the  occasion. 

"  At  the  very  commencement  of  their  reign,  an  oracle  had  foretold  to 
them  that  he  amongst  them  who  should  make  libations  in  the  temple  of 
Hephaistos  (Ptah)  with  a  brazen  cup,  would  have  the  empire  of  all 
Egypt.  Some  time  later,  as  they  were  on  the  point  of  making  libations, 
after  having  offered  sacrifices  in  the  temple,  the  high  priest  presented  them 
with  cups  of  gold  ;  but  he  made  a  mistake  in  the  number,  and  instead  of 
twelve  cups,  he  only  brought  eleven  for  the  twelve  kings.  Then  Psammet- 
ichus  [Psamthek],  who  happened  to  be  in  the  first  rank,  took  his  helmet, 
which  was  of  bronze,  and  used  it  for  the  libations.  The  other  kings,  reflect- 
ing on  his  action  and  on  the  oracle,  and  recognising  that  he  had  not  acted 
from  premeditated  design,  thought  that  it  would  be  unjust  to  put  him  to 
death  ;  but  they  despoiled  him  of  the  greater  part  of  his  power,  and  relegated 
him  to  the  marshes,  forbidding  him  to  leave  them  or  to  keep  up  any  corre- 
spondence with  the  rest  of  Egypt. 

"  Smarting  under  this  outrage,  and  resolved  to  avenge  himself  on  the 
authors  of  his  exile,  he  sent  to  Buto  to  consult  the  oracle  of  Leto,  the 
most  veracious  of  the  Egyptian  oracles.  Answer  was  returned  that  he 
would  be  avenged  by  men  of  bronze,  coming  from  the  sea.  At  first  he  could 
not  persuade  himself  that  men  of  bronze  could  come  to  his  aid  ;  but  a  short 
time  after,  some  Ionian  and  Carian  pirates,  being  obliged  to  put  into  Egypt, 
came  on  shore  clothed  in  bronze  armour.  An  Egyptian  ran  to  carry  the 
news  to  Psammetichus,  and  as  this  Egyptian  had  never  seen  men  armed  in 
such  a  manner,  he  told  them  that  men  of  bronze,  coming  from  the  sea,  were 
pillaging  the  countryside.  The  king,  perceiving  that  the  oracle  was  accom- 
plished, made  alliance  with  the  lonians  and  Carians,  and  engaged  them  by 
large  promises  to  take  his  part.  With  these  auxiliary  troops  and  the  Egyp- 
tians who  had  remained  faithful  to  him,  he  dethroned  the  eleven  kings." 

Upper  Egypt  submitted  without  resistance,  and  the  names  of  the  Ethiopian 
kings  were  struck  off  the  Theban  monuments.  They  seem,  however,  to  have 
retained  some  partisans,  for  Psamthek  espoused  a  wife  of  their  race,  the 
means  employed  by  each  dynasty  to  legitimatise  its  usurpation.  He  recom- 
pensed his  auxiliaries  by  giving  them  territories  near  the  Pelusiac  mouth  of 
the  Nile,  and  made  them  his  guard  of  honour.  This  was  not  an  innovation; 
for  a  long  time  the  kings  of  Egypt  had  been  wont  to  take  foreigners  into 
their  pay,  and  there  is  no  doubt  that  there  were  in  the  native  army  many 
soldiers  of  Libyan  or  Ethiopian  race  ;  but  they  were  annoyed  at  the  favour 
shown  the  newcomers,  and  emigrated  into  Ethiopia  to  the  number  of  two 


182  THE   HISTORY   OF  EGYPT 

[655-612  B.C.] 

hundred  thousand  men.  Psamthek  tried  to  detain  them  by  appealing  to 
their  patriotism,  but  they  struck  their  lances  on  their  shields  and  answered 
that  so  long  as  they  had"  arms  they  would  find  their  own  country  wherever 
they  chose  to  establish  themselves. 

This  wholesale  desertion  was  a  benefit  to  Egypt,  which  it  thus  relieved 
from  military  rule.  Conquests  lead  to  inevitable  reprisals.  Armies,  like  all 
privileged  classes,  end  by  becoming  corrupted,  and  then,  useless  in  the  face 
of  the't'nemy,  they  become  a  heavy  burden  and  an  instrument  of  civil  war. 
Psamthek  had  no  reason  to  regret  these  soldiers,  w^ho  had  been  unable  to 
repel  foreign  invasion. 

The  labours  of  peace  repaired  the  recent  disasters  ;  the  temples  were 
rebuilt  ;  the  arts  shone  with  a  new  brilliancy ;  the  whole  activity  of  tlie  nation 
was  turned  towards  commerce  and  industry.  Psamthek  inaugurated  a  new 
policy  by  opening  tlie  country  to  foreigners. 

"  He'  received  those  who  visited  Egypt  with  hospitality,"  says  Diodorus  ; 
"he  was  the  first  of  the  Egyptian  kings  to  open  markets  to  other  nations, 
and  to  give  great  security  to  navigators." 

The  Greeks,  who  had  helped  to  conquer  tlie  throne,  were  particularly 
favoured.  Encouraged  by  the  example  of  the  Ionian  and  Carian  adventurers 
whose  services  he  had  paid  so  well,  some  Milesian  colonists  anchored  thirty 
ships  at  the  entrance  of  the  Bolbitinic  mouth  of  the  Nile,  and  there  founded 
a  fortified  trading  establishment.  To  facilitate  commercial  relations  for  the 
future,  Psamthek  confided  some  Egyptian  children  to  the  Greeks  established 
in  Egypt,  that  they  might  learn  Greek,  and  tlius  arose  those  interpreters  who 
formed  a  distinct  class  in  the  towns  of  the  Delta.  It  even  appears,  accord- 
ing to  Diodorus,  that  Psamthek  had  his  own  children  taught  Greek.  The 
intercourse  of  the  Greeks  with  the  p]gyptians  became  from  that  time  so  con- 
stant that  from  the  reign  of  Psammetichus,  says  Herodotus,  we  know  with 
certainty  all  that  passed  in  that  country. 

The  accession  of  Psamthek  and  the  XXVIth  Dynasty  is  fixed  at  the  year 
655  before  the  Christian  era,  and  it  is  only  from  this  period  that  we  have 
certain  dates  for  the  history  of  Egypt.  The  complete  chronology  of  the 
XXVIth  Dynasty  has  been  recovered  in  the  monuments  of  the  tomb  of  Apis, 
discovered  by  Mariette  Bey,  in  the  excavation  of  the  Serapeum  of  Memphis, 
and  now  in  the  Louvre.  This  chronology  differs  somewhat  sensibly  from 
that  which  it  had  been  possible  to  draw  up  from  Manetho's  lists,  so  that  we 
are,  says  De  Rouge,  obliged  to  distrust  figures  preserved  in  those  lists,  which 
a  few  years  ago  were  regarded  as  an  infallible  criterion.  An  attempt  has 
been  made  to  restore  to  them  the  credit  they  had  lost  as  an  instrument  of 
chronology,  by  attaching  to  them  an  undisputed  synchronism.  According 
to  the  calculation  of  M.  Biot,  a  rising  of  the  star  Sothis  (Sirius),  indicated 
at  Thebes  under  Ramses  III,  towards  the  commencement  of  the  XXth 
Dynasty,  would  fall  at  the  beginning  of  the  thirteenth  century  B.C. 

Psamthek  had  his  reign  dated  from  the  death  of  Tirhaqa  (664),  without 
taking  the  Dodecarchy  into  account,  and  this  is  doubtless  the  reason  why 
Herodotus  gives  him  fifty-four  years'  reign,  although  in  reality  he  reigned 
only  forty-four.  He  had  built  the  southern  pylon  of  the  temple  of  Ptah 
at  Memphis,  and  a  peristyle  court  where  the  Apis  bull  was  fed.  The  walls 
were  covered  with  bas-reliefs,  and  colossi,  twelve  ells  high,  took  the  place  of 
columns ;  these  were  probably  caryatides  like  those  which  are  seen  at  Thebes 
and  Abu  Simbel.  These  structures  have  disappeared,  like  all  the  other 
buildings  of  Memphis.  The  only  monuments  of  the  reign  of  Psamthek  which 
still  exist  are  the  twelve  columns,  twenty-one  metres  (about  sixty-nine  feet) 


THE   CLOSING   SCENES  183 

[612-594  B.C.] 

high,  whose  ruins  are  seen  in  the  first  court  of  the  temple  of  Karnak,  where 
they  formed  a  double  rank.  One  only  of  these  columns  is  still  upright.  It 
is  not  known  whether  they  were  raised  to  form  the  centre  avenue  of  a  hypo- 
style  hall  like  that  of  Seti,  or  whether  they  were  intended  to  bear  symbolic 
images  which  served  the  Egyptians  as  military  ensigns,  such  as  the  ram, 
the  ibis,  the  sparrow-hawk,  the  jackal,  etc. 

Psamthek  and  his  successors,  though  not  residing  at  Thebes,  restored  its 
monuments  and  repaired  the  disasters  of  the  Assyrian  invasion.  In  the 
Louvre  and  the  British  Museum  tliere  are  numerous  sculptures  of  the  Sa'itic 
epoch,  which  is  one  of  the  grand  epochs  of  Egyptian  art. 

In  the  reign  of  Psamthek,  the  Scythians,  driving  the  Cimmerians  before 
them,  had  invaded  Asia  and  were  threatening  Egypt.  Psamthek  preferred 
to  buy  their  retreat  by  a  money  payment,  rather  than  expose  the  country  to 
the  danger  of  invasion,  and  the  barbarians  retraced  their  steps  northward. 
But  in  order  to  protect  Egypt  on  the  northeast,  it  was  necessary  to  have  a 
foothold  in  Palestine,  and  Psamthek  therefore  laid  siege  to  the  town  of 
Ashdod. 


Egyptian  Birds 

(From  the  monuments) 

This  siege,  says  Herodotus,  lasted  twenty-nine  years,  but  perhaps,  as  M. 
Maspero  thinks,  Herodotus'  interpreters  meant  to  say  that  the  taking  of 
Ashdod  took  place  in  the  twenty-ninth  year  of  Psamthek's  reign.  His  son, 
Neku  II,  who  succeeded  him  in  612,  desiring  to  profit  by  the  changes  which 
had  supervened  in  Asia,  and  to  re-establish  the  dominion  of  Egypt,  gave 
battle  to  the  Jews  and  Syrians  near  Megiddo.  Josiah,  king  of  Judah,  was 
killed,  his  son  Jehoahaz,  whom  the  Jews  had  proclaimed  king,  was  dethroned 
by  Neku,  who  put  in  his  place  Eliakim,  another  son  of  Josiah,  and  remained 
master  of  all  Syria.  But  he  soon  found  a  redoubtable  adversary  in  front  of 
him,  for  the  kingdom  of  Babylon  had  succeeded  to  that  of  Nineveh.  Beaten 
by  Nebuchadrezzar  at  Carchemish  on  the  banks  of  the  Euphrates,  Neku  lost 
all  his  conquests  and  returned  precipitately  to  Egypt. 

His  name  remains  connected  with  an  enterprise  more  important  than 
his  military  expeditions.  Two  kings  of  the  XlXth  Dynasty,  Seti  I  and 
Ramses  II,  had  had  a  canal  of  communication  dug  between  the  eastern 
branch  of  the  Nile  and  the  Red  Sea.  But  whether  it  was  that  this  canal 
had  not  been  finished,  or  that  it  was  blocked  up  by  the  sands,  Neku  desired 
to  restore  it.  The  canal  began  a  little  above  Bubastis.  According  to 
Herodotus,  a  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  workmen  perished  in  digging 
it,  and  Neku  liad  it  discontinued  in  consequence  of  an  oracle,  which  warned 
him  that  he  was  labouring  for  the  barbarians ;  an  oracle  wliich  was 
accomplished,  for  the  canal  was  finished  by  the  Persians.  In  our  own 
day,  when  it  was  desired  to  open  direct  communication  between  the  Red 
Sea  and  the  Mediterranean,  the  operations  were  begun  with  the  restoration 
of  Neku's  canal,  to  supply  fresh  water  for  the  workmen  who  were  digging 
the  maritime  canal. 


184  THE  HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 

[728-612  B.C.] 

After  abandoning  his  project,  Neku  conceived  another  which  might  have 
had  still  more  important  consequences.  He  sent  some  Phoenician  sailors  to 
make  a  voyage  of  circumnavigation  round  Africa. & 

''The  'Piitenicians,"  says  Herodotus/ "having  embarked  on  the  Ery- 
thnean  Sea,  sailed  into  the  Southern  Sea.  As  the  autumn  was  come  they 
landed  on  that  part  of  Libya  at  which  they  found  themselves,  and  sowed  corn. 
They  then  awaited  the  time  of  the  harvest,  and  having  gathered  it  again 
took  to  the  sea.  Having  voyaged  thus  for  two  years,  in  the  third  year  they 
douljled  the  pillars  of  Heracles  and,  returning  to  Egypt,  related  what  I  do 
not  believe,  but  which  others  may  perhaps  credit;  that  whilst  sailing  round 
Libva  thev  had  the  sun  on  their  right." 

Psainthek  was  well  known  to  classic  writers  under  the  name  Psammetichus. 
The  old  historian  Diodorus  picturesquely  tells  of  his  accession.  We  prefer  to 
quote  the  old  translation  of  Booth,  1700. 

THE   GOOD    KING   SABACH    [SHABAK]    AND   PSAMIVrETICHUS 

"After  a  long  time,  one  Sabach  an  Ethiopian  came  to  the  Throne, 
going  beyond  all  his  Predecessors  in  his  Worship  of  the  Gods,  and 
kindness  to  his  Subjects.  Any  Man  may  judge  and  have  a  clear  Evidence 
of  liis  gentle  Disposition  in  this,  that  when  the  Laws  pronounced  the  severest 
Judgment  (I  mean  Sentence  of  Death)  he  chang'd  the  Punishment,  and 
made  an  Edict  that  the  Condemn'd  Persons  should  be  kept  to  work  in 
the  Towns  in  Chains,  by  whose  Labour  he  rais'd  many  Mounts,  and  made 
many  Commodious  Canals ;  conceiving  by  this  means  he  should  not  only 
moderate  the  severity  of  the  Punishment,  but  instead  of  that  which  was 
luiprotitable,  advance  the  publick  Good,  by  the  Service  and  Labours  of  the 
Condemn'd. 

"  A  Man  may  likewise  judge  of  his  extraordinary  Piety  from  his  Dream, 
and  his  Abdication  of  the  Government ;  for  the  Tutelar  God  of  Thebes, 
seem'd  to  speak  to  him  in  his  Sleep,  and  told  him  that  he  could  not  long 
reign  happily  and  prosperously  in  Egypt,  except  he  cut  all  the  Priests  in 
Pieces,  when  he  pass'd  through  the  midst  of  them  with  his  Guards  and  Ser- 
vants ;  which  Advice  being  often  repeated,  he  at  length  sent  for  the  Priests 
from  all  parts,  and  told  them  that  if  he  staid  in  Egypt  any  longer,  he  found 
that  he  should  displease  God,  who  never  at  any  time  before  by  Dreams  or 
Vi-sions  commanded  any  such  thing.  And  that  he  would  rather  be  gone  and 
lose  his  Life,  being  pure  and  innocent,  than  displease  God,  or  enjoy  the 
Crown  of  Egypt,  by  staining  his  Life  with  the  horrid  Murder  of  the  Innocent. 

"  And  so  at  length  giving  up  the  Kingdom  into  the  Hands  of  the  People, 
he  returned  into  Ethiopia.  Upon  this  there  was  an  Anarchy  for  the  space 
of  Two  Years;  but  the  People  falling  into  Tumults  and  intestine  Broyls 
and  Slaughters  one  of  another.  Twelve  of  the  chief  Nobility  of  the  Kingdom 
joyn'd  in  a  Solemn  Oath,  and  then  calling  a  Senate  at  Memphis,  and  making 
some  Laws  for  the  better  directing  and  cementing  of  them  in  mutual  peace 
and  fidelity,  they  took  upon  them  the  Regal  Power  and  Authority. 

"After  they  had  govern'd  the  Kingdom  very  amicably  for  the  space  of  Fifteen 
Years,  (according  to  the  Agreement  which  they  had  mutually  sworn  to  observe) 
they  a[iply'd  themselves  to  the  building  of  a  Sepulcher,  where  they  might  all 
lye  together ;  that  as  in  their  Life-time  they  had  been  equal  in  their  Power 
and  Authority,  and  had  always  carried  it  with  love  and  respect  one  towards 
another;  so  after  Death  (being  all  bury'd  together  in  one  Place)  they  might 
continue  the  Glory  of  their  Names  in  one  and  the  same  Monument. 


THE   CLOSING   SCENES  185 

[655-612  B.C.] 

*•'  To  this  end  they  made  it  their  business  to  excel  all  their  Predecessors  in 
the  greatness  of  their  Works:  For  near  the  Lake  of  Myris  in  Lybia,  they 
built  a  Four-square  Monument  of  Polish'd  Marble,  every  square  a  Furlong 
in  length,  for  curious  Carvings  and  other  pieces  of  Art,  not  to  be  equall'd 
by  any  that  should  come  after  them.  When  you  are  enter'd  within  the 
Wall,  there's  presented  a  stately  Fabrick,  supported  round  with  Pillars, 
Forty  on  every  side  :  The  Roof  was  of  one  intire  Stone,  whereon  was  curi- 
ously carv'd  Racks  and  Mangers  for  Horses,  and  other  excellent  pieces  of 
Workmanship,  and  painted  and  adorn'd  with  divers  sorts  of  Pictures  and 
Images ;  where  likewise  were  portray'd  the  Resemblances  of  the  Kings,  the 
Temples,  and  the  Sacrifices  in  most  beautiful  Colours.  And  such  was  the 
Cost  and  Stateliness  of  this  Sepulcher,  begun  by  these  Kings,  that  (if  they 
had  not  been  dethron'd  before  it  was  perfected)  none  ever  after  could  have 
exceeded  them  in  the  state  and  magnificence  of  their  Works.  But  after 
they  had  reign'd  over  Egypt  Fifteen  Years,  all  of  them  but  one  lost  their 
Sovereignty  in  the  manner  following. 

"Psammeticus  Saites  [Psamthek  I],  one  of  the  Kings,  whose  Province 
was  upon  the  Sea  Coasts,  traffickt  with  all  sorts  of  Merchants,  and  especially 
with  the  Phenicians  and  Grecians ;  by  this  means  inriching  his  Province,  by 
vending  his  own  Commodities,  and  the  importation  of  those  that  came  from 
Greece,  he  not  only  grew  very  wealthy,  but  gain'd  an  interest  in  the  Nations 
and  Princes  abroad ;  upon  which  account  he  was  envy'd  by  the  rest  of  the 
Kings,  who  for  that  reason  made  War  upon  him.  Some  antient  Historians 
tell  a  Story,  That  these  Princes  were  told  by  the  Oracle,  That  which  of  them 
should  first  pour  Wine  out  of  a  brazen  Viol  to  the  God  ador'd  at  Memphis, 
should  be  sole  Lord  of  all  Egypt.  Whereupon  Psammeticus  when  the 
Priest  brought  out  of  the  Temple  Twelve  Golden  Viols,  pluckt  off  his  Hel- 
met, and  pour'd  out  a  Wine  Offering  from  thence  ;  which  when  his  Collegues 
took  notice  of,  they  forbore  putting  him  to  death,  but  depos'd  him,  and  ban- 
ish'd  him  into  the  Fenns,  bordering  upon  the  Sea-Coasts.^ 

"  Whether  therefore  it  were  this,  or  Envy  as  is  said  before,  that  gave  Birth  to 
this  Dissention  and  Difference  amongst  them,  it's  certain  Psammeticus  hir'd 
Souldiers  out  of  Arabia,  Caria  and  Ionia,  and  in  a  Field-Fight  near  the  City 
Moniemphis,  he  got  the  day.  Some  of  the  Kings  of  the  other  side  were 
slain,  and  the  rest  fled  into  Africa,  and  were  not  able  further  to  contend  for 
the  Kingdom. 

"  Psammeticus  having  now  gain'd  possession  of  the  whole,  built  a  Portico 
to  the  East  Gate  of  the  Temple  at  Memphis,  in  honour  of  that  God, 
and  incompass'd  the  Temple  with  a  Wall,  supporting  it  with  Colosses  of 
Twelve  Cubits  high  in  the  room  of  Pillars.  He  bestow'd  likewise  upon 
his  Mercenary  Souldiers  many  large  Rewards  over  and  above  their  Pay 
promis'd  them."c 

To  return  to  later  and  less  credulous  historians,  it  will  be  well  to  note 
a  more  authoritative  account  of  this  period. 

THE   RESTORATION   IN   EGYPT 

When  Asshurbanapal  again  subjected  the  petty  princes  of  Egypt,  he  had 
favoured  none  so  much  as  Neku  I  of  Sais.  The  latter  had  fallen  in  battle 
against  Tanut-Amen  ;  his  son  Psamthek  had  sought  refuge  with  the  As- 
syrians and  had  been  brought  back  to  his  dominions  by  them.      As  soon  as 

[1  Herodotus  tells  the  story  somewhat  differently,] 


18G  THE   HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 

[655-612  B.C.] 

circumstances  allowed,  he  threw  off  the  Assyrian  yoke,  as  his  father  had 
done  l)etV)re  him.  At  the  same  time  he  took  up  the  task  begun  by  Tef- 
nekht,  liis   predecessor  and   courageous   ancestor,  of  suppressing  the  petty 

princes  and  uniting  Egypt.  King  Gyges 
of  Lydia  sent  him  auxiliaries;  they  were 
the  ('arian  and  Ionian  troops,  which,  ac- 
cording to  Herodotus,  landed  in  Egypt 
one  day  and  were  emploj-ed  by  Psamthek 
against  his  rivals.  Soon  the  first  mercena- 
ries were  followed  by  others;  they  formed 
the  backbone  of  the  king's  army. 

What  took  place  in  the  individual  fights 
is  not  known  ;  that  is,  we  have  no  know- 
ledge of  the  battles  with  the  Assyrians.  But 
about  the  year  655  the  object  was  obtained, 
Egypt  freed  and  united.  So  as  to  establish 
his  rule  safely,  the  king  married  Shepenapet, 
daughter  of  Queen  Anieniritis. 

The  chief  opponents  of  the  new  ruler 
were  doubtless  the  mercenaries  organised 
as  a  warrior  caste,  the  jNIa,  who  had  shared 
the  land  under  the  Ethiopian  and  Assyrian 
supremacy.  Herodotus  relates  that  240,000 
warriors  "who  stood  to  the  left  of  the  king" 
had  wandered  to  Ethiopia,  under  Psamthek, 
since  for  three  years  they  were  not  relieved 
in  the  garrisons  ;  the  king,  who  hastened 
after  them,  could  not  persuade  them  to 
return.  Although  the  recital  is  legendary 
with  regard  to  the  immense  number,  the 
fact  fits  in  clearly  with  the  history  of  the 
times  that  a  considerable  number  of  the  war- 
rior caste,  who  would  not  submit  to  the  new 
circumstances,  should  have  left  the  land, 
been  taken  up  by  the  king  of  Napata  and 
colonised  the  valley  of  the  Upper  Nile. 
It  has  already  been  mentioned  that  Psamthek,  so  as  to  protect  himself 
against  the  renewed  invasion  of  the  Assyrians,  also  turned  to  Asia.  As 
Aahmes  I,  after  the  expulsion  of  the  Hyksos,  invested  Sherohan  in  Pales- 
tine, so  for  twenty-nine  years  Psamthek  took  the  field  against  Ashdod,  until 
he  conquered  the  town.  His  power  does  not  seem  to  have  extended  farther 
south  than  the  First  Cataract.  His  grandson,  Psamthek  II,  first  took  the 
field  against  Ethiojjia.  To  his  time  probably  belong  the  inscriptions  which 
(Jreek,  Carian,  aii(l  Phu-nician  soldiers  have  inscribed  on  the  colossi  of  the 
temples  of  Abu  Simbel  in  their  mother  tongues.  Southern  Nubia  did  not 
remain  long  conquered.  The  three  strong  border  fortresses  of  Elephantine 
in  tiie  south,  Daphne  in  the  east,  and  Marea  in  the  west,  essentially  deter- 
mine the  limits  of  Egyptian  power. 

The  new  state,  in  which,  after  some  two  hundred  years  of  anarchy,  the 
kingdom  of  the  Pharaolis  was  again  established,  was  only  partly  national. 
The  dynasty  was,  as  the  name  teaches,  not  of  Egyptian  origin,  but  in  all 
probability  Libyan.  The  troops  which  the  princes  of  Sais  could  raise  were 
doubtless  for  the  greater  part  Libyans,  and  the  particular  characteristic  was 


KfaPTIAN    MlMMY-CASE 


THE  CLOSING   SCENES  187 

[612-596  B.C.] 

due  to  the  mercenaries  who  had  come  across  the  sea.  In  future  days 
the  lonians  and  Carians  who  were  colonised  in  the  "camps "  between  Bubastis 
and  Pelusium,  on  that  most  dangerous  east  border  of  the  land,  were  the  chief 
support  of  the  throne ;  under  Uah-ab-Ra  [Apries]  their  number  increased 
to  thirty  thousand  men. 

Thus  from  the  beginning  the  kings  of  the  restoration,  like  the  Ptolemies, 
held  a  much  freer  position,  which  raised  them  far  above  their  prede- 
cessors. They,  manifestly  with  intention,  held  Sais  as  residence,  although 
Memphis  was  honoured  as  the  oldest  capital,  and  structures  were  built  on 
the  ruins  of  ancient  Thebes.  With  full  knowledge  they  carried  on  a  con- 
siderable commerce.  Psamthek's  son,  Neku  II  (612-596),  began  to  build  a 
canal  from  the  Nile  to  the  Red  Sea ;  he  sent  out  a  Phoenician  fleet  to  circum- 
navigate Africa,  which  returned  to  the  Mediterranean  three  years  after  its 
departure  from  Suez.  A  fleet  was  maintained  on  the  Arabian  as  well  as  in 
the  Mediterranean  Sea. 

With  the  Greeks,  who  in  earlier  times  came  to  Egypt  only  as  pirates  or 
were  driven  there  by  storm,  but  now  sought  to  draw  all  the  coasts  of  the  Med- 
iterranean into  their  commerce,  active  negotiations  were  taken  up.  From 
trading  with  them  arose  the  numerous  caste  of  the  interpreters.  Neku  II 
sends  oblations  to  Brandichse  ;  to  his  son,  Psamthek  II,  there  came  an  embassy 
from  Elis ;  the  Egyptian  divinities  begin  to  become  known  to  the  Greeks : 
whilst  amongst  Asiatics  closely  related  to  the  culture  and  customs  of  the 
Egyptians  there  reigned  active  negotiation  and  a  reciprocal  influence,  the 
Hellenes,  of  quite  other  disposition  and  more  active  in  commerce,  remained 
strangers  to  the  Egyptians.  They  were  met  with  suspicion,  and  restrictions 
were  laid  upon  them.  Aahmes  was  the  first  to  assign  them  a  place  in 
Naucratis,  south  of  Sais,  where  they  gained  influence  and  property  and  could 
organise  themselves  as  an  independent  community,  but  the  Greek  mer- 
chants were  forbidden  to  navigate  in  any  otlier  branch  of  the  Nile. 

Internally  the  XXVlth  Dynasty  in  every  sense  bears  the  stamp  of  resto- 
ration. The  end  of  a  formidable  crisis  had  come,  and  the  endeavour  was 
made  to  re-establish  conditions  as  they  were  conceived  to  have  been  of  old  — 
that  is  to  say  —  to  introduce  the  abstract  ideal. 

Therefore  the  Egyptians  held  themselves  more  aloof  from  the  strangers, 
most  carefully  observing  all  laws  as  to  cleanliness ;  the  god  of  the  strangers 
and  hostile  powers,  the  till-now-honoured  Set,  was  cast  out  of  the  Pantheon, 
his  name  and  image  effaced  everywhere :  also  the  divinities  taken  up  from 
the  Syrian  neighbours,  such  as  Astarte  and  Anata,  completely  disappeared. 
In  religion  they  turned  back  to  the  oldest  laws ;  the  dead  formulas  of  the 
tombs  of  the  Pyramids  were  revived,  the  worship  of  the  early  kings  of 
Memphis,  Sneferu,  Khufu,  Sahu-Ra,  was  again  taken  up. 

The  art  of  this  period  is  throughout  archaic,  constituting  a  period  of 
efflorescence  distinguished  by  excellence  and  neatness  of  the  forms,  but 
wanting  in  all  originality.  In  writing,  the  endeavour  is  made  as  far  as 
possible  to  imitate  the  old  models.  Naturally  in  this  manner  the  relative 
simplicity  and  naturalness  of  the  olden  times  was  not  readied  ;  the  heritage 
of  a  thousand  years'  development,  the  endless  magic  and  formal  ritual 
with  its  wearying  system  and  its  dead  phrases,  is  carefully  preserved  and 
ever  increased.  If,  according  to  Greek  reports,  the  Egyptians  believed 
in  the  transmigration  of  souls  after  death  into  the  body  of  another  being,  and 
that,  after  having  gone  through  all  the  animals  of  land  and  sea  and  air,  they 
returned  to  human  form  after  three  thousand  years,  this  doctrine,  whicli  is 
nowhere  to  be  found  in  manuscripts  left  to  us,  may  liave  arisen  at  this  time 


186  THE   HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 

[655-612  B.C.] 

circumstances  allowed,  he  threw  off  the  Assyrian  yoke,  as  his  father  had 
done  before  him.  At  the  same  time  he  took  up  the  task  begun  by  Tef- 
nekht,  his  predeut-ssor  and  courageous   ancestor,  of  suppressing  the  petty 

princes  and  uniting  Egypt.  King  Gyges 
of  Lydia  sent  him  auxiliaries;  they  were 
the  Carian  and  Ionian  troops,  which,  ac- 
cording to  Herodotus,  landed  in  Egypt 
one  day  and  were  employed  by  Psamthek 
against  his  rivals.  Soon  the  first  mercena- 
ries were  followed  by  others;  they  formed 
the  backbone  of  the  king's  army. 

What  took  place  in  the  individual  fights 
is  not  known  ;  that  is,  we  have  no  know- 
ledge of  the  battles  with  the  Assyrians.  But 
about  the  year  655  the  object  was  obtained, 
Egypt  freed  and  united.  So  as  to  establish 
his  rule  safely,  the  king  married  Shepenapet, 
daughter  of  Queen  Ameniritis. 

The  chief  opponents  of  the  new  ruler 
were  doubtless  the  mercenaries  organised 
as  a  warrior  caste,  the  Ma,  who  had  shared 
the  land  under  the  Ethiopian  and  Assyrian 
supremacy.  Herodotus  relates  that  240,000 
warriors  "who  stood  to  the  left  of  the  king" 
had  wandered  to  Ethiopia,  under  Psamthek, 
since  for  three  years  they  were  not  relieved 
in  the  garrisons  ;  the  king,  who  hastened 
after  them,  could  not  persuade  them  to 
return.  Although  the  recital  is  legendary 
with  regard  to  the  immense  number,  the 
fact  fits  in  clearly  with  the  history  of  the 
times  that  a  considerable  number  of  the  war- 
rior caste,  who  would  not  submit  to  the  new 
circumstances,  should  have  left  the  land, 
been  taken  up  by  the  king  of  Napata  and 
colonised  the  valley  of  the  Upper  Nile. 
It  has  already  been  mentioned  that  Psamthek,  so  as  to  protect  himself 
against  the  renewed  invasion  of  the  Assyrians,  also  turned  to  Asia.  As 
Aahnies  I,  after  the  expulsion  of  the  Hyksos,  invested  Sherohan  in  Pales- 
tine, so  for  twenty-nine  years  Psamthek  took  the  field  against  Ashdod,  until 
he  conquered  the  town.  His  power  does  not  seem  to  have  extended  farther 
south  than  the  First  Cataract.  His  grandson,  Psamthek  II,  first  took  the 
fiehl  against  Ethiopia.  To  his  time  probably  belong  the  inscriptions  which 
(ireek,  Carian,  and  Phrenician  soldiers  have  inscribed  on  the  colossi  of  the 
temples  of  Abu  Simbel  in  their  mother  tongues.  Southern  Nubia  did  not 
remain  long  conquered.  The  three  strong  border  fortresses  of  Elephantine 
in  the  south,  Daphne  in  the  east,  and  Marea  in  the  west,  essentially  deter- 
mine the  limits  of  Egyptian  power. 

The  new  state,  in  wiiich,  after  some  two  hundred  years  of  anarchy,  the 
kingdom  of  the  IMiaraolis  was  again  established,  was  only  partly  national. 
The  dynasty  was,  as  the  name  teaches,  not  of  Egyptian  origin,  but  in  all 
probability  Libyan.  The  troops  which  the  princes  of  Sais  could  raise  were 
doubtless  for  the  greater  part  Libyans,  and  the  particular  characteristic  was 


EciYPTIAN    .MlM.MY-CASE 


THE  CLOSING  SCENES  189 

[672-528  B.C.] 

an  unfortunate  one.  The  Egyptian  soldiers,  believing  he  had  undertaken  it 
solely  in  order  to  get  rid  of  thera,  revolted.  To  appease  them,  Uah-ab-Ra  sent 
an  officer  named  Aahmes,  whose  good  nature  pleased  the  soldiers.  As  he 
was  speaking  to  them,  one  of  them  put  a  helmet  on  his  head,  and  there  was  a 
cry  that  they  ought  to  make  him  their  king.  He  did  not  wait  to  be  per- 
suaded, and  immediately  put  himself  at  the  head  of  the  rebels. 

Uah-ab-Ra,  learning  this,  gave  orders  to  one  of  those  who  remained  faithful 
to  him  to  bring  Aahmes  to  him,  dead  or  alive.  The  envoy  received  only  a 
very  coarse  answer,  and  when  he  returned,  the  king  had  his  nose  and  ears  cut 
off.  The  indignant  Egyptians  instantly  went  over  to  Aahmes.  Uah-ab-Ra 
at  the  head  of  his  Carian  and  Ionian  mercenaries,  to  the  number  of  thirty 
thousand,  marched  against  the  rebels,  who  were  far  more  numerous.  He  was 
beaten  and  led  back,  a  prisoner,  into  the  palace  which  had  been  his.  Aahmes 
at  first  treated  him  with  consideration,  but  the  Egyptians  insisted  that  he 
should  be  delivered  up  to  them,  and  strangled.  He  had  reigned  twenty 
years.  Aahmes  had  him  buried  in  the  tomb  of  his  ancestors,  and  espoused  a 
daughter  of  Psamthek  II  in  order  to  graft  himself  on  the  Saitic  Dynasty. 

Aahmes  II,  though  he  had  become  king  by  a  reaction  of  the  national 
party  against  the  foreigner,  nevertheless  showed  himself  still  more  favour- 
able to  the  Greeks  than  his  predecessors  had  been.  He  permitted  them  to 
establish  themselves  at  Naucratis,  on  the  Canopic  branch  of  the  Nile,  and  to 
raise  temples  to  their  gods.  One  of  these  temples,  the  Hellenion,  was  built 
at  the  public  expense  by  the  principal  Greek  towns  in  Asia.  Particular 
temples  were  consecrated  to  Apollo  by  the  Milesians,  to  Hera  by  the  Sami- 
ans,  and  to  Zeus  by  the  -3^^ginians.  Aahmes  sent  his  statue  to  several 
towns  in  Greece,  and  when  the  temple  of  Delphi  was  destroyed  by  fire,  he 
desired  to  contribute  to  the  subscription  opened  for  its  reconstruction,  and 
offered  a  talent  of  alum  from  Egypt.  He  entered  into  an  alliance  with  the 
Cyrenseans,  and  married  one  of  the  daughters  of  the  country  ;  he  also  allied 
himself  with  Polycrates,  tyrant  of  Samos,  and  with  Croesus,  king  of  the 
Lydians.  He  made  no  war  except  against  the  Cypriotes,  whom  he  subjected 
to  a  tribute.  He  chiefly  occupied  himself,  as  Psamthek  had  done,  in  devel- 
oping the  trade  of  Egypt.  Like  him  he  erected  monuments  at  Sais  and 
Memphis,  which  are  no  longer  in  existence,  but  of  which  Herodotus  speaks 
with  admiration.  There  is  at  the  Louvre  a  monolithic  chapel  in  pink 
granite,  which  dates  from  the  reign  of  Aahmes,  and  the  British  Museum 
possesses  the  sarcophagus  of  one  of  his  wives,  Queen  Ankhnes,  who  long 
resided  at  Thebes.  It  is  believed  that  the  hypogees  of  Assassif,  near  Gur- 
nah,  belong  to  the  Saitic  epoch.  There  is  one  of  them  which,  in  extent  and 
richness,  yields  to  none  of  the  tombs  of  Biban-el-Moluk.  This  is  the  tomb 
of  a  high  priest  who  was  at  the  same  time  a  royal  functionary. 

Aahmes  was  nothing  more  than  a  soldier  of  fortune,  and  it  appears  that 
the  ceremonious  etiquette  of  the  ancient  kings  of  Egypt  wearied  him. 
When  he  had  employed  his  morning  in  administering  justice,  he  passed  the 
rest  of  the  time  at  table  with  his  friends.  Certain  courtiers  represented 
to  him  that  he  was  compromising  his  dignity.  He  answered  that  a  bow- 
string could  not  always  be  stretched.  At  the  beginning  of  his  reign  the  ob- 
scurity of  his  birth  made  him  despised.  Perceiving  this,  he  had  melted  a 
gold  basin,  in  which  he  used  to  wash  his  feet,  made  fr.om  it  the  golden  statue 
of  a  god  and  offered  it  to  the  public  veneration. 

"  Thus  it  was  with  me,"  he  said  ;  "  I  was  a  plebeian,  now  I  am  your  king; 
render  me,  then,  the  honour  and  respect  wliich  are  due  me."  The  people 
understood  the  allegory,  and  ended  by  becoming  attached  to  this  sensible 


,oo  THE  HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 

1°^  [o9(>-572  B.C.] 

from  their  view  c  conditions  after  death  and  the  consubstantiality  of  all 
life  That  E-ypnvhich  the  Greeks  learnt  to  know  was  a  well-preserved 
mummv  of  prtmit.-e  times  and  served  to  impress  them  by  its  uniqueness 
TdTs  age,  and  idividually  to  stimulate,  but  was  no  more  m  a  position  to 

'''tn  XTo'Iiaf  omain,  if  we  can  believe  the  reports  of  the  Greeks,  the 
separation  of  classs  was  brought  about.  The  priesthood  was  an  exclusive 
caste  and  their  dinity  was  hereditary;  next  to  them  come  the  completely 
exclusive  warrior  cassf  consisting  of  the  successors  of  the  Ma,  divided  into 
the  Calasirians  an  Hermotybians.  Priests  as  well  as  warriors  are  exempt 
from  taxes  and  in  ossession  of  a  great  part  of  the  agincultural  land,  which 
they  hire  out  to  ptsants  for  large  sums  of  money  The  remaining  part  of 
the  soil  is  royal  ominion.  Far  below  the  privileged  classes  stands  the 
mass  of  the  peoplethe  labourers,  manufacturers,  merchants,  hnally  the  shep- 
herds of  the  Deh,  of  Semitic  descent,  and  the  inhabitants  of  the  Delta 
livino-  on  fisherie^of  the  swamps,  both  of  which  are  considered  unclean 
in  E^ypt  In  thory  the  principle  may  also  be  set  down  here  that  every 
class  forms  a  decicd  caste ;  that  this  was  not  practically  carried  through  is 
taucrht  us  by  the  iport  of  Herodotus,  II,  147,  that  the  Shepherd  race,  being 
unclean,  could  mrry  only  within  itself.  From  which  we  may  infer  that 
other  castes  were  ermitted  to  intermarry.<^ 


THE   PERSIANS  CONQUEST   AND   THE   END   OF   EGYPTIAN   AUTONOMY 

With  the  XXlth  Dynasty  the  curtain  was  practically  drawn  for  all  time 
on  Egyptian  autoomy.  The  recurrent  struggle  between  Asia  and  Africa 
was  renewed  witl  disastrous  consequences  to  the  people  of  the  Nile.  We 
have  here  to  do  wh  the  Persian  conquest,  and  in  particular  with  the  deeds 
of  Cambyses. 

Neku  reigned  six  years  according  to  Manetho,  sixteen  according  to 
Herodotus,  and  tis  latter  figure  is  confirmed  by  two  steles  at  Florence  and 
Leyden.  His  soi  Psamthek  II,  whom  Herodotus  calls  Psammis  (596), 
reigned  six  years  nd  died  on  his  return  from  an  expedition  into  Ethiopia. 
It  was  probably  dring  this  expedition  that  some  Greek  and  Phoenician  sol- 
diers carved  theiriames  on  the  leg  of  one  of  the  colossi  of  Abu-Simbel. 

In  the  reign  c  Uah-ab-Ra,  the  Apries  of  the  Greeks  (591),  Syria  and 
Palestine  were  th  theatre  of  important  events.  The  petty  people  of  these 
countries,  threateed  by  the  Chaldean  power,  tried  to  save  their  indepen- 
dence by  the  helptf  Egypt. 

Nebuchadrezzr,  king  of  Babylon,  first  turned  his  forces  against  the 
kingdom  of  Juda,  which  succumbed  in  spite  of  Egypt's  tardy  and  ineffi- 
cient intervention  Jerusalem  was  taken,  and  the  people  led  away  to  captiv- 
ity. The  Jewishprophets,  in  their  anger  against  Egypt,  announced  for  it 
the  fate  of  Judahand,  if  we  are  to  believe  Josephus,  these  predictions  were 
accomplished ;  fc  Nebuchadrezzar  is  said  to  have  defeated  and  killed 
Uah-ab-Ra  and  sudued  Egypt.  But  Herodotus  and  Diodorus  say  nothing 
of  this  defeat,  an(  speak,  on  the  contrary,  of  a  naval  victory  of  Apries  over 
the  Phtenicians  ad  Cypriotes.  M.  Renan's  explorations  have  brought  to 
light  the  ruins  of  temple  raised  by  the  Egyptians  at  Gebel,  a  fact  which 
seems  to  indicate  hat  they  remained  masters  of  the  country. 

Uah-ab-Ra  unertook  to  subdue  the  Greek  colony  of  Cyrene,  and,  as  it 
would  not  have  hm  prudent  to  oppose  his  Greek  auxiliaries  to  a  people  of 
the  same  race,  he  mployed  only  native  troops  on  this  expedition,  which  was 


•  m* 


THE   CLOSING   SCENES  189 

[672-528  B.C.] 

an  unfortunate  one.  The  Egj'ptian  soldiers,  believing  he  h.i  undertaken  it 
solely  in  order  to  get  rid  of  them,  revolted.  To  appease  thtuK  ah-ab-Ra  sent 
an  officer  named  Aahme.s,  who.se  good  nature  pleased  th.  Idiers.  Ashe 
was  speaking  to  them,  one  of  them  put  a  helmet  on  his  IilmI.  lul  there  was  a 
cry  that  they  ought  to  make  him  their  king.  He  did  n^it  \ait  to  be  per- 
suaded, and  immediately  put  himself  at  the  head  of  the  reb<-. 

Uah-ab-Ra,  learning  this,  gave  orders  to  one  of  those  wIk  .  ;•  nained  faithful 
to  him  to  bring  Aahmes  to  him,  dead  or  alive.  The  envov tneived  only  a 
very  coarse  answer,  and  when  he  returned,  the  king  had  hi-  se  and  ears  cut 
off.  The  indignant  Egyptians  instantly  went  over  to  Aaiu  s.  Uah-ab-Ra 
at  the  head  of  his  Carian  and  Ionian  mercenaries,  to  tlw  umber  of  thirty 
thousand,  marched  against  the  rebels,  who  were  far  more  nm  rous.  He  was 
beaten  and  led  back,  a  prisoner,  into  the  palace  which  had  It^a  his.  Aahmes 
at  first  treated  him  with  consideration,  but  the  Egyptians  isisted  that  he 
should  be  delivered  up  to  them,  and  strangled.  He  had  cigned  twenty 
years.  Aahmes  had  him  buried  in  the  tomb  of  his  ancestor  and  espoused  a 
daughter  of  Psamthek  II  in  order  to  graft  himself  on  the  Saic  Dynasty. 

Aahmes  II,  though  he  had  become  king  by  a  reacti-i  ,f  the  national 
party  against  the  foreigner,  nevertheless  showed  himself  si  more  favour- 
able to  the  Greeks  than  his  predecessors  had  been.  He  jnnitted  them  to 
establish  themselves  at  Naucratis,  on  the  Canopic  branch  ot  lu3  Nile,  and  to 
raise  temples  to  their  gods.  One  of  these  temples,  the  Ibi  uion,  was  built 
at  the  public  expense  by  the  principal  Greek  towns  in  ,sia.  Particular 
temples  were  consecrated  to  Apollo  by  the  Milesians,  to  IJ  a  by  the  Sami- 
ans,  and  to  Zeus  by  the  ^Eginians.  Aahmes  sent  his  atue  to  several 
towns  in  Greece,  and  when  the  temple  of  Delphi  was  dcst jyed  by  fire,  he 
desired  to  contribute  to  the  subscription  opened  for  its  !>■  iistruction,  and 
offered  a  talent  of  alum  from  Egypt.  He  entered  into  an  liance  with  the 
Cyrenieans,  and  married  one  of  the  daughters  of  the  couni  i  he  also  allied 
himself  with  Polycrates,  tyrant  of  Samos,  and  with  Cii  is,  king  of  the 
Lydians.  He  made  no  war  except  against  the  Cypriotes,  \'/ m  he  subjected 
to  a  tribute.  He  chiefly  occupied  himself,  as  Psamthek  li.i  done,  in  devel- 
oping the  trade  of  Egypt.     Like    him  he  erected  moniin  its  at  Sais  and 


Memphis,  which  are  no  longer  in  existence,  but  of  which  >-;rodotus 
with  admiration.  There  is  at  the  Louvre  a  monolithic  ihapel  in  pink 
granite,  which  dates  from  the  reign  of  Aahmes,  and  the  British  Museum 
possesses  the  sarcophagus  of  one  of  his  wives,  Queen  Anhnes,  who  long 
resided  at  Thebes.  It  is  believed  that  the  hypogees  of  A.ussif,  near  Gur- 
nah,  belong  to  the  Saitic  epoch.  There  is  one  of  them  wIl  ,  in  extent  and 
richness,  yields  to  none  of  the  tombs  of  Biban-el-Moluk.  his  is  the  tomb 
of  a  high  priest  who  was  at  the  same  time  a  royal  functionay. 

Aahmes  was  nothing  more  than  a  soldier  of  fortune,  aii  it  appears  that 
the  ceremonious  etiquette  of  the  ancient  kings  of  Egyt  wearied  him. 
When  he  had  employed  his  morning  in  administering  justie,  he  passed  the 
rest  of  the  time  at  table  with  his  friends.  Certain  courers  represented 
to  him  that  he  was  compromising  his  dignity.  He  answeed  that  a  bow- 
string could  not  always  be  stretched.  At  the  beginning  of  is  reign  the  ob- 
scurity of  his  birth  made  him  despised.  Perceiving  thishe  had  melted  a 
gold  basin,  in  which  he  used  to  wash  his  feet,  made  fr.om  it  le  golden  statue 
of  a  god  and  offered  it  to  the  public  veneration. 

"  Thus  it  was  with  me,"  he  said  ;  "  I  was  a  plebeian,  nov.f  am  your  king; 
render  me,  then,  the  hon^"^^  "t^^I  respect  which  are  due  m."  The  people 
understood  the  aUea^r  '  becoming  attached  to  this  sensible 


190  THE   HISTORY   OF  EGYPT 

[572-525  B.C.] 

man,  who  took  hi.s  trade  of  king  seriously.  It  was  from  him,  according  to 
Herodotus,  that  the  Athenians  borrowed  their  famous  law  against  idleness. 

"  He  ordered  eacli  Egyptian  to  declare  to  the  nomarch,  every  year,  what 
were  his  means  of  subsistence.  He  who  did  not  comply  with  the  law,  or 
could  ni.t  prove  that  he  lived  by  honest  means,  was  punished  with  death. 
Solon,  the  Athenian,  borrowed  this  law  from  Egypt,  and  established  it  in 
Athens,  where  it  is  still  in  force,  because  it  is  a  wise  one  and  no  fault  can  be 
found  with  it." 

Hen.thilus  says  that  Egvpt  was  never  happier  or  more  flourishing  than 
in  the  reign  of  Aahmes,  and  tliat  there  were  then  in  that  country  twenty 
thou.sand  well-peoi)led  towns  or  villages. 

All  this  prosperity  was  to  disappear  in  one  day,  for  Egypt  was  about  to 
founder  like  Nineveh  and  Jerusalem  and  Sardis  and  Babylon,  without  previ- 
ous decay,  in  one  of  tliose  sudden  and  overwhelming  storms  which  sweep 
monarchies  away. 

A  new  empire  had  just  aiisen  in  Asia.  Persia  had  absorbed  Media 
and  subdued  ("haldea  and  Asia  Minor.  Lydia  had  succumbed  so  quickly 
that  Aaiunes  had  not  been  able  to  succour  his  ally,  Crcesus.  Cyrus,  the 
founder  of  the  I'ersian  Empire,  left  Egypt  in  peace,  and  she  took  good  care 
not  to  stir  ;  but  his  son  Cambyses  felt  the  need  of  aggrandising  his  states, 
and  as  in  default  of  reasons  wars  never  lack  pretexts,  here  is  the  one  he  gave, 
or  which  was  perliaps  invented  as  an  afterthought. 

It  was  said  tliat  Cyrus  had  asked  Aahmes  to  send  him  the  best  physician 
for  diseases  of  the  eye,  to  be  found  in  his  dominion.  This  physician  wished 
to  avenge  himself  on  the  king  of  Egypt,  who  had  torn  him  from  the  arms  of 
his  wife  and  children  to  send  him  into  Persia.  He  persuaded  Cambyses  to 
demand  the  daughter  of  Aahmes,  counting  on  a  refusal,  which  would  not  fail 
to  be  considered  as  an  insult.  Aahmes  knew  well  that  Cambyses  would  not 
make  his  daughter  a  queen,  but  a  slave  of  the  harem  ;  he  sent  a  daughter  of 
L'ah-ab-Ka.  The  latter  disclosed  the  ruse  to  the  king  of  Persia,  and  demanded 
of  him  to  avenge  her  father,  whose  murderer  Aahmes  had  been.  Cambyses 
flew  into  a  violent  rage  and  resolved  to  carry  war  into  Egypt. 

A  desert  that  an  army  could  not  cross  in  less  than  three  days'  march 
protected  Egypt  on  the  side  of  Asia,  Eollowing  the  advice  of  Phanes,  a 
(ireek  officer  and  deserter  froTu  the  Egyptian  army,  Cambyses  secured  for 
himself  the  alliance  of  the  Arab  king,  who  stationed  camels  laden  with 
skins  full  of  water,  all  along  the  route  the  Persians  were  to  follow.  The 
town  of  Pelusium,  which  was  the  key  of  Egypt,  was  besieged  by  Cambyses. 
Polyienus  relates  that  he  caused  dogs,  cats,  and  ibises  to  be  collected,  and 
placed  them  in  front  of  his  army  ;  the  Egyptians  dared  not  fly  their  arrows 
for  fear  of  hitting  the  sacred  animals,  and  the  town  was  taken  without  resist- 
ance. Aahmes  had  just  died,  after  a  reign  of  forty-four  years  (528).  His 
.son,  Psamtliek  HI,  the  Psammenitus  of  Herodotus,  came  to  meet  the  enemy. 
The  CJreek  and  Carian  mercenaries  in  the  pay  of  the  king  of  Egypt,  learn- 
ing the  trea.son  of  I'hanes,  their  former  chief,  revenged  themselves  on  his 
children. 

"They  led  them  into  the  camp,"  says  Herodotus,  "and,  having  placed  a 
mixing  bowl  between  the  two  armies,  they  cut  their  throats  under  the  eyes 
of  their  father,  mingled  their  blood  with  wine  and  water  in  the  bowl,  and, 
when  all  the  auxiliaries  liad  drunk,  rushed  into  battle." 

It  was  fierce  and  bloody  ;  many  perished  on  either  side  ;  but  at  last  the 
Egyptians  had  the  worst  of  it  and  fled  in  disorder  to  Memphis.  Cambyses 
summoned  the  town  to  surrender  ;    the  crowd  destroyed  the  Mytilenean 


■any 


I 


THE  CLOSING   SCENES  193 

(525  B.C.] 

"  From  Assuan  to  Thebes  aud  from  Thebes  to  Memphis,"  says  Marietta, 
"  he  marked  his  route  by  ruin  :  the  temples  were  devastated,  the  tombs  of 
the  kings  were  opened  and  pillaged."  The  mummy  of  Queen  Ankhnes,  wife 
of  Aahmes,  was  torn  from  its  sarcophagus  in  the  depths  of  a  funeral  vault 
behind  the  Ramesseum,  and  burned  as  that  of  Aahmes  himself  had  been. 
When  this  sarcophagus,  which  is  now  in  London,  was  discovered  by  a  French 
officer,  remains  of  charred  bones  were  found  in  it,  according  to  ChampoUion 
Figeac,  some  of  them  preserving  traces  of  gilding. 

"  Cambyses  having  returned  to  Memphis,"  says  Herodotus,  "  the  god 
Apis,  whom  the  Greeks  call  Epaphos,  manifested  himself  to  the  Egyptians. 
As  soon  as  he  had  shown  himself,  they  donned  their  richest  clothing  and 
made  great  rejoicings.  Cambyses,  believing  that  they  were  rejoicing  at  the 
ill-success  of  his  arms,  called  the  magistrates  of  Memphis  before  him,  and 
asked  them  why,  having  exhibited  no  joy  the  first  time  that  they  saw  him 
in  their  town,  they  were  exhibiting  so  much  of  it  since  his  return  and  after 
he  had  lost  part  of  his  army.  They  told  him  that  their  god,  who  was  gen- 
erally very  long  in  appearing,  had  just  manifested  himself,  and  that  the 
Egyptians  were  accustomed  to  celebrate  this  epiphany  by  public  festivities. 
Cambyses,  hearing  this,  said  that  they  lied,  and  punished  them  with  death 
for  liars.  When  they  had  been  killed  he  sent  for  the  priests  to  come  into 
his  presence,  and,  having  received  the  same  answer  from  them,  he  told  them 
that  if  any  god  showed  himself  familiarly  to  the  Egyptians,  he  would  not 
hide  himself  from  him,  and  he  ordered  them  to  bring  Apis  to  him.  The 
priests  immediately  went  in  search  of  him. 

"  This  Apis,  who  is  the  same  as  Epaphos,  is  born  of  a  cow  which  can  bear 
no  further  offspring.  The  Egyptians  say  that  this  cow  conceives  Apis  by 
lightning,  which  descends  from  heaven.  These  are  the  distinguishing  signs 
of  the  calf  they  call  Apis  :  it  is  black,  and  bears  a  white  square  on  its 
forehead  ;  it  has  the  figure  of  an  eagle  on  its  back,  on  its  tongue  that  of  a 
beetle,  and  the  hairs  of  its  tail  are  double. 

"  As  soon  as  the  priest  had  brought  Apis,  Cambyses,  like  a  maniac,  drew 
his  sword  to  pierce  its  belly,  but  only  struck  its  thigh.  Then,  beginning  to 
laugh,  he  said  to  the  priests  : 

" '  O  blockheads,  are  there  such  gods,  made  of  flesh  and  blood  and  suscep- 
tible to  the  stroke  of  steel?  This  god  is  well  worthy  of  the  Egyptians,  but  you 
shall  have  no  cause  to  rejoice  for  having  attempted  to  laugh  at  our  expense.' 

"  Thereupon  he  had  them  whipped  by  those  deputed  for  that  purpose, 
and  ordered  such  Egyptians  as  were  found  celebrating  a  festival  to  be  slain. 
Thus  the  festivities  ceased  and  the  priests  were  punished.  Apis,  wounded 
in  the  thigh,  languished,  lying  in  the  temple,  and  when  he  was  dead  the 
priests  buried  him,  unknown  to  Cambyses.  As  to  him,  who  was  already 
wanting  in  good  sense,  he  was  from  that  time  smitten  with  madness,  the 
Egyptians  say,  in  punishment  of  his  crime." 

Among  the  funeral  steles  of  the  Apis,  found  by  Marietta  in  the  exca- 
vations of  the  Serapeum  at  Memphis,  and  which  are  now  in  the  Egyptian 
Museum  at  the  Louvre,  are  two  connected  with  the  facts  recounted  by 
Herodotus  :  one,  whose  inscription  is  almost  illegible,  contained  the  epitaph 
of  the  Apis  who  died  in  the  reign  of  Cambyses,  and  was  born,  as  it  seems, 
in  the  twenty-fifth  year  of  Aahmes.  We  possess,  the  catalogue  says,  his 
sarcophagus,  sculptured  by  order  of  Cambyses.  The  other  is  the  epitaph  of 
the  bull  who  died  in  the  fourth  year  of  Darius. 

"We  think,"  says  M.  de  Rouge,  "that  this  is  the  same  Apis  whom  Cambyses, 
in  his  fury,  wounded  when,  on  his  return  from  the  unfortunate  Ethiopian 


VOL.   I.   O 


192 


THE   HISTORY   OF  EGYPT 


[525  B.C.] 

off  nothing,  as  it  was  embalmed.  Then  Cambyses  had  it  burnt  without  any 
respect  of  holv  things.  Indeed  the  Persians  believe  that  tire  is  a  god,  and 
it  is  not  pernntted,  either  by  their  law  or  by  that  of  the  Egyptians,  to  burn 
the  dead.  Thus  Cambyses  performed  on  this  occasion  an  act  equally 
condemned  by  the  laws  of  both  peoples." 

In  violating  the  tomb  of  the  man  who  had  usurped  the  throne  of  Egypt, 
Cambyses  perhaps  counted  on  rallying  the  legitimists,  for  he  thus  presented 
himself  as  the  avenger  and  heir  of  Uah-ab-Ra.  From  the  inscriptions  on  a 
statuette  in  the  Vatican,  it  appears  that,  in  the  early  days  of  his  conquest,  he 
avoiiled  giving  offence  to  the  religion  of  the  vanquished.  He  caused  the 
great  temple  of  Nit,  where  some  Persian  troops  had  installed  themselves,  to 
be  evacuated,  and  had  it  repaired  at  his  own  expense.  He  even  carried  his 
zeal  so  far  as  to  be  initiated  into  the  mysteries  of  Osiris.  But  this  apparent 
and  wholly  political  deference  could  not  last  long. 


Dkatu  of  Psammenitus  [Psamthek  III] 

The  religious  symbols  of  the  Egyptians,  the  external  forms  of  their  wor- 
ship, ins[)ired  profound  aversion  in  the  Persians,  whose  religion  greatly 
resembled  the  strict  monotheism  of  the  Semitic  peoples.  This  antipathy, 
which  was  only  awaiting  an  opportunity  to  manifest  itself,  blazed  out 
after  an  unfortunate  expedition  of  Cambyses  against  Ethiopia.  Instead 
of  a.scending  the  Nile  as  far  as  Napata,  he  had  taken  the  shorter  route 
of  the  desert. 

The  i)rovisions  gave  out,  and  his  soldiers  were  reduced  to  devouring  each 
other.  He  returned,  having  lost  many  men,  and  then  learnt  the  complete 
destruction  of  anotlier  army  which  he  had  sent  against  the  Ammonians  and 
which  had  been  entombed  imder  whirlwinds  of  sand.  He  was  exasperated  at 
tliis  disaster,  and,  as  tiie  Egyptians  naturally  attributed  it  to  the  vengeance 
of  the  gods,  his  fury  turned  against  the  Egyptian  religion. 


THE  CLOSING  SCENES  195 

[ca.  322  B.C.] 

and  proclaimed  son  of  Amen,  that  is  to  say,  legitimate  successor  of  the 
ancient  kings  of  Egypt.  The  most  able  of  his  generals,  Ptolemy,  son  of 
Lagus,  founded  a  dynast}^  which  may,  in  spite  of  its  foreign  origin,  be  con- 
sidered as  national  as  that  of  the  Ramessides  or  of  the  Saitic  kings.  Greek 
influence  did  not  make  itself  felt  outside  Alexandria.  The  Lagides  respected 
the  religions  and  customs  of  Egypt,  which  became  the  most  important  of  the 
Greek  kingdoms,  while  still  preserving  her  original  civilisation.  She  even 
preserved  it  under  the  Roman  dominion ;  and  if  we  did  not  read  the  inscrip- 
tions, we  could  never  guess  that  the  temples  of  Esneh,  of  Edfu,  of  Dende- 
rah,  and  of  Phihe  belong  to  the  time  of  the  Lagides,  the  Caesars,  and  the 
Antonines.  Enfolded  in  the  great  Roman  unity,  Egypt  did  not  regret 
her  independence.  Alexandria  was  the  second  town  of  the  world,  the 
capital  of  the  East.  The  philosophic  movement  of  which  it  was  the  seat 
entered  as  an  important  factor  into  the  elaboration  of  Christian  dogma. 
But  the  establishment  of  the  new  religion  was  the  death-bloAV  of  old  Egypt, 
for  a  people  is  dead  when  it  has  denied  its  gods.  The  edicts  of  the  Christian 
emperors,  ordering  the  destruction  of  the  temples,  dealt  the  last  blow  to 
Egyptian  art.  Those  monuments  which  were  not  entirely  destroyed  were 
distorted  to  meet  the  needs  of  the  new  worship. 

Then  came  the  Mussulman  conquest,  which  waged  further  war  against 
the  ruins.  Finally,  in  our  days,  the  introduction  of  Western  civilisation 
into  Egypt  has  done  the  monuments  more  harm  than  all  the  rest.  When 
the  viceroy  wishes  to  build  a  barrack  or  a  sugar  factory,  he  takes  stones 
from  the  temples  ;    it  saves  expense. 

Thus  is  accomplished  the  sad  prediction  of  the  Egyptian  philosopher 
whose  works  bear  the  name  of  Hermes  Trismegistus  : 

"  O  Egypt,  Egypt,  there  shall  remain  of  thy  religion  but  vague  stories 
which  posterity  will  refuse  to  believe,  and  words  graven  in  stone  recounting 
thy  piety.  The  Scythian,  the  Indian,  or  some  other  barbarous  neighbour 
shall  dwell  in  Egypt.  The  Divinity  shall  reascend  into  the  heaven.  And 
Egypt  shall  be  a  desert,  widowed  of  men  and  gods."^ 


CHAPTER  IX.     MANNERS   AND   CUST>MS   OF   THE 
EGYPTIANS 

If  I  wislied  to  characterise  in  one  word  the  peculiar -jaring  and  rul- 


ing element  of  the  Egyptian  mind  —  however  m: 
respects  such  general  designations  may  be —  I  s: 
tellectual  eminence  of  that  people  was  in  its  sci' 
an  understanding  that  penetrated  or  sought  to  ]<■ 
all  the  depths  and  mysteries  of  nature,  even  ii 
abyss.     So  thoroughly  scientitic  was  tiie  wh.lr- 
of  the  Egj'ptian  mind,  that  even  the  architt ' 
astronomical  import,  even  far  more  than  ' 
early  antiquity.     I  have  already  had  occa.si 
mysterious  signification  of  their  treatment  «>1  iho 
natural  sciences,  in  mathematics,  astronomy,  and 
they  were  the  masters  of  the  Greeks  ;  and  even  tli.-  -■ 
among  the  latter,  the  Pythagoreans,  and  after \ 
himself,  derived  from  them  the  first  elements 
caught  at  least  the  first  outline  of  their  ur  '  • 
too,  in  the  birthplace  of  hieroglyphics,  wa- 
teries ;  and  Egypt  has  at  all  times  been  i  - 
true,  as  well  as  of  many  false,  secrets.  — St  iii,k.,m.. 


ill  other 
the  in- 

'V  —  in 

'■.[■> 

r 


.■A 

In  all  ihe 

mt'dicine, 

-•  'hinkers 

t  I'lato 

lies,  or. 

Here, 

,-•  mys- 

i  many 


Customs  that  differ  from  our  own  always  scti  ustoms.     So  the 

Egyptians,  viewed  from  a  hitter-day  European  oi  standpoint,  seem 

a  very  strange  people.  And  it  being  easy  to  gt'iuiM-.-  from  insufficient 
data,  many  notions  regarding  the  Egyptians  have  f'oome  current  which 
appear  not  to  represent  that  people  as  they  really  s-ere.  The  more  the 
monuments  are  studied,  and  the  closer  we  get  to  the  ial  life  of  the  peoples 
of  antiquity,  the  less  strange  these  peoples  appear. 

Indeed,  Av^ien  we  come  to  appreciate  their  life  aat  really  was,  it  is  sur- 
prising liow  "  natural  "  and  human  it  all  appears.  Ceiriin  peculiarities  there 
were,  to  be  sure,  with  each  people  and  with  each  8ucc^>i\e  age  ;  but  in  the 
broad  view  the  peoples  of  the  most  remote  antiquitv  re  best  understood  if 
we  thmk  of  them  as  very  similar  to  ourselves  in  the't-neral  sweep  of  their 
feehngs,  desires,  and  thoughts.  Thus,  for  example,  v  have  seen  that  the 
modern  Egyptologist  has  quite  dispelled  the  notion,  oce  prevalent,  that  the 
Egyptians  were  a  solemn,  morose  people,  thinking  on.'  of  the  Ufe  to  come, 
ihe  truer  view,  on  the  other  hand,  appears  to  be  that  ley  were  a  peculiarly 
social,  pleasure-loving  people.  The  observance  of  -irtain  religious  rites, 
wiiieli  make  such  an  impression  upon  us  because  the;  differ  from  our  own 

196 


r 


at  nil 


MANNERS  \ND  CUSTOMS  OF  THE   EGYPTIANS 


197 


customs  in  this  r..  l: 
significance  we  asc: 

Even  in  mattti 
records  of  the  uili 
presses  too  closely 
sively  to  a  particu" 
which  is  commoul} 
acter  of  the  Egyj^t 
other  living  creatiii 
basis  of  civili^rfi 
fast  to  the  ci> 
of  religions,  i:. 
a  certain  stage,  h.i> 

It  seems  as  if  a  i 
or  later  a  state  of  <.■• 
no  further,  except  a 
environment  aj^pt  .n 
the  geographical  i  > 
high  degree  of  is  . 
ness  of  change  iv  ' ' 

Yet,  even 
point  of  Egy, 
of  their  hist* 
to  age,  even 
were  times  - 
times  when  : 

Even  tht 
more  or  less  - 

One  mus; 
inspection,  1: 
and  disappe>; 
chronology,  > 
it  is  an  opi ; 
remained  ev> 
current  to-il 
gous  idea  or 
but  a  single 
whole  being 
of  the  Egy}ii 
systems  in   i|u  -     ; 
unchanged,  for 
under  consiilc; , 
ism,  Judaism.— 
centuries:  eaei 
to  think  far  ini 
ions  of  devottH- 
the  cult  of  0>/. 
able  to  view  tl.o 
a  universal   hum 


1  -ioubtless  did  not  appear  to  them  to  have  at  all  the 
^    )  them. 

aich  seem  to  be  most  strikingly  borne  out  bv  the 

i.i-nts,  it  is  easy  to  entertain  a  misconception  if  one 

1    idea  that  tlie  traits  thus  discovered  belong  exclu- 

.    »eople.     Thus   in  the  matter   of   that  conservatism 

1  Ken  of  as  the  predominant  trait  of  the  national  char- 

,i:.     Conservative  they  surely  were.     But  so  is  every 

lat  remains  long  in  a  single  unvarying  habitat.     The 

le  conservatism  wliich  leads  each  generation  to  cling 

d  inherited.     The  history  of  customs,  of  language, 

all  culture,  shows  how  tenaciously  every  people,  after 

d  to  the  traditions  of  its  past. 

I  ju  >>le,  like  an  individual  species  of  animal,  reaches  sooner 

f.juibrium  in  regard  to  its  environment,  and  will  change 

as  le  environment  changes.     Now  in  Egypt  the  physical 

.u     o  have  changed  but  little  within  historic  times,  and 

(    :.  it  ions  were  such  that  the  people  there  were  afforded  a 

.  ■I'U  from  outride  influences.     Hence  the  observed  slow- 

^'  '  ustoms  of  this  "strange"  people. 

lU  this,  one  must  not,  as  we  have  suggested,  press  the 
vatism  too  far.  The  most  casual  glance  along  the  line 
my  notable  changes  in  their  radical  customs  from  age 
lively  short  period  open  to  our  inspection.  There 
pyramids  and  temples  were  all  the  vogue ;  other 
luite  ignored. 

embalming  the  dead,  so  striking  a  peculiarity,  was 
'actuating  fashions. 

nd  that  the  period  of  Egyptian  history  open  to  our 
ginning  of  secure  records  till  the  final  overthrow 
Id  Egypt  as  a  nation,  was,  according  to  an   average 
nventy-five  hundred,  or  three  thousand  years.     Now 
whether,  for  every  Egyptian  idea  or  custom  that 
y  fixed   throughout   this  period,  one  could  not  find 
;he   most  progressive  nations  of  the  world  an  analo- 
at  could  prove  at  least  as  long  a  pedigree.     To  cit« 
1,  every  civilised  nation  on  the  globe  to-day  has  its 
ound  up  with  religious  observances  as  was  tlie  being 
.  'nwealth.     And  with  a  single  exception  the  religious 
;    have    held   sway   over    their    subjects,    substantially 
:riod  as  long  as  the  entire  sweep  of  Egyptian  history 
Confucianism,  Brahminism,  Buddhism,  Zoroastrian- 
h   is  hoary  with  the  weight  of  something  like  thirty 
I  its  origin  in  an  age  of  superstition  which  we  are  prone 
to  our  own  "enlightened  "  time :  yet  each  holds  its  mill- 
rigidly  and  as  inexorably  as  ever  Egyptian  was  held  by 
Bearing  this  single  illustration  in  mind,  we  sliall  be 
Lryptian    "  conservatism "   more   truly,  as  an  extunple  of 
L  trait,   rather   than   as   the   peculiarity  of  a  "  strange "' 


people. 

Although  we  ave  emphasised  the  view  that  the  Egyptians  were  very 
much  like  "other  roples  in  their  fundamental  traits  of  character  and  habits, 
it  must  not  be  ov.iooked  that  there  is  a  pretty  sharp  line  of  demarcation 


CIlAl'TKR    IX.     MANNERS   AND   CUSTOMS   OF   THE 
E(iYPTIANS 

If  I  wislied  to  cli.iracteri.se  in  one  word  the  peculiar  bearing  and  rul- 
ing eienuMit  of  the  Egyptian  mind  —  however  unsatisfactory  in  other 
respecUs  .such  general  designation.s  may  be  —  I  should  say  that  the  in- 
tt'Uectual  eminence  of  that  people  was  in  its  scientific  profundity  —  in 
an  understanding  that  penetrated  or  sought  to  penetrate  by  magic  into 
all  the  depths  and  mysteries  of  nature,  even  into  their  most  hidden 
aby.ss.  So  thoroughly  scientific  was  the  whole  leaning  and  character 
of  the  Egyptian  mind,  that  even  the  architecture  of  this  people  had  an 
astronomical  import,  even  far  more  than  that  of  the  other  nations  of 
early  anti(iuity.  I  have  already  had  occasion  to  speak  of  the  deep  and 
mysterious  signification  of  their  treatment  of  the  dead.  In  all  the 
natural  sciences,  in  mathematics,  astronomy,  and  even  in  medicine, 
they  were  the  masters  of  the  Greeks  ;  and  even  the  profoundest  thinkers 
among  the  latter,  the  Pythagoreans,  and  afterwards  the  great  Plato 
himself,  derived  from  them  the  first  elements  of  their  doctrines,  or. 
caught  at  least  the  first  outline  of  their  mighty  speculations.  Here, 
too,  in  the  birthplace  of  hieroglyphics,  was  the  chief  seat  of  the  mys- 
terie.s ;  and  Eg>'pt  has  at  all  times  been  the  native  country  of  many 
true,  a.s  well  as  of  many  false,  secrets.  — Schlegkl. 


CrsTo.M.s  that  diftV'i-  from  our  own  always  seem  strange  customs.  So  the 
Ki^yptiiin.s,  viewed  from  a  latter-day  European  or  American  standpoint,  seem 
a  very  strange  people.  And  it  being  ea.sy  to  generalise  from  insufficient 
<lata,  many  notions  regarding  the  Egyptians  have  become  current  which 
ai»pear  not  to  represent  that  people  as  they  really  were.  The  more  the 
inunuments  are  studied,  and  the  closer  we  get  to  the  real  life  of  the  peoples 
of  anticpiity,  the  le.ss  strange  the.se  peoples  appear. 

In«lfed,  w^jen  we  come  to  appreciate  their  life  as  it  really  was,  it  is  sur- 
l)ri.sing  liow  "  natural "  and  Imnian  it  all  appears.  Certain  peculiarities  there 
were,  to  be  sure,  with  each  j^eople  and  with  each  successive  age  ;  but  in  the 
broad  view  the  peoples  of  the  most  remote  antiquity  are  best  understood  if 
we  tliink  of  tliem  as  very  similar  to  ourselves  in  the  general  sweep  of  their 
feeliiig.s  d. -sires,  and  thouglits.  Thu.s,  for  example,  we  have  seen  that  the 
modern  Egyptologist  has  (piite  dispelled  tlie  notion,  once  prevalent,  that  the 
Egyptians  were  a  solemn,  morose  people,  thinking  only  of  the  life  to  come. 
The  truer  view,  on  the  other  hand,  appears  to  be  that  they  were  a  peculiarly 
social,  pleasure-loving  people.  The  observance  of  certain  religious  rites, 
which  make  such  an  impression  upon  us  because  they  differ  from  our  own 

19Q 


MANNERS  AND   CUSTOMS   OF  THE  EGYPTIANS  199 

how  many  high  officials  shared  in  the  treason  or  knew  of  it,  one  appreciates 
the  danger  overhanging  such  an  oriental  kingdom." 

It  will  be  well  to  bear  this  corrective  view  in  mind  in  considering  the 
position  of  the  Egyptian  king  as  suggested  by  the  monumental  inscriptions 
and  pictures.  But  this  view  does  not  at  all  alter  the  fact  that  the  people  at 
large  were  absolutely  subservient  to  the  idea  of  kingship.  Certain  individuals 
might  strive  to  overthrow  any  particular  monarch,  but  it  was  only  that  they 
might  set  up  another.  The  idea  of  doing  away  with  monarchy  itself  never 
entered  their  heads.  That  idea  was  born  upon  European  soil,  long  after  the 
power  of  ancient  Egypt  had  departed. 

It  is  an  easy  step  from  monarchs  to  armies  and  war  methods,  although  in 
Egypt  the  relationship  was  not  so  close  and  intimate  as  in  the  case  of  many 
other  nations.  We  have  seen  all  along  that  the  Egyptians  were  not  pre-emi- 
nently a  warlike  people,  yet,  first  and  last,  war  entered  very  largely  into  their 
life  history  as  with  every  other  nation,  and  there  was  one  period  under  the  New 
Kingdom  when,  as  we  have  seen,  the  Egyptians  became  a  conquering  people. 
As  the  chief  monarch  of  this  epoch,  Ramses  II  was  greatly  given  to  record- 
ing his  own  deeds  in  monumental  fashion,  very  full  data  are  at  hand  for 
interpreting  the  war  methods  of  the  people  during  this  epoch.  There  is 
nothing  particularly  unique  about  these  methods.  The  Egyptian  army  con- 
sisted principally  of  militia  armed  with  bows  and  javelins.  The  cavalry, 
consisting  of  companies  of  charioteers,  was  led  by  the  king  himself.  Eques- 
trianship  had  not  yet  entered  into  warfare.  In  sieges,  scaling-ladders  and 
battering-rams  were  used.  The  monuments  show  us  that  the  soldiers  were 
drilled  to  the  sound  of  bugles  quite  in  the  modern  fashion.  In  a  word,  there 
was  nothing  particularly  to  distinguish  the  war  customs  of  the  Egyptians  of 
the  XVIIIth  and  XlXth  Dynasties  from  those  of  other  nations  of  their  time, 
and  these  methods,  as  we  shall  have  occasion  to  see,  were  not  greatly  improved 
upon  until  about  a  thousand  years  later,  when  the  Macedonian  phalanx,  as 
trained  by  Philip  and  Alexander  along  lines  first  laid  out  by  the  great  Theban 
Epaminondas,  introduced  a  new  element  into  warfare. « 

The  king  was  the  representative  of  the  deity,  and  his  royal  authority 
was  directly  derived  from  the  gods.  He  was  the  head  of  the  religion  and 
of  the  state ;  he  was  the  judge  and  lawgiver ;  and  he  commanded  the  army 
and  led  it  to  war.  It  was  his  right  and  his  office  to  preside  over  the  sacri- 
fices, and  pour  out  libations  to  the  gods ;  and,  whenever  he  was  present, 
he  had  the  privilege  of  being  the  officiating  high  priest. 

The  sceptre  was  hereditary ;  but,  in  the  event  of  a  direct  heir  failing, 
the  claims  for  succession  were  determined  by  proximity  of  parentage,  or 
by  right  of  marriage.  The  king  was  always  either  of  the  military  or 
priestly  class,  and  the  princes  also  belonged  to  one  of  them. 

The  army  or  the  priesthood  were  the  two  professions  followed  by  all  men 
of  rank,  the  navy  not  being  an  exclusive  service ;  and  the  "  long  sliips  of 
Sesostris  "  and  other  kings  were  commanded  by  generals  and  officers  taken 
from  the  army,  as  was  the  custom  of  the  Turks,  and  some  others  in  modern 
Europe  to  a  very  recent  time.  The  law,  too,  was  in  the  hands  of  the  priests  ; 
so  that  there  were  only  two  professions.  Most  of  the  kings,  as  might  be 
expected,  were  of  the  military  class,  and  during  the  glorious  days  of  Egyp- 
tian history,  the  younger  princes  generally  adopted  the  same  profession. 
Many  held  offices  also  in  the  royal  household,  some  of  the  most  honourable 
of  which  were  fan-bearers  on  the  right  of  their  father,  royal  scribes,  superin- 
tendents of  the  granaries,  or  of  the  land,  and  treasurers  of  the  king ;  and  they 
were  generals  of  the  cavalry,  archers,  and  other  corps,  or  admirals  of  the  fleet. 


200  THE   HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 

Princes  were  distinguished  by  a  badge  hanging  from  the  side  of  the  head, 
which  inclosed,  or  represented,  the  lock  of  hair  emblematic  of  a  "  son  " ;  in 
imitation  of  the  youthful  god  ''  Horus,  the  son  of  Isis  and  Osms,"  who  was 
heUl  forth  as  the  model  for  all  princes,  and  the  type  of  royal  virtue.  For 
thoULdi  tiie  Iv'vptiaiis  shaved  tlie  head,  and  wore  wigs  or  other  coverings  to 
the  head,  rhihiren  were  permitted  to  leave  certain  locks  of  hair;  and  if  the 
sons  of  kin<'s,  long  before  they  arrived  at  the  age  of  manhood,  had  abandoned 
this  vouthFul  custom,  the  bailge  was  attached  to  their  head-dress  as  a  mark 
of  tlu'ir  rank  as  princes  ;  or  to  show  that  they  had  not,  during  the  lifetime  of 
their  father,  arrived  at  kinghood  ;  on  the  same  principle  that  a  Spanish 
prince,  of  whatever  age,  continues  to  be  styled  an  "infant." 

And  it  is  a  curious  fact  that  this  ancient  people  had  already  adopted  the 
principle,  that  tlie  king  "could  do  no  wrong":  and  while  he  was  exonerated 
from  blame,  every  curse  and  evil  were  denounced  against  his  ministers,  and 
tliose  advisers  who  had  given  him  injurious  counsel.  The  idea,  too,  of  the 
king  "  never  dying  "  was  contained  in  their  common  formula  of  "  life  having 
been  given  him  forever." 

Love  and  respect  were  not  merely  shown  to  the  sovereign  during  his 
lifetime,  but  were  continued  to  his  memory  after  his  death  ;  and  the 
manner  in  which  his  funeral  obsequies  were  celebrated  tended  to  show, 
that,  though  their  benefactor  was  no  more,  they  retained  a  grateful  sense  of 
his  goodness,  and  admiration  for  his  virtues. 

The  Egyptians  are  said  to  have  been  divided  into  castes,  similar  to  those 
of  India  ;  but  though  a  marked  line  of  distinction  was  maintained  between 
the  different  ranks  of  society,  they  appear  rather  to  have  been  classes  than 
castes,  and  a  man  did  not  necessarily  follow  the  precise  occupation  of  his 
father.  Sons,  it  is  true,  usually  adopted  the  same  profession  or  trade  as 
their  parent,  and  the  rank  of  each  depended  on  his  occupation  ;  but  the 
children  of  a  priest  frequently  chose  the  army  for  their  profession,  and 
those  of  a  military  man  could  belong  to  the  priesthood. 

The  priests  and  military  men  held  the  highest  position  in  the  country 
after  the  family  of  the  king,  and  from  them  were  chosen  his  ministers  and 
confidential  advisers,  "the  wise  counsellors  of  Pharaoh,"  and  all  the  principal 
otlicers  of  state. 

The  priests  consisted  of  various  grades  —  as  the  chief  priests,  or  pontiffs  ; 
the  propiiets  ;  judges  ;  sacred  scribes ;  the  sphragistfe,  who  examined  the 
victims  for  sacrifice  ;  the  stolistai,  dressers,  or  keepers  of  the  sacred  robes; 
tlie  bearers  of  the  shrines,  banners,  and  other  holy  emblems  ;  the  sacred 
sculptors,  draughtsmen,  and  masons  ;  the  embalmers  ;  the  keepers  of  sacred 
animals  ;  and  various  officers  employed  in  the  processions  and  other  religious 
ceremonies  ;  under  whom  were  the  beadles,  and  inferior  functionaries  of  the 
temple.  There  was  also  the  king's  own  priest  ;  and  the  royal  scribes  were 
chosen  either  from  the  sacerdotal  or  the  military  class.  Women  were  not 
excluded  from  certain  offices  in  the  temple  ;  they  were  priestesses  of  the 
gods,  of  the  kings  and  queens,  and  they  had  many  employments  connected 
with  religion. 

The  long  duration  of  their  system,  and  the  feeling  with  which  it  was 
regarded  by  the  people,  may  also  plead  some  excuse  for  it  ;  and  while  the 
function  of  judges  and  the  administration  of  the  laws  gave  them  unusual  power, 
they  had  an  apparent  claim  to  those  offices,  from  having  been  the  framers  of 
the  codes  of  morality,  and  of  the  laws  they  superintended.  Instead  of  setting 
themselves  above  the  king,  and  making  him  succumb  to  their  power,  like  the 
unprincipled  Ethiopian  pontiffs,  they  acknowledged  him  as  the  head  of  the 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS   OF  THE  EGYPTIANS  201 

religion  and  the  state  ;  nor  were  they  above  the  law  ;  no  one  of  them,  nor 
even  the  king  himself,  could  govern  according  to  his  own  arbitrary  will  ; 
his  conduct  was  amenable  to  an  ordeal  of  his  subjects  at  his  death,  the  people 
being  allowed  to  accuse  him  of  misgovernment,  and  to  prevent  his  being 
buried  in  his  tomb  on  the  day  of  his  funeral. 

But  though  the  regulations  of  the  priesthood  may  have  suited  the  Egyp- 
tians in  early  times,  certain  institutions  being  adapted  to  men  in  particular 
states  of  society,  they  erred  in  encouraging  a  belief  in  legends  they  knew  to 
be  untrue,  instead  of  purifying  and  elevating  the  religious  views  of  the 
people,  and  committed  the  fault  of  considering  their  unbending  system  per- 
fect, and  suited  to  all  times.  Abuses  therefore  crept  in  ;  credulity,  already 
shamefully  encouraged,  increased  to  such  an  extent  that  it  enslaved  the  mind, 
and  paralysed  men's  reasoning  powers  ;  and  the  result  was  that  the  Egyp- 
tians gave  way  to  the  grossest  superstitions,  which  at  length  excited  universal 
ridicule  and  contempt. 

Next  in  rank  to  the  priests  were  the  military.  To  them  was  assigned 
one  of  the  three  portions  into  which  the  land  of  Egypt  was  divided  by  an 
edict  of  Sesostris  [Ramses  II],  in  order,  says  Diodorus,  "that  those  who 
exposed  themselves  to  danger  in  the  field  might  be  more  ready  to  undergo 
the  hazards  of  war,  from  the  interest  they  felt  in  the  country  as  occupiers  of 
the  soil;  for  it  would  be  absurd  to  commit  the  safety  of  the  community  to 
those  who  possessed  nothing  which  they  were  interested  in  preserving." 
Each  soldier,  whether  on  duty  or  no,  was  allowed  twelve  arurse  of  land 
(a  little  more  than  eight  English  acres),  free  from  all  charge;  and  another 
important  privilege  was,  that  no  soldier  could  be  cast  into  prison  for  debt  ; 
Bocchoris  [Bakenranf]  the  framer  of  this  law,  considering  that  it  would  be 
dangerous  to  allow  the  civil  power  the  right  of  arresting  those  who  were  the 
chief  defence  of  the  state.  They  were  instructed  from  their  youth  in  the 
duties  and  requirements  of  soldiers,  and  trained  in  all  the  exercises  that 
fitted  them  for  an  active  career  ;  and  a  sort  of  military  school  appears  to 
have  been  established  for  the  purpose. 

Each  man  was  obliged  to  provide  himself  with  the  necessary  arms,  offen- 
sive and  defensive,  and  everything  requisite  for  a  campaign  ;  and  he  was 
expected  to  hold  himself  in  readiness  for  taking  the  field  when  required, 
or  for  garrison  duty.  The  principal  garrisons  were  posted  in  the  fortified 
towns  of  Pelusium,  Marea,  Eileithyia,  Heracleopolis,  Syene,  Elephantine, 
and  other  intermediate  places  ;  and  a  large  portion  of  the  army  was  fre- 
quently called  upon,  by  the  warlike  monarchs,  to  invade  a  foreign  country, 
or  to  suppress  those  rebellions  which  occasionally  broke  out  in  the  conquered 
provinces. 

The  whole  military  force,  consisting  of  410,000,  was  divided  into  two 
corps,  the  Calasiries  and  Hermotybies.  They  furnished  a  body  of  men  to 
do  the  duty  of  royal  guards,  1000  of  each  being  annually  selected  for  that 
purpose  ;  and  each  soldier  had  an  additional  allowance  of  "  five  mince  of 
bread,  with  two  of  beef,  and  four  arusters  of  wine,"  as  daily  rations,  during 
the  period  of  his  service. 

The  Calasiries  (^Klashr)  were  the  most  numerous,  and  amounted  to 
250,000  men,  at  the  time  that  Egypt  was  most  populous.  They  inhabited 
the  nomes  of  Thebes,  Bubastis,  Aplithis,  Tanis,  Mendes,  Sebennytus,  Ath- 
ribis,  Pharbsethus,  Thmuis,  Onuphis,  Anysis,  and  the  Isle  of  Myecphoris, 
which  was  opposite  Bubastis  ;  and  the  Hermotybies,  who  lived  in  those 
of  Busiris,  Sais,  Chemmis,  Papremis,  the  Isle  of  Prosopitis,  and  the  half 
of  Natho,  made  up  the  remaining  160,000,     It  was  here  that  they  abode 


202  THE   HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 

while  retired  from  military  service,  and  in  these  nomas  their  farms  or 
portions  of  land  were  situated,  which  tended  to  encourage  habits  of  indus- 
try, and  keep  up  a  taste    for  active  employment. 

Besides  the  native  corps  they  had  mercenary  troops,  who  were  enrolled 
either  from  the  nations  in  alliance  with  the  Egyptians,  or  from  those  who 
had  l)een  conciucred  by  them.  They  were  divided  into  regiments,  some- 
times disciplined  in  the  same  manner  as  the  Egyptians,  though  allowed  to 
retain  their  arms  and  costume;  but  they  were  not  on  the  same  footing  as 
the  native  troops;  they  had  no  land,  and  merely  received  pay,  like  other 
hire  soldiers.  Strabo  speaks  of  them  as  mercenaries  ;  and  the  million 
of  men  he  mentions  must  have  included  these  foreign  auxiliaries.  When 
formally  enrolled  in  the  army,  they  were  considered  a  part  of  it,  and  ac- 
compaiiied  the  victorious  legions  on  their  return  from  foreign  conquest; 
and  they  sometimes  assisted  in  performing  garrison  duty  in  Egypt,  in  the 
place  o(  those  Egyptian  troops  which  were  left  to  guard  the  conquered 
provinces. 

The  strength  of  the  army  consisted  in  archers,  whose  skill  contributed 
mainly  to  the  success  of  the  Egyptians,  as  of  our  own  ancestors  ;  and  their 
impor'tance  is  shown  by  the  Egyptian  "soldier"  being  represented  as  an 
arelier  kneeling,  often  preceded  by  the  word  Klashr,  converted  by  Herod- 
otus into  CalasiriH.  They  fought  either  on  foot  or  in  chariots,  and  may 
therefore  be  classed  under  the  separate  heads  of  a  mounted  and  unmounted 
corps ;  and  they  constituted  a  great  part  of  both  wings.  Several  bodies  of 
heavy  infantry,  divided  into  regiments,  each  distinguished  by  its  peculiar 
arms,  formed  the  centre;  and  the  cavalry  [in  the  later  periods]  covered  and 
supported  the  foot. 

WEAPONS   OF   WAR 

The  offensive  weapons  of  the  Egyptians  were  the  bow,  spear,  two  species 
of  javelin,  sling,  a  short  and  straight  sword,  dagger,  knife,  falchion  or  ensis 
falratuii,  axe  or  hatchet,  battle-axe,  pole-axe,  mace  or  club,  and  the  lisan  — 
a  curved  stick  similar  to  that  still  in  use  among  the  modern  Ethiopians. 
Their  defensive  arms  consisted  of  a  helmet  of  metal  or  a  quilted  head-piece; 
a  cuirass,  or  coat  of  armour,  made  of  metal  plates,  or  quilted  with  metal 
l)ands,  and  an  ample  shield.  The  soldier's  chief  defence  was  his  shield, 
which,  in  length,  was  equal  to  about  half  his  height,  and  generally  double 
its  own  breadth.  It  was  most  commonly  covered  with  bull's  hide  having 
the  hair  outward,  sometimes  strengthened  by  one  or  more  rims  of  metal, 
and  studded  with  nails  or  metal  pins,  the  inner  part  being  a  wooden 
frame. 

The  Egyptian  bow  was  a  round  piece  of  wood,  from  five  to  five  and  a  half 
feet  in  length,  tapering  to  a  j)r»int  at  both  ends.  Their  arrows  varied  from 
twenty-two  to  thirty-four  inches  in  length  ;  some  were  of  wood,  others  of 
re«'d  ;  frecjuently  tipped  with  a  metal  head  ;  and  winged  with  three  feathers, 
glued  longitudinally,  and  at  ecpial  distances,  upon  the  other  end  of  the  shaft, 
as  on  our  own  arrows.  Sometimes,  instead  of  the  metal  head,  a  piece  of 
liard  wood  was  inserted  into  the  reed,  which  terminated  in  a  long  tapering 
point. 

The  spear,  or  pike,  wa.s  of  wood,  between  five  and  six  feet  in  length, 
with  a  metal  head,  into  which  the  shaft  was  inserted  and  fixed  with  nails. 
The  head  wa.s  of  bronze  or  iron,  often  very  large,  and  with  a  double  edge. 
The   javelin,  lighter   and   shorter   than  the  spear,  was  also  of  wood,  and 


MANNERS   AND   CUSTOMS  OF   THE  EGYPTIANS  203 

similarly  armed  witli  a  strong  two-edged  metal  head,  of  an  elongated  dia- 
mond, or  leaf  shape,  either  flat  or  increasing  in  thickness  at  the  centre,  and 
sometimes  tapering  to  a  very  long  point. 

The  sling  was  a  thong  of  leather,  or  string  plaited  ;  broad  in  the  middle, 
and  having  a  loop  at  one  end,  by  which  it  was  fixed  upon  and  firmly  held 
with  the  hand  ;  the  other  extremity  terminating  in  a  lash,  which  escaped 
from  the  finger  as  the  stone  was  thrown.  The  Egyptian  sword  was  straight 
and  short,  from  two  and  a  half  to  three  feet  in  length,  having  generally  a 
double  edge,  and  tapering  to  a  sharp  point.  It  was  used  for  cut  and  thrust. 
They  had  also  a  dagger. 

The  axe,  or  hatchet,  was  small  and  simple,  seldom  exceeding  two,  or  two 
and  a  half  feet,  in  length :  it  had  a  single  blade,  and  no  instance  is  met  with 
of  a  double  axe  resembling  the  bi])ennis  of  the  Romans.  The  blade  of  the 
battle-axe  was,  in  form,  not  unlike  the  Parthian  shield  ;  a  segment  of  a  circle, 
divided  at  the  back  into  two  smaller  segments,  whose  three  points  were 
fastened  to  the  handle  with  metal  pins.  It  was  of  bronze,  and  sometimes 
(as  the  colour  of  those  in  the  paintings  shows)  of  steel ;  and  the  length  of 
the  handle  was  equal  to,  or  more  than  double  that  of,  the  blade.  The  pole- 
axe  was  about  three  feet  in  length,  but  apparently  more  difficult  to  wield 
than  the  preceding,  owing  to  the  great  weight  of  a  metal  ball  to  which  the 
blade  was  fixed ;  and  required,  like  the  mace,  a  powerful  as  well  as  a 
skilful  arm. 

The  mace  was  very  similar  to  the  pole-axe,  without  a  blade.  It  was  of 
wood,  bound  with  bronze,  about  two  feet  and  a  half  in  length,  and  furnished 
with  an  angular  piece  of  metal,  projecting  from  the  handle,  which  may  have 
been  intended  as  a  guard,  though  in  many  instances  they  represent  the  hand 
placed  above  it,  while  the  blow  was  given.  In  ancient  times,  when  the  fate 
of  a  battle  was  frequently  decided  by  personal  valour,  the  dexterous  manage- 
ment of  such  arms  was  of  great  importance  ;  and  a  band  of  resolute  veterans, 
headed  by  a  gallant  chief,  spread  dismay  among  the  ranks  of  an  enemy. 
The  curved  stick,  or  club  (called  Usan,  "tongue"),  was  used  by  heavy 
and  light-armed  troops  as  well  as  by  archers ;  and  if  it  does  not  appear  a 
formidable  arm,  yet  the  experience  of  modern  times  bears  ample  testimony 
to  its  efficacy  in  close  combat. 

The  helmet  was  usually  quilted ;  and  though  bronze  helmets  are  said  to 
have  been  worn  by  the  Egyptians,  they  generally  adopted  the  former,  which 
being  thick,  and  well  padded,  served  as  an  excellent  protection  to  the  head, 
without  the  inconvenience  of  metal  in  so  hot  a  climate.  Some  of  them 
descended  to  the  shoulder,  others  only  a  short  distance  below  the  level  of 
the  ear,  and  the  summit,  terminating  in  an  obtuse  point,  was  ornamented 
with  two  tassels.  They  were  of  a  green,  red,  or  black  colour;  and  a 
longer  one,  which  fitted  less  closely  to  the  back  of  the  head,  was  fringed 
at  the  lower  edge  with  a  broad  border,  and  in  some  instances  consisted  of 
two  parts,  or  an  upper  and  under  fold.  Another,  worn  by  tlie  spearmen, 
and  many  corps  of  infantry  and  charioteers,  was  also  quilted,  and  descended 
to  the  shoulder  with  a  fringe ;  but  it  had  no  tassels,  and,  fitting  close  to 
the  top  of  the  head,  it  widened  towards  the  base,  the  front,  which  covered 
the  forehead,  being  made  of  a  separate  piece,  attached  to  the  other  part. 
There  is  no  representation  of  an  Egyptian  helmet  with  a  crest,  but  that 
of  the  Shardana,  once  enemies  and  afterwards  allies  of  the  Pharaohs,  shows 
they  were  used  long  before  the  Trojan  war. 

The  outer  surface  of  the  corselet  of  mail,  or  coat  of  scale-armour,  con- 
sisted of  about  eleven  horizontal   rows   of   metal  plates,  well  secured  by 


I'dl 


THE   HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 


bronze  i)ins ;  and  at  the  hollow  of  the  throat  a  narrower  range  of  plates  was 
Lntroduceil,  above  which  were  two  more,  completing  the  collar  or  covering 

of  the  neck.  The  breadth  of  each  plate 
or  scale  was  little  more  than  an  inch, 
eleven  or  twelve  of  them  sufficing  to 
cover  the  front  of  the  body;  and  the 
sleeves,  which  were  sometimes  so  short 
as  to  extend  less  than  halfway  to  the 
elbow,  consisted  of  two  rows  of  similar 
plates.  Many,  indeed  most,  of  the 
corselets  were  without  collars ;  in  some 
the  sleeves  were  rather  longer,  reaching 
nearly  to  the  elbow,  and  they  were 
worn  both  by  heavy  infantry  and  bow- 

N"^'      flHS^  I         *\  men.     The  ordinary  corselet  may  have 

i  i  iiS^^^,      '"^  ■        '^         heen  little  less  than  two  feet  and  a  half 
^^  iJBKf/^ii'       V     ■  ^'         ''^    length;   it   sometimes   covered   the 
^J8s^ '/'^3t';^ll^  '  thighs  nearly  to  the  knee;  and  in  order 

^^■■^^k\-i'  'J^v  rJ^'  to   prevent   its  pressing   heavily  upon 

J\mUl'-:T'rJ^V  i'\,-  \  ^]^^,  shoulder,  they  bound  their  girdle 

over  it,  and  tightened  it  at  the  waist. 
But  the  thighs,  and  that  part  of  the 
body  below  the  girdle,  were  usually 
covered  by  a  kilt,  or  other  robe,  de- 
tached from  the  corselet  ;  and  many  of 
the  light  and  heavy  infantry  were  clad 
in  a  quilted  vest  of  the  same  form  as 
the  coat  of  armour,  for  which  it  was  a 
substitute ;  and  some  wore  corselets, 
reaching  only  from  the  waist  to  the 
upper  part  of  the  breast,  and  supported 
by  straps  over  the  shoulder,  which  were 
faced  with  bronze  plates. 
Ho.'ivy-armed  troops  were  furnished  with  a  shield  and  spear;  some  with 
a  shield  and  mace  ;  and  others,  though  rarely,  with  a  battle-axe,  or  a  pole-axe, 
and  shield.  Tliey  also  carried  a  sword,  falchion,  curved  stick  or  lisan,  simple 
mace,  or  hatchet ;  which  may  be  looked  upon  as  their  side-arms.  The  light 
troops  had  nearly  the  same  weapons,  but  their  defensive  armour  was  lighter; 
and  the  siingers  and  some  others  fought,  like  the  archers,  without  shields. 

The  chariot  corps  constituted  a  very  large  and  effective  portion  of  the 
Kgyptian  army.  Each  car  contained  two  persons,  like  the  diphros  (Stc^po?) 
of  the  (Jrcdks.  On  some  occasions  it  carried  three,  the  charioteer  or  driver 
and  two  chiefs  ;  but  this  was  rarely  the  case,  except  in  triumphal  processions, 
when  two  of  the  princes  accompanied  the  king  in  their  chariot,  bearing  the 
refill  sceptre,  or  the  fiaheUa,  and  required  a  third  person  to  manage  the 
reins.  In  the  field  each  had  his  own  car,  with  a  charioteer;  and  the  insig- 
nia of  his  office  being  attached  behind  him  by  a  broad  belt,  his  hands  were 
free  for  the  use  of  tlie  bow  and  other  arms.  The  driver  generally  stood  on 
the  off-side,  in  order  to  have  the  whip-hand  free ;  and  this  interfered  less 
with  the  use  of  the  bow  than  the  Greek  custom  of  driving  on  the  near-side; 
whirh  last  was  adopted  in  Greece  as  being  more  convenient  for  throwing  the 
spear.  When  on  an  excursion  for  pleasure,  or  on  a  visit  to  a  friend,  an 
Egyptian  gentleman  mounted  alone,  and  drove  himself,  footmen  and  other 


An  Egyptian  Soldikr 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF  THE  EGYPTIANS 


205 


attendants  running  before  and  behind  the  car  ;  and  sometimes  an  archer  used 
his  bow  and  acted  as  his  own  charioteer. 

In  the  battle  scenes  of  the  Egyptian  temples,  the  king  is  represented 
alone  in  his  car,  unattended  by  any  charioteer  ;  with  the  reins  fastened 
round  his  body,  while  engaged  in  bending  his  bow  against  the  enemy  ; 
though  it  is  possible  that  the  driver  was  omitted,  in  order  not  to  interfere 
with  the  principal  figure.  The  king  had  always  a  "second  chariot,"  in 
order  to  provide  against  accidents  ;  as  Josiah  is  stated  to  have  had  when 
defeated  by  Neku  ;  and  the  same  was  in  attendance  on  state  occasions. 
The  cars  of  the  whole  chariot  corps  contained  each  two  warriors,  comrades 
of  equal  rank  ;  and  the  charioteer  who  accompanied  a  chief  was  a  person  of 
confidence,  as  we  see  from  the  familiar  manner  in  which  one  of  them  is  rep- 
resented conversing  with  a  son  of  the  great  Ramses. 

In  driving,  the  Egyptians  used  a  whip,  like  the  heroes  and  charioteers  of 
Homer  ;  and  this,  or  a  short  stick,  was  generally  employed  even  for  beasts 
of  burden,  and  for  oxen  at  the  plough,  in  preference  to  the  goad.  The  whip 
consisted  of  a  smooth,  round  wooden  handle,  and  a  single  or  double  thong  : 
it  sometimes  had  a  lash  of  leather,  or  string,  about  two  feet  in  length,  either 
twisted  or  plaited  ;  and  a  loop  being  attached  to  the  lower  end,  the  archer 
was  enabled  to  use  the  bow,  while  it  hung  suspended  from  his  wrist. 

When  a  hero  encountered  a  hostile  chief,  he  sometimes  dismounted  from 
his  car,  and  substituting  for  his  bow  and  quiver  the  spear,  battle-axe,  or 
falchion,  he  closed  with  him  hand  to  hand,  like  the  Greeks  and  Trojans 
described  by  Homer ;  and  the  lifeless  body  of  the  foe  being  left  upon  the 
field,  was  stripped  of  its  arms  by  his  companions.  Sometimes  a  wounded 
adversary,  incapable  of  further  resistance,  having  claimed  and  obtained  the 
mercy  of  the  victor,  was  carried  from  the  field  in  his  chariot ;  and  the  ordi- 
nary captives,  who  laid  down  their  arms  and  yielded  to  the  Egyptians,  were 
treated  as  prisoners  of  war,  and  were  sent  bound  to  the  rear  under  an  escort, 
to  be  presented  to  the  monarch,  and  to  grace  his  triumph,  after  the  termination 
of  the  conflict.  The  hands  of  the  slain  were  then  counted  before  him  ;  and 
this  return  of  the  enemy's  killed  was  duly  registered,  to  commemorate  his 
success,  and  the  glories  of  his  roign. 

The  Egyptian  chariots  had  no  seat ;  but  the  bottom  part  consisted  of  a 
frame  interlaced  with  thongs  or  rope,  forming  a  species  of  network,  in  order, 
by  its  elasticity,  to  render  the  motion  of  the  carriage  without  springs  more  easy: 
and  this  was  also  provided  for  by  placing  the  wheels  as  far  back  as  possible, 
and  resting  much  of  the  weight  on  the  horses,  which  supported  the  pole.  That 
the  chariot  was  of  wood  is  sufficiently  proved  by  the  sculptures,  wherever 
workmen  are  seen  employed  in  making  it ;  and  the  fact  of  their  having  more 
than  three  thousand  years  ago  already  invented  and  commonly  used  a  form 
of  pole,  only  introduced  into  our  own  country  in  the  nineteenth  century,  is 
an  instance  of  the  truth  of  Solomon's  assertion,  "  there  is  no  new  thing  under 
the  sun,"  and  shows  the  skill  of  their  workmen  at  that  remote  time. 


BATTLE   METHODS 

When  an  expedition  was  resolved  upon  against  a  foreign  nation,  each 
province  furnished  its  quotum  of  men.  The  troops  were  generally  com- 
manded by  the  king  in  person ;  but  in  some  instances  a  general  was 
appointed  to  that  post,  and  intrusted  with  the  sole  conduct  of  the  war.  A 
place  of  rendezvous  was  fixed,  in  early  times  generally  at  Thebes,  Memphis, 
or  Pelusium  ;  and  the  troops  having   assembled  in  the  vicinity,  remained 


LMIt 


THE   HISTORY   OF  EGYPT 


bronze  pins;  and  at  the  hollow  of  the  throat  a  narrower  range  of  plates  was 
Lntroduced,  above  which  were  two  more,  completing  the  collar  or  covering 

of  the  neck.  The  breadth  of  each  plate 
or  scale  was  little  more  than  an  inch, 
eleven  or  twelve  of  them  sufficing  to 
cover  the  front  of  the  body;  and  the 
sleeves,  which  were  sometimes  so  short 
as  to  extend  less  than  halfway  to  the 
elbow,  consisted  of  two  rows  of  similar 
plates.  Many,  indeed  most,  of  the 
corselets  were  without  collars ;  in  some 
the  sleeves  were  rather  longer,  reaching 
nearly  to  the  elbow,  and  they  were 
worn  both  by  heavy  infantry  and  bow- 

NW\      WllSk  '\\         men.     The  ordinary  corselet  may  have 

^i  jB?^,  >  '*  ..  ■■  M\  been  little  less  than  two  feet  and  a  half 
^  ^Sai^^^m  \  i  '^  M  "^  length  ;  it  sometimes  covered  the 
"^  'SbS'  , ■  l^'-  M^i\- ■. '- '  ;  thighs  nearly  to  the  knee  ;  and  in  order 
-^ '1^^' ■  ' ' '^.  '^'r^;'^  '  ^  to   prevent   its  pressing   heavily  upon 

■:A^fsM         •,  ,  ^]^y  shoulder,  they  bound  their  girdle 

over  it,  and  tightened  it  at  the  waist. 
But  the  thighs,  and  that  part  of  the 
body  below  the  girdle,  were  usually 
covered  by  a  kilt,  or  other  robe,  de- 
tached from  the  corselet  ;  and  many  of 
the  light  and  heavy  infantry  were  clad 
in  a  quilted  vest  of  the  same  form  as 
the  coat  of  armour,  for  which  it  was  a 
substitute ;  and  some  wore  corselets, 
reaching  only  from  the  waist  to  the 
upper  part  of  the  breast,  and  supported 
by  straps  over  the  shoulder,  which  were 
faced  with  bronze  plates. 
Hoiivy-armed  troops  were  furnished  with  a  shield  and  spear;  some  with 
a  shield  and  mace  ;  and  others,  though  rarely,  with  a  battle-axe,  or  a  pole-axe, 
and  shield.  They  also  carried  a  sword,  falchion,  curved  stick  or  lisan,  simple 
mace,  or  hatchet ;  which  may  be  looked  upon  as  their  side-arms.  The  light 
troops  had  nearly  the  same  weapons,  but  their  defensive  armour  was  lighter; 
and  tlic  slingers  and  some  others  fought,  like  the  archers,  without  shields. 

The  chariot  corps  constituted  a  very  large  and  effective  portion  of  the 
Kgyi)tian  army.  Each  car  contained  two  persons,  like  the  diphros  (St^/ao?) 
of  the  (ircnks.  On  some  occasions  it  carried  three,  the  charioteer  or  driver 
and  two  chiefs ;  but  this  was  rarely  the  case,  except  in  triumphal  processions, 
whon  two  of  tiie  princes  accompanied  the  king  in  their  chariot,  bearing  the 
rt'^MJ  sceptre,  or  the  flahella,  and  required  a  third  person  to  manage  the 
n'ins.  In  the  field  each  had  his  own  car,  with  a  charioteer;  and  the  insig- 
nia of  his  oflice  being  attached  behind  him  by  a  broad  belt,  his  hands  were 
free  for  the  use  of  tlie  bow  and  other  arms.  The  driver  generally  stood  on 
the  off-side,  in  order  to  have  the  whip-hand  free ;  and  this  interfered  less 
with  the  use  of  the  bow  than  the  Greek  custom  of  driving  on  the  near-side; 
wliich  last  was  adopted  in  Greece  as  being  more  convenient  for  throwing  the 
spear.  When  on  an  excursion  for  pleasure,  or  on  a  visit  to  a  friend,  an 
Egyptian  gentleman  mounted  alone,  and  drove  himself,  footmen  and  other 


An  E<syptian  Soldikr 


MANNERS  AKD  CUSTOMS   OF  THE  EGYPTIANS 


207 


thick,  and  often  fifty  feet  high,  with  square  towers  at  intervals  along  each 
face.  But  though  some  were  kept  up  after  the  accession  of  the  XVIIIth 
Dynasty,  the  practice  of  fortifying  towns  seems  to  have  been  discontinued, 
and  fortresses  or  walled  towns  were  not  then  used,  except  on  the  edge  of  the 
desert,  and  on  the  frontiers  where  large  garrisons  were  required.  To  supply 
their  place,  the  temples  were  provided  with  lofty  pyramidal  stone  towers, 
which,  projecting  beyond  the  walls,  enabled  the  besieged  to  command  and 
rake  them,  while  the  parapet-wall  over  the  gateway  shielded  the  soldiers 
who  defended  the  entrance  ;  and  the  whole  plan  of  an  outer  wall  of  circum- 
vallation  was  carried  out  by  the  large  crude  brick  enclosure  of  the  temenoSy 
within  which  the  temple  stood.  Each  temple  was  thus  a  detached  fort,  and 
was  thought  as  sufficient  a  protection  for  itself  and  for  the  town  as  a  contin- 
uous wall,  which  required  a  large  garrison  to  defend  it ;  and  neither  Thebes 
nor  Memphis,  the  two  capitals,  were  walled  cities. 


An  Egyptian  Bowman 


The  field  encampment  was  either  a  square,  or  a  parallelogram,  with  a 
principal  entrance  in  one  of  the  faces  ;  and  near  the  centre  were  the  general's 
tent,  and  those  of  the  principal  officers.  The  general's  tent  was  sometimes 
surrounded  by  a  double  rampart  or  fosse,  enclosing  two  distinct  areas,  the 
outer  one  containing  three  tents,  probably  of  the  next  in  command,  or  of 
the  officers  on  the  staff  ;  and  the  guards  slept  or  watched  in  the  open  air. 
Other  tents  were  pitched  outside  these  enclosures  ;  and  near  the  external 
circuit,  a  space  was  set  apart  for  feeding  horses  and  beasts  of  burden,  and 
another  for  ranging  the  chariots  and  baggage.  It  was  near  the  general's 
tent,  and  within  the  same  area,  that  the  altars  of  the  gods,  or  whatever  re- 
lated to  religious  matters,  the  standards,  and  the  military  chest,  were  kept ; 
and  the  sacred  emblems  were  deposited  beneath  a  canopy,  with  an  enclosure 
similar  to  that  of  the  general's  tent. 

In  attacking  a  fortified  town,  they  advanced  under  cover  of  the  arrows 
of  the  bowmen  ;  and  either  instantly  applied  the  scaling-ladder  to  the  ram- 
parts, or  undertook  the  routine  of  a  regular  siege  :  in  which  case,  having 
advanced  to  the  walls,  they  posted  themselves  under  cover  of  testudos,  and 
shook  and  dislodged  the  stones  of  the  parapet  with  a  species  of  battering- 
ram,  directed  and  impelled  by  a  body  of  men  expressly  chosen  for  this  ser- 
vice :  but  when  the  place  held  out  against  these  attacks,  and  neither  a 
coup  de  main,  the  ladder,  nor  the  ram,  was  found  to  succeed,  they  used 
the  testudo  for  concealing  and  protecting  the  sappers,  while  they  mined 
the   place  ;    and   certainly,   of   all   people,   the    Egyptians   were    the    most 


208  THE  HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 

likely  to  have  recourse  to  this  stratagem  of  war,  from  the  great  practice 
they  had  in  underground  excavations,  and  in  directing  shafts  through  the 
solid  rock> 

SOCIAL   CUSTOMS 

The  subject  of  manners  and  customs  of  the  Egyptians  has  had  a  peculiar 
fascination  for  almost  all  students  of  Egyptian  history.  It  is  difficult  to 
get  away  from  the  feeling  that  there  is  something  mysterious  and  occult 
about  Egyptian  life,  and  thousands  of  people  have  gazed  with  mingled 
adiuirutiun  and  awe  upon  the  monumental  remains  of  this  people  without 
caring  in  the  least  for  the  strange-sounding  names  of  the  monarchs  or 
for  tiie  details  of  their  political  history. 

From  the  time  of  the  explorations  of  the  French  under  Napoleon,  which 
led  to  tiie  monumental  publication  edited  by  ChampoUion  c  and  his  associates, 
some  inklings  of  the  Egyptian  life  passed  into  common  knowledge.  Addi- 
tional light  was  thrown  upon  the  subject  by  the  publication  of  the  elaborate 
"  Denkiiiiiler  "  of  Lepsius.'^  But  the  first  full  exposition  of  the  social  condi- 
tions of  ancient  Egypt  was  due  to  the  investigations  of  Wilkinson,  who 
devoted  the  best  years  of  his  life  to  the  subject,  and  whose  publications  are 
still  standard  authority.  Wilkinson's  elaborate  investigation  of  the  monu- 
ments and  his  astute  inferences  drawn  from  what  he  saw  enabled  him  to  pro- 
duce a  picture  of  Egyptian  life  which  the  work  of  more  recent  investigators 
has  seldom  supplanted  as  to  essentials. 

Of  the  more  recent  Egyptologists  few  have  failed  to  show  an  interest  in 
this  phase  of  Egyptian  history.  Birch,*  Maspero,^  Mariette,«  Chabas,/ 
Budge,^'  Petrie."  Renouft^  —  all  have  dealt  with  various  phases  of  Egyptian 
life.  Amelia  B.  Edwards^  popularised  the  knowledge  of  the  specialists  in 
widely  read  publications,  and  Georg  Ebers,*  himself  a  specialist  of  the  highest 
standing,  gave  even  wider  currency  to  the  most  interesting  phases  of  the  sub- 
ject through  the  medium  of  his  novels.  In  recent  years  the  field  that  Wil- 
kinson made  his  own  has  been  invaded  with  great  success  by  Professor  Adolf 
Erman  of  the  Berlin  University,  the  worthy  successor  of  Lepsius.  Professor 
l-]rmau  has  profited  by  the  widest  and  most  critical  studies  of  the  Egyptian 
writings,  and  through  this  means  he  has  been  enabled  to  supplement  the  work 
i)f  Wilkinson  in  certain  important  directions,  notably  in  reference  to  ques- 
tions of  judicial  procedure  and  the  details  of  governmental  administration  — 
subjects  into  which,  unfortunately,  a  lack  of  space  does  not  permit  us  to 
enter  fully  here.  In  his  work,  Aegypten  und  Aegyptisches  Lehen  im  Altertum, 
Professor  Erman  has  summarised  the  sources  to  which  the  Egyptologist  must 
go  for  information  as  to  the  life  of  this  people.  The  writings  of  the 
Hebrews,  he  tells  us,  have  come  down  to  us  so  much  re-edited  in  later 
times  that  they  must  be  accepted  with  caution  as  representing  Egyptian  life 
of  an  early  period. 

The  writings  of  the  Greeks,  chief  among  whom  in  this  field  is  Herodotus, 
are  important  as  to  certain  features  of  the  later  Egyptian  life.  Such  things 
a,s  a  tourist  sees  who,  "  ignorant  of  the  language,  travels  for  a  few  months  in 
a  foreign  country,"  Herodotus  tells  us  ;  but  very  naturally  he  is  unable  to 
supply  us  with  adequate  or  reliable  information  regarding  those  earlier 
periods  of  Egyptian  history,  which  have  chief  interest  now  because  they 
represent  the  Egyptian  in  his  time  of  might  and  prosperity. 

For  what  we  can  hope  to  learn  of  these  earlier  times  we  must  turn  to  the 
Egyptian  monuments  themselves.  These  monumental  remains  are  of  four 
types,  namely : 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF  THE  EGYPTIANS  209 

(1)  The  inscriptions  on  temple  walls  and  on  monuments. 

(2)  The  royal  tombs. 

(3)  Inscribed  papyri  representing  the  literature  of  the  country,  and 

(4)  Papyri  of  another  class  representing  letters,  deeds,  and  other 
business  documents. 

As  to  the  inscriptions,  which  form  numerically  so  large  a  proportion  of 
the  Egyptian  mementos,  and  which,  naturally  enough,  were  first  attractive 
to  the  investigator,  it  may  be  said  that  as  a  whole  they  are  most  disappoint- 
ing since  their  "  inscriptions  and  representations  refer  almost  solely  to  the 
worship  of  the  gods,  to  sacrifices  and  processions,  or  they  give  us  bombastic 
hymns  to  the  gods,  or  they  may  perhaps  contain  the  information  that  such 
and  such  a  king  built  this  sanctuary  of  eternal  stones  for  his  father  the  god, 
who  rewarded  him  for  this  pious  act  by  granting  him  a  life  of  millions  of  years. 
If,  as  an  exception,  we  find  an  inscription  telling  us  of  the  warlike  feats  of 
a  ruler,  these  are  related  in  such  official  style  and  stereotyped  formula,  that 
little  can  be  gained  towards  the  knowledge  of  Egyptian  life." 

The  tombs  are  much  more  satisfactory  for  the  present  purpose  since  they 
contain  representations  of  events  in  the  home  life  of  the  deceased,  and  also 
various  implements,  utensils,  and  trinkets  such  as  he  might  have  used  while 
living.  But,  unfortunately,  it  is  only  the  early  period  of  Egyptian  life  that 
is  depicted  in  this  manner.  Moreover,  the  relics  found  in  the  tombs  are 
sometimes  misleading,  since  it  apparently  became  the  custom  to  supply  articles 
ready  made  for  this  purpose,  rather  than  to  utilise  objects  of  actual  utility 
such  as  the  deceased  might  really  have  employed  while  living. 

The  papyri  which  represent  the  literary  remains  of  ancient  Egypt  are 
much  less  illuminative  than  might  be  expected  ;  the  greater  number  of  them 
are  magical  or  religious  in  character,  the  most  conspicuous  example  being 
the  Book  of  the  Dead,  numberless  recensions  of  which  are  extant  in  whole  or 
in  part.  These  supply  valuable  glimpses  of  the  moral  nature  of  the  Egyptians 
and  are  of  high  value  to  the  student  of  religion  and  philosophy,  but  they 
naturally  tell  us  little  of  the  everyday  life  of  the  people. 

Of  the  secular  manuscripts  the  chief  portion  are  school  books,  intended 
to  incite  youthful  students  at  once  to  virtue  and  to  knowledge,  quite  after 
the  manner  of  the  modern  books,  particularly  of  the  last  generation.  These 
also  fail  to  give  more  than  incidental  glimpses  into  the  real  life  of  the  people. 
As  to  the  value  for  this  purpose  of  the  romances  which  make  up  so  important 
a  part  of  the  literary  remains  of  the  Egyptians,  scarcely  more  can  be  said. 
They  are  romances  in  the  modern  acceptance  of  the  term.  No  school  of  real- 
ists had  come  to  urge  the  writer  to  go  to  contemporary  nature  for  his  models  ; 
hence,  as  Erman  aptly  says,  the  country  described  in  these  writings  "  is  not 
Egypt,  but  Fairyland." 

It  is  always  surprising  in  studying  the  literature  of  a  past  time,  to  note 
the  facility  with  which  the  details  of  everyday  life  are  omitted.  Such  a 
writer  as  Herodotus  tells  many  interesting  things  about  the  manners  and 
customs  of  Babylonians,  Egyptians,  Persians,  Scythians  even,  but  he  scarcely 
tells  us  a  word  except  inferentially,  or  by  way  of  pointing  a  contrast,  of  the 
everyday  life  of  his  own  people,  the  Greeks  themselves.  Siniihirly  the 
Egyptian  writers,  had  they  visited  Greece,  would  doubtless  have  had  much  to 
say  of  the  strange  customs  of  that  "barbaric  people  ";  but  it  never  occurs  to 
them  to  enter  into  any  details  as  to  the  everyday  life  of  their  own  race. 

The  reason  for  this  is  sufficiently  obvious.  One  writes  chiefly  for  a  con- 
temporary audience,  and  it  would  be  tedious  and  absurd  to  fill  one's  pages 
with  details  regarding  things  that  constitute  part  of  the  most  elementary 


210  THE   HISTORY   OF  EGYPT 

knowledge  of  every  reader.  What  Greek  would  have  cared  to  listen  to 
Herodotus,  had  he  chosen  to  fill  his  pages  with  prosy  dissertations  upon  the 
wav  in  which  his  liuarers  and  readers  built  their  houses,  attired  themselves, 
ate  thfir  meals,  and  pursued  their  everyday  vocations?  Every  line  of  such 
a  dis(iuisitinn  would  iiave  been  filled  with  fascinating  interest  for  posterity, 
but  posterity  was  but  little  in  the  mind  of  the  writer  himself.  It  is  precisely 
the  same  with  the  writings  of  to-day. 

U  one  will  consider  in  this  light  the  first  novel  that  comes  to  hand,  he 
will  be  iustt)nished  to  note  how  much  is  taken  for  granted,  and  how  little 
even  the  most  realistic  story  would  tell  to  a  person  utterly  ignorant  of  our 
manners  and  customs  about  the  precise  details  of  our  everyday  life.  Even 
the  newspa{)ers,  which  seem  to  thresh  out  the  veriest  chaff  of  life,  are  mostly 
guiltless  of  specilic  reference  to  any  of  those  everyday  commonplaces,  the 
lack  of  which  in  ancient  writings  fills  us  with  such  regret.  It  is  not  sur- 
prising then,  though  none  the  less  to  be  deplored,  that  the  relatively  abund- 
ant st^ores  of  Egyptian  literature  give  after  all  only  an  incomplete  and 
imperfect  i)icture'of  the  manners  and  customs  of  the  people. 

To  the  remaining  source  of  information  —  the  papyri  inscribed  with  let- 
tei-s  and  business  documents  —  the  investigator  is  able  to  turn  with  greater 
confidence.  Here  we  see  the  people  no  longer  posing  consciously  for  inspec- 
tion, but  acting  their  real  life  and  expressing  their  true  sentiments.  Just  as 
the  modern  biographer  feels  that  he  is  giving  the  most  intimate  insight  into 
the  character  of  his  subject  when  he  quotes  from  his  personal  letters,  so  these 
letters  and  allied  documents  of  the  old  Egyptians  give  us  perhaps  the  clearest 
insight  obtainable  into  the  true  character  of  the  people,  and  it  is  those  who 
hiive  studied  these  documents  most  closely  who  have  been  most  strongly  im- 
pressed with  the  similarity  between  the  true  characteristics  of  ancient  and 
modern  peoples.  What,  for  example,  could  seem  more  modern  than  the 
account  of  the  police  investigation  into  the  alleged  robbery  of  the  tombs  of 
the  kings  at  Memphis,  which  w^as  held  in  the  time  of  Ramses  IX,  of  the 
XXth  Dynasty,  about  the  year  1100  B.C.  ? 

Professor  Erman's  account,  transcribed  from  the  papyri,  telling  of  this 
investigation,  reads  for  all  the  world  like  the  police  columns  of  a  modern 
news[)aper.  It  appears  that  bands  of  thieves,  tempted  by  the  rich  spoils 
alwiiys  buried  with  ancient  kings,  had  attempted  to  force  their  way  into 
various  pyramids  where  the  bodies  of  these  monarchs  reposed,  and  that  in 
some  cases  they  had  been  successful.  Rumours  of  this  sacrilege  coming  to 
the  attention  of  the  governor  of  the  city,  the  investigation  in  question  was 
set  on  foot,  and  the  divergent  opinions  expressed  by  the  various  authorities, 
the  iiickerings  and  jealousies  that  are  evidenced,  and  the  net  result  in  a  ver- 
dict which  leaves  us  somewhat  in  doubt  as  to  the  real  facts  of  the  case, — all 
these  features  have  an  aspect  of  modernity  that  is  positively  startling.  As 
an  interesting  sequel  to  this  investigation  it  may  be  added  that  the  police 
were  finally  obliged  to  admit  themselves  no  match  for  the  thieves,  and  that 
the  authorities,  despairing  of  being  able  to  protect  the  tombs  of  their  ances- 
tors, resorted  finally  to  the  strange  expedient  of  removing  the  royal  eflfigies 
to  a  secret  cave  in  the  distant  mountain  of  Deir-el-Bahari.  In  this  cave 
were  placed  the  mummies  of  a  distinguished  line  of  monarchs,  including 
Ainonhotep  I,  Tehutimes  II,  Tehutimes  III,  and  Seti  I,  and  lastly  the  great 
Kainses  II   himself. 

The  humiliating  step  was  taken  so  secretly,  and  the  hiding-place  was  so 
carefully  guarded  from  the  knowledge  of  all  but  a  few,  that  apparently 
when  these  died  the  secret  died  with  them.     At  any  rate,  the  resting-place 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS   OF   THE  EGYPTIANS  211 

of  the  greatest  sovereigns  of  Egypt  was  quite  unknown  for  about  three 
thousand  years,  and  it  was  revealed  by  accident  in  our  own  time.  In  the 
year  1881,  as  described  in  a  preceding  section,  the  authorities  entered  the 
crypt  which  a  company  of  fellahs  had  discovered  about  ten  years  before, 
but  the  knowledge  of  which  they  had  kept  secret.  Perhaps  only  once  before 
in  the  history  of  archaeological  discovery  had  so  startling  a  find  been  made, 
or  one  that  aroused  such  enthusiastic  interest  in  the  minds  both  of  specialists 
and  of  the  general  public  as  when  these  effigies  of  the  great  monarchs  were 
dragged  from  their  tomb.  It  is  only  the  recent  dead  to  whom  sacredness 
attaches,  and  the  archaeologist  has  no  scruples  about  making  a  museum 
exhibit  of  forms  that  had  once  ruled  a  great  people,  and  which  their  imme- 
diate successors  had  reverenced  as  gods. 

It  will  appear  from  this  brief  analysis  that  the  remains  of  Egyptian  writ- 
ings give  us  in  many  ways  an  insight  into  the  life  of  the  people,  but  that 
nevertheless  our  knowledge  of  that  life  is  much  more  restricted  than  could 
be  wished.  After  the  last  line  of  extant  writing  has  been  scrutinised  and 
analysed,  it  still  remains  true  that  the  chief  source  of  our  information  regard- 
ing the  manners  and  customs  of  the  Egyptians  is  not  to  be  found  in  written 
words  but  in  graphic  pictures.  Just  as  the  illustrations  of  a  modern  maga- 
zine would  tell  posterity,  if  preserved,  far  more  about  our  everyday  life, 
than  could  be  gleaned  from  the  pages  of  text  which  they  supplement,  so  the 
delineations  of  which  the  Egyptians  were  so  fond,  perform  a  like  service.  It 
was  chiefly  through  study  of  these  that  Wilkinson  was  able  to  reconstruct 
the  life  of  the  people,  and  it  is  still  to  these  that  the  modern  investigator 
must  turn. 


Egyptian  Figures 
(From  the  Monuments) 


The  manuscripts  give  us  important  hints  and  suggestions,  and  throw  here 
and  there  a  ray  of  light  into  some  dark  corner,  but  the  chief  story  is  told, 
not  by  hieroglyphic  or  hieratic  scrolls,  but  by  actual  pictures.  These,  as  has 
been  said,  show  us  the  people  for  a  limited  period,  pursuing  the  ordinary 
vocations  of  life.  They  show  us  that  the  Egyptian  gave  heed  to  much  the 
same  manner  of  things  that  interest  the  modern.  With  the  aid  of  these  pic- 
tures we  are  able  to  go  with  the  Egyptian,  not  merely  into  the  fields  and 
vineyards  where  he  labours,  but  also  into  the  private  dwellings,  where  we 
may  attend  him  as  he  feasts,  plays  upon  musical  instruments,  dances,  and 
indulges  in  various  sports  and  games. 

We  shall  be  forced  to  believe  that  he  was  very  human  ;  very  like  our- 
selves in  his  aspirations  and  desires,  even  in  his  method  of  their  attempted 
realisation ;  and  yet  so  strangely  do  the  archaic  forms  of  those  delineations 
impress  themselves  upon  the  mind,  that  we  shall  never  quite  free  ourselves 
of  the  impression  that  here  we  have  to  do  with  the  beings  of  another  and 
very  different  world. 


212  THE   HISTORY   OF   EGYPT 

Something  of  mystery,  something  of  the  occult,  clings  to  the  Egyptian, 
however  we  miiy  try  to  dispel  the  illusion.  This  power  the  residents  of 
contemponiry  Egypt  liad  over  the  old  Greek,  and  this  power  they  still  retain. 
They  work  a  spell  upon  the  mind  of  whoever  contemplates  them,  which  no 
reasoning  can  ([uite  exorcise.  We  know  and  we  believe  that  these  were 
ordinary"mortals  like  ourselves  ;  and  yet,  in  spite  of  this  knowledge,  we  feel 
that  there  was  something  quite  different  about  them.  And  this  supersti- 
tious feeling  i)erhaps  lies  at  the  foundation  of  the  mysterious  charm  that  the 
Egyptians  have  exercised  upon  all  succeeding  generations." 

THE   EGYI»TIANS   AS   SEEN    BY    HERODOTUS 

How  the  classical  world  regarded  the  Egyptians  is  made  clear  to  us  through 
the  pages  of  Herodotus,  who  speaks  as  an  eye-witness.  It  is  the  Egyptians 
of  the  later  e})och  of  whom  he  speaks,  to  be  sure;  but  his  comments  would 
probably  apply  with  little  change  to  the  customs  of  much  earlier  periods. 

Those  Egyptians  who  live  in  the  cultivated  parts  of  the  country,  are  of 
all  wliom  I  have  seen  the  most  ingenious,  being  attentive  to  the  improvement 
of  the  memory  beyond  the  rest  of  mankind.  To  give  some  idea  of  their  mode 
of  life  :  for  three  days  successively  in  every  month  they  use  purges,  vomits, 
and  clysters  ;  this  they  do  out  of  attention  to  their  health,  being  persuaded 
that  the  diseases  of  the  body  are  occasioned  by  the  different  elements 
received  as  food.  Besides  this,  we  may  venture  to  assert,  that  after  the 
Afric-ans  there  is  no  people  in  health  and  constitution  to  be  compared  with 
the  Egyptians.  To  this  advantage  the  climate,  which  is  here  subject  to  no 
variation,  may  essentially  contribute  :  changes  of  all  kinds,  and  those  in 
particular  of  the  seasons,  promote  and  occasion  the  maladies  of  the  body. 
To  their  bread,  which  they  make  with  spelt,  they  give  the  name  of  cyllestis  ; 
they  have  no  vines  in  the  country,  but  they  drink  a  liquor  fermented  from 
barley  ;  they  live  principally  upon  fish,  either  salted  or  dried  in  the  sun  ; 
they  eat  also  quails,  ducks,  and  some  smaller  birds,  without  other  preparation 
than  tirst  salting  them  ;  but  they  roast  and  boil  such  other  birds  and  fishes 
as  they  have,  excepting  those  which  are  preserved  for  sacred  purposes. 

At  the  enti'rtainments  of  the  rich,  just  as  the  company  is  about  to  rise 
from  the  re{KU5t,  a  small  coffin  is  carried  round,  containing  a  perfect  repre- 
sentation of  a  dead  body  :  it  is  in  size  sometimes  of  one  but  never  of  more 
than  two  cubits,  and  as  it  is  shown  to  the  guests  in  rotation,  the  bearer 
exclaims,  "Cast  your  eyes  on  this  figure,  after  death  you  yourself  will 
resemble  it  ;  drink  then,  and  be  happy."  Such  are  the  customs  they 
observe  at  entertainments. 

They  contentedly  adhere  to  the  customs  of  their  ancestors,  and  are  averse 
to  foreign  manners.  Among  other  things  which  claim  our  approbation,  they 
have  a  song,  which  is  also  used  in  Phcpnicia,  Cyprus,  and  other  places,  where 
it  is  differently  named.  Of  all  the  things  which  astonished  me  in  Egypt, 
nothing  more  perplexed  me  than  my  curiosity  to  know  whence  the  Egyp- 
tians learned  this  song,  so  entirely  resembling  the  Linus  of  the  Greeks :  it  is 
of  the  remotest  anticpiity  amf)ng  them,  and  they  call  it  Maneros.  They 
have  a  tradition  that  Maneros  was  the  only  son  of  their  first  monarch  ;  and 
that  having  prematurely  died,  they  instituted  these  melancholy  strains  in 
his  honour,  constituting  their  first,  and  in  earlier  times,  their  only  song. 

The  Egyptians  surpass  all  the  Greeks,  the  Lacedaemonians  excepted,  in  the 
reverpnop  which  they  pay  to  age  :  if  a  young  person  meet  his  senior,  he  instantly 
turna  aside  to  make  way  for  him  ;  if  a  senior  enter  an  apartment,  the  youth 


MANNERS   AND   CUSTOMS   OF  THE   EGYPTIANS  213 

always  rise  from  their  seats  ;  this  ceremony  is  observed  by  no  other  of  the 
Greeks.  When  the  Egyptians  meet  they  do  not  speak,  but  make  a  profound 
reverence,  bowing  with  the  hand  down  to  the  knee. 

Their  habit,  which  they  call  calasiris,  is  made  of  linen,  and  fringed  at  the 
bottom  ;  over  this  they  throw  a  kind  of  shawl  made  of  white  wool,  but  in  these 
vests  of  wool  they  are  forbidden  by  their  religion  either  to  be  buried  or  to  enter 
any  sacred  edifice;  this  is  a  peculiarity  of  those  ceremonies  which  are  called 
Orphic  and  Pythagorean  :  whoever  has  been  initiated  in  these  mysteries  can 
never  be  interred  in  a  vest  of  wool,  for  which  a  sacred  reason  is  assigned. 

Of  the  Egyptians  it  is  further  memorable  that  they  first  imagined  what 
month  or  day  was  to  be  consecrated  to  each  deity  ;  they  also,  from  observing 
the  days  of  nativity,  venture  to  predict  the  particular  circumstances  of  a 
man's  life  and  death  :  this  is  done  by  the  poets  of  Greece,  but  the  Egyp- 
tians have  certainly  discovered  more  things  that  are  wonderful  than  all  the 
rest  of  mankind.  Whenever  any  prodigy  occurs,  they  commit  the  particu- 
lars to  writing  and  mark  the  events  which  follow  it :  if  they  afterward 
observe  any  similar  incident,  they  conclude  that  the  result  will  be  similar 
also.  The  art  of  divination  in  Egypt  is  confined  to  certain  of  their  deities. 
There  are  in  this  country  oracles  of  Hercules,  of  Apollo,  of  Minerva  and 
Diana,  of  Mars,  and  of  Jupiter  ;  but  the  oracle  of  Latona  at  Buto  is  held  in 
greater  estimation  than  any  of  the  rest  :  the  oracular  communication  is  reg- 
ulated by  no  fixed  system,  but  is  differently  obtained  in  different  places. 


Head-rests  for  the  Dead 
(Now  in  the  Britiah  Museum) 

The  art  of  medicine  in  Egypt  is  thus  exercised  :  one  physician  is  con- 
fined to  one  disease  ;  there  are  of  course  a  great  number  who  practise  this 
art ;  some  attend  to  disorders  of  the  eyes ;  others  to  those  of  the  head ;  some 
take  care  of  the  teeth,  others  are  conversant  with  all  diseases  of  the  bowels; 
whilst  many  attend  to  the  cure  of  maladies  which  are  less  conspicuous. 

With  respect  to  their  funerals  and  ceremonies  of  mourning  ;  whenever  a 
man  of  any  importance  dies,  the  females  of-  his  family,  disfiguring  their 
heads  and  faces  with  dirt,  leave  the  corpse  in  the  house  and  run  publicly 
about,  accompanied  by  their  female  relations,  with  their  garments  in  disorder, 
their  breasts  exposed,  and  beating  themselves  severely  :  the  men  on  their 
parts  do  the  same,  after  which  the  body  is  carried  to  the  embalmers. 

If  an  Egyptian  or  a  foreigner  be  found,  either  destroyed  by  a  crocodile 
or  drowned  in  the  water,  the  city  nearest  which  the  body  is  discovered,  is 
obliged  to  embalm  and  pay  it  every  respectful  attention,  and  afterward 
deposit  it  in  some  consecrated  place :  no  friend  or  relation  is  suffered  to 
interfere  ;  the  whole  process  is  conducted  by  the  priests  of  the  Nile,  who 
bury  it  themselves  with  a  respect  to  which  a  lifeless  corpse  would  hardly 
seem  entitled. 

To  the  customs  of  Greece  they  express  aversion,  and,  to  say  the  truth,  to 
those  of  all  other  nations.     This  remark  applies,  with  only  one  exception. 


214  THE   HISTORY   OF  EGYPT 

to  every  part  of  E^vpt.  Chemmis  is  a  place  of  considerable  note  in  the 
Thebaid,  it  is  near  Neapolis,  and  remarkable  for  a  temple  of  Perseus  the  son 
of  DaniB.  This  temple  is  of  a  square  figure,  and  surrounded  with  palm 
trees.  The  vestibule,  which  is  very  spacious,  is  constructed  of  stone,  and  on 
the  summit  are  placed  two  large  marble  statues.  Within  the  consecrated 
enclosure  stand  the  shrine  and  statue  of  Perseus,  who,  as  the  inhabitants 
affirm,  often  appears  in  the  country  and  the  temple.  They  sometimes  find 
one  of  liis  sandals,  wliich  are  of  the  length  of  two  cubits,  and  whenever  this 
happens,  fertility  reigns  throughout  Egypt.  Public  games,  after  the  manner 
of  the  (Jreeks,  aVe  celebrated  in  his  honour.  Upon  this  occasion  they  have 
every  variety  of  gynmastic  exercise.  The  rewards  of  the  conquerors  are 
cattle,  vests,  and  skins.  I  was  once  induced  to  inquire  why  Perseus  made 
his  appearance  to  them  alone,  and  why  they  were  distinguished  from  the 
rest  of  Egypt  by  the  celebration  of  gymnastic  exercises.  They  informed  me 
in  returnr'that  I'erseus  was  a  native  of  their  country,  as  were  also  Danaus  and 
Lynceus,  who  made  a  voyage  into  Greece,  and  from  whom,  in  regular  suc- 
cession, they  related  that  Perseus  was  descended.  This  hero  visited  Egypt 
for  the  purpose,  as  the  Greeks  also  affirm,  of  carrying  from  Africa  the 
Gorgon's  head.  Happening  to  come  among  them,  he  saw  and  was  known  to 
his  relations.  The  name  of  Chemmis  he  had  previously  known  from  his 
mother,  and  he  himself  instituted  the  games  which  they  continued  to 
celebrate. 

These  which  I  have  described  are  the  manners  of  those  Egyptians  who 
live  in  the  higher  parts  of  the  country.  They  who  inhabit  the  marshy 
grounds  differ  in  no  material  instance. 

Like  the  Greeks,  they  confine  themselves  to  one  wife.  To  procure  them- 
selves the  means  of  sustenance  more  easily,  they  make  use  of  the  following 
expedient :  when  the  waters  have  risen  to  their  extremest  height,  and  all 
their  fields  are  overflowed,  there  appears  above  the  surface  an  immense 
quantity  of  plants  of  the  lily  species,  which  the  Egyptians  call  the  lotus: 
having  cut  down  these,  they  dry  them  in  the  sun.  The  seed  of  the  flower, 
which  resembles  that  of  the  poppy,  they  bake  and  make  into  a  kind  of  bread ; 
they  also  eat  the  root  of  this  plant,  which  is  round,  of  an  agreeable  flavour, 
and  about  the  size  of  an  apple.  There  is  a  second  species  of  the  lotus,  which 
grows  in  tlie  Nile,  and  which  is  not  unlike  a  rose.  The  fruit,  which  grows 
from  the  bottom  of  the  root,  is  like  a  wasp's  nest :  it  is  found  to  contain  a 
number  of  kernels  of  the  size  of  an  olive-stone,  which  are  very  grateful,  either 
fresh  or  dried.  Of  the  byblus,  which  is  an  annual  plant,  after  taking  it 
from  a  marshy  place,  where  it  grows,  they  cut  off  the  tops,  and  apply  them 
to  various  uses.  They  eat  or  sell  what  remains,  which  is  nearly  a  cubit  in 
length.  To  make  this  a  still  greater  delicacy,  there  are  many  who  pre- 
viously roast  it.  With  a  considerable  part  of  this  people  fish  constitutes 
the  principal  article  of  food  ;  they  dry  it  in  the  sun,  and  eat  it  without 
other  preparation. 

The  inhabitants  in  the  marshy  grounds  make  use  of  an  oil,  which  they 
term  the  kiki,  expressed  from  the  Sillicyprian  plant.  In  Greece  this  plant 
springs  spontaneously  without  any  cultivation,  but  the  Egyptians  sow  it  on 
the  Imnks  of  the  river,  and  of  the  canals  ;  it  there  produces  fruit  in  great 
abundance,  but  of  a  very  strong  odour:  when  gathered,  they  obtain  from  it, 
either  by  friction  or  pressure,  an  unctuous  liquid,  which  diffuses  an  offen- 
sive smell,  Imt  for  burning  it  is  equal  in  quality  to  the  oil  of  olives. 

The  Egyptians  are  provided  with  a  remedy  against  gnats,  of  which  there 
are  a  surprising  number.     As  the  wind  will  not  suffer  these  insects  to  rise 


MANNEKS   AND   CUSTOMS   OF  THE   EGYPTIANS 


215 


far  from  the  ground,  the  inhabitants  of  the  higher  part  of  the  country  usually 
sleep  in  turrets.  They  who  live  in  the  marshy  grounds  use  this  substitute  : 
each  person  has  a  net,  with  which  they  fish  by  day,  and  which  they  render 
useful  by  night.  They  cover  their  beds  with  their  nets,  and  sleep  securely 
beneath  them.  If  they  slept  in  their  common  habits,  or  under  linen,  the 
gnats  would  not  fail  to  torment  them,  which  they  do  not  even  attempt 
through  a  net. 

Their  vessels  of  burden  are  constructed  of  a  species  of  thorn,  which 
resembles  the  lotos  of  Cyrene,  and  which  distils  a  gum.  From  this  thorn 
they  cut  planks,  about  two  cubits  square :  after  disposing  these  in  the  form 
of  bricks,  and  securing  them  strongly  together,  they  place  from  side  to  side 
benciies  for  the  rowers.     They  do  not  use  timber  artificially  carved,  but  bend 


Fowlers  catching  Geese;  and  Poulterers 

(Wilkinson) 

the  planks  together  with  the  bark  of  the  byblus  made  into  ropes.  They 
have  one  rudder,  which  goes  through  the  keel  of  the  vessel ;  their  mast  is 
made  of  the  same  thorn,  and  the  sails  are  formed  from  the  byblus.  These 
vessels  are  haled  along  by  land,  for  unless  the  wind  be  very  favourable  they 
can  make  no  way  against  the  stream.  When  they  go  with  the  current,  they 
throw  from  the  head  of  the  vessel  a  hurdle  made  of  tamarisk,  fastened 
together  with  reeds ;  they  have  also  a  perforated  stone  of  the  weight  of  two 
talents  ;  this  is  let  fall  at  the  stern,  secured  by  a  rope.  The  name  of  this 
kind  of  bark  is  baris,  which  the  above  hurdle,  impelled  by  the  tide,  draws 
swiftly  along.  The  stone  at  the  stern  regulates  its  motion.  They  have 
immense  numbers  of  these  vessels,  and  some  of  them  of  the  burden  of  many 
thousand  talents. 

During  the  inundation  of  the  Nile,  the  cities  only  are  left  conspicuous, 
appearing  above  the  waters  like  the  islands  of  the  ^gean  Sea.  As  long  as 
the  flood  continues,  vessels  do  not  confine  themselves  to  the  channel  of  the 


216 


THE  HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 


river,  but  traverse  the  fields  and  the  plains.  They  who  then  go  from  Naucratis 
to  Memphis,  pass  by  the  pyramids  ;  this,  however,  is  not  the  usual  course, 
which  lies  through  the  point  of  the  Delta,  and  the  city  of  Cercasorus.  If 
from  the  sea  and  the  town  of  Canopus,  the  traveller  desires  to  go  by  the 
plains  to  Naucratis,  he  must  pass  by  Anthilla  and  Archandros. 

Of  these  places  Anthilhi  is  the  most  considerable  :  whoever  may  be  sov- 
ereign of  Egypt,  it  is  assigned  perpetually  as  part  of  the  revenues  of  the 
queen,  and ''appropriated  to  the  particular  purpose  of  providing  her  with 
sandals  ;  tliis  has  been  observed  ever  since  Egypt  was  tributary  to  Persia. 
I  should  suppose  that  the  other  city  derives  its  name  from  Archander,  the 
son  of  Pthius,  son-in-law  of  Danaus,  and  grandson  of  Achseus.  There  may 
probably  ha\'€  been  some  other  Archander,  for  the  name  is  certainly  not 
Egyptian.  J 


Pehsons  coming  to  be  Registered 
(Wilkinson) 


So  much  for  the  customs  of  the  Egyptians  as  Herodotus  saw  them. 
Abandoning  now  the  contemporary  point  of  view,  let  us  seek  a  modern 
interpretation. 


HOMES    OF    THE    PEOPLE 

Of  the  various  institutions  of  the  ancient  Egyptians,  says  the  great- 
est interpreter  of  Egyptian  customs,  none  are  more  interesting  than  those 
which  relate  to  their  social  life ;  and  when  we  consider  the  condition  of 
other  countries  in  the  early  ages  when  they  flourished,  from  the  tenth  to 
the  twentieth  century  before  our  era,  we  may  look  with  respect  on  the 
advancement  they  had  then  made  in  civilisation,  and  acknowledge  the  bene- 
lits  they  conferred  upon  mankind  during  their  career.  For,  like  other  people, 
they  have  had  their  part  in  the  great  scheme  of  the  world's  development,  and 
their  share  of  usefulness  in  the  destined  progress  of  the  human  race  ;  for 
countries,  like  individuals,  have  certain  qualities  given  them,  which,  differ- 
ing from  those  of  their  predecessors  and  contemporaries,  are  intended  in  due 
sejison  to  perform  their  requisite  duties.  The  interest  felt  in  the  Egyptians 
is  from  their  having  led  the  way,  or  having  been  the  first  people  we  know  of 
who  made  any  great  progress,  in  the  arts  and  manners  of  civilisation;  which, 
for  the  period  when  they  lived,  was  very  creditable,  and  far  beyond  that  of 
otlier  kingdoms  of  the  world.  Nor  can  we  fail  to  remark  the  difference 
between  them  and  their  Asiatic  rivals,  the  Assyrians,  who,  even  at  a  much 


MANNEES  AXD   CUSTOMS   OF  THE  EGYPTIANS 


217 


later  period,  had  the  great  defects  of  Asiatic  cruelty  —  flaying  alive,  impal- 
ing, and  torturing  their  prisoners  ;  as  the  Persians,  Turks,  and  other  Orientals 
have  done  to  the  present  century  ;  the  reproach  of  which  cannot  be  extended 
to  the  ancient  Egyptians.  Being  the  dominant  race  of  that  age,  they 
necessarily  had  an  influence  on  others  with  whom  they  came  in  contact ;  and 
it  is  by  these  means  that  civilisation  is  advanced  through  its  various  stages  ; 
each  people  striving  to  improve  on  the  lessons  derived  from  a  neighbour 
whose  institutions  they  appreciate,  or  consider  beneficial  to  themselves.  It 
was  thus  that  the  active  mind  of  the  talented  Greeks  sought  and  improved 
on  the  lessons  derived  from  other  countries,  especially  from  Egypt ;  and 
though  the  latter,  at  the  late  period  of  the  seventh  century  B.C.,  had  lost  its 
greatness  and  the  prestige  of  superiority  among  the  nations  of  the  world,  it 
was  still  the  seat  of  learning  and  the  resort  of  studious  philosophers  ;  and 
the  abuses  consequent  on  the  fall  of  an  empire  had  not  yet  brought  about  the 
demoralisation  of  after  times. 

In  the  treatment  of  women  they  seem  to  have  been  very  far  advanced 
beyond  other  wealthy  communities  of  the  same  era,  having  usages  very 
similar  to  those  of  modern  Europe  ;  and  such  was  the  respect  shown  to 
women  that  precedence  was  given  to  them  over  men,  and  the  wives  and 
daughters  of  kings  succeeded  to  the  throne  like  the  male  branches  of  the 
royal  family.  Nor  was  this  privilege  rescinded,  even  though  it  had  more 
than  once  entailed  uj^on  them  the  troubles  of  a  contested  succession  :  foreign 
kings  often  having  claimed  a  right  to  the  throne  through  marriage  with  an 
Egyptian  princess.  It  was  not  a  mere  influence  that  they  possessed,  which 
women  often  acquire  in  the  most  arbitrary  Eastern  communities  ;  nor  a 
political  importance  accorded  to  a  particular  individual,  like  that  of  the 
Sultana  Valideh,  the  Queen  Mother,  at  Constantinople  ;  it  was  a  right 
acknowledged  by  law,  both  in  private  and  public  life. 

As  in  all  warm  climates,  the  poorer  classes  of  Egyptians  lived  much  in 
the  open  air  ;  and  the  houses  of  the  rich  were  constructed  to  be  cool 
throughout  the  summer  ;  currents  of  refreshing  air  being  made  to  circu- 
late freely  through  them  by  the  judicious  arrangement  of  the  passages  and 
courts. 

The  houses  were  built  of  crude  brick,  stuccoed  and  painted  with  all 
the  combination  of  bright  colour,  in  which  the  Egyptians  delighted  ;  and  a 
highly  decorated  mansion  had  numerous 
courts,  and  architectural  details  derived 
from  the  temples.  Poor  people  were 
satisfied  with  very  simple  tenements  ; 
their  wants  being  easily  supplied,  both 
as  to  lodging  and  food  ;  and  their  house 
consisted  of  four  walls,  with  a  flat  roof 
of  palm  branches  laid  across  a  split  date 
tree  as  a  beam,  and  covered  with  mats 
plastered  over  with  a  thick  coating  of 
mud.  It  had  one  door,  and  a  few  small 
windows  closed  by  wooden  shutters. 
As  it  scarcely  ever  rained,  the  mud 
roof  was  not  washed  into  the  sitting- 
room  ;  and  this  cottage  rather  answered  as  a  shelter  from  the  sun,  and  as  a 
closet  for  their  goods,  than  for  the  ordinary  purpose  of  a  house  in  other 
countries.  Indeed,  at  night  the  owners  slept  on  the  roof,  during  the  greater 
part  of  the  year  ;  and  as  most  of  their  work  was  done  out  of  doors,  they 


Ancient  Egyptian  Combs 

(Now  in  the  British  Museum) 


218 


THE   HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 


might  easily  be  persuaded  that  a  house  was  far  less  necessary  for  them  than 
a  tomb. 

In  their  plans  the  houses  of  towns,  like  the  villas  in  the  country,  varied 
according  to  the  caprice  of  the  builders.  The  ground  plan,  in  some  of  the 
former,  consisted  of  a  number  of  chambers  on  three  sides  of  a  court,  which 
was  often  planted  with  trees.  Others  consisted  of  two  rows  of  rooms  on 
either  side  of  a  long  passage,  with  an  entrance  court  from  the  street ;  and 
others  were  laid  out  in  chambers  round  a  central  area,  similar  to  the  Roman 
impluvium,  and  paved  with  stone,  or  containing  a  few  trees,  a  tank,  or  a 
fountain,  in  its  centre.  Sometimes,  though  rarely,  a  flight  of  steps  led  to  the 
front  door  from  the  street. 

Houses  of  small  size  were  often  connected  together,  and  formed  the  con- 
tinuous sides  of  streets;  and  a  courtyard  was  common  to  several  dwellings. 
Otliers  of  a  humbler  kind  consisted  merely  of  rooms  opening  on  a  narrow 
passage,  or  directly  on  the  street.  These  had  only  a  basement  story,  or 
ground  floor  ;  and  few  houses  exceeded  two  stories  above  it.  They  mostly 
consisted  of  one  upper  floor  ;  and  though  Diodorus  speaks  of  the  loft}'  houses 
in  Thebes  four  and  five  stories  high,  the  paintings  show  that  few  had  three, 
and  the  largest  seldom  four,  including  as  he  does  the  basement  story.  & 


i 


i 


•» 


Servant  presenting  a  Lotus  Flower  to  a  Guest 


■■iili 


This  country  is  so  thickly  peopled  with  divinities  that  it  is  easier  to 
find  a  god  than  a  man.  —  Petronius. 


Few  things  are  so  hard  to  understand  as  the  religion  of  an  alien  race. 
Indeed,  we  have  but  too  many  illustrations  before  us  constantly  that  even 
among  the  same  people,  and  where  ideas  are  based  upon  the  same  authori- 
ties, a  great  divergence  of  opinion  is  possible.  It  is  little  to  be  expected, 
then,  that  any  people  should  fully  understand  the  religious  faith  of  another 
people.  To  add  to  the  difficulty,  all  the  great  religions  are  of  Oriental 
origin  and  date  from  a  pre-scientific  era.  Now  the  essential  characteristic 
both  of  Oriental  and  of  non-scientific  thinking  is  its  vagueness.  The  Arabic 
historian,  even  of  the  present  day,  loves  to  indulge  in  absurd  flights  of 
rhetoric.  He  sprinkles  his  pages  with  grotesque  metaphors ;  he  uses  the 
most  hyperbolic  exaggerations ;  nor  is  he  particular  to  avoid  the  most 
glaring  contradictions  ;  and  over  it  all  he  throws  the  veil  of  hazy  mysticism. 

If  this  be  true  of  the  Oriental  style  of  composition  when  applied  to  staid 
matter-of-fact  recitals,  certainly  one  could  expect  nothing  more  definite  when 
the  theme  is  religion.  It  is  no  matter  for  surprise,  then,  that  the  sacred 
books  of  all  great  religions  are  couched  in  phraseology  well  calculated  to 
befog  the  mind  of  any  one  who  approaches  them  in  any  other  spirit  than  that 
of  preconceived  faith.  This  applies  no  more  and  no  less  to  the  Egyptian 
than  to  all  other  Oriental  religions.  On  the  other  hand,  the  data  supplied  us 
for  the  interpretation  of  the  Egyptian  faith  are  far  more  abundant  than 
are  accessible  in  the  case  of  most  other  of  the  great  religions  of  antiquity. 

Despite  the  confusion  and  vagueness  and  seeming  contradiction  that  per- 
tain to  the  Egyptian  records,  it  is  probably  true  that  a  reasonably  correct 
idea  may  be  formed,  at  least  in  general  terms,  of  the  evolution  and  develop- 
ment, no  less  than  of  the  final  status,  of  the  faith  which  was  dominant  with 
the  people  of  the  Nile  for  at  least  three  thousand  years.  Certainly  at  least 
a  rough  outline  of  the  development  of  that  faith  is  accessible,  and  it  is  the 
more  worthy  of  presentation  because  it  may  be  taken  at  the  same  time  as 
illustrative  of  the  probable  evolution  of  the  faith  of  other  peoples. 

The  most  obvious  and  striking  fact  that  appeals  to  the  investigator  of 
the  Egyptian  religion  is  that  enormous  numbers  of  gods  hold  sway :  Ra, 
Horus,  Osiris,  Isis,  Tmu,  Amen,  Set,  —  the  list  extends  itself  almost  end- 
lessly. Moreover,  there  is  no  little  confusion  as  to  the  precise  status  of  the 
various  gods  thus  named.  To  casual  inspection  it  would  seem  as  if  the 
Egyptian  of  the  later  time  had  no  very  clear  idea  himself  as  to  how  man)'- 
gods  were  really  included  in  the  hierarchy,  or  as  to  the  precise  identity  of 
the  more  important  ones.     And,  indeed,  such  was  probably  the  fact. 

The  only  rational  explanation  of  this  confusion  appears  to  be  the  alleged 
fact  that  in  an  early  prehistoric  day  the  various  communities  of  Egypt,  not 

219 


218 


THE   HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 


might  easily  be  persuaded  that  a  house  was  far  less  necessary  for  them  than 
a  tomb. 

In  their  plans  the  houses  of  towns,  like  the  villas  in  the  country,  varied 
according  to  the  caprice  of  the  builders.  The  ground  plan,  in  some  of  the 
former,  consisted  of  a  number  of  chambers  on  three  sides  of  a  court,  which 
was  often  planted  with  trees.  Others  consisted  of  two  rows  of  rooms  on 
either  side  of  a  long  passage,  with  an  entrance  court  from  the  street ;  and 
others  were  laid  out  in  chambers  round  a  central  area,  similar  to  the  Roman 
tmplttvium,  and  paved  with  stone,  or  containing  a  few  trees,  a  tank,  or  a 
fountain,  in  its  centre.  Sometimes,  though  rarely,  a  flight  of  steps  led  to  the 
front  door  from  the  street. 

Houses  of  small  size  were  often  connected  together,  and  formed  the  con- 
tinuous sides  of  streets;  and  a  courtyard  was  common  to  several  dwellings. 
Otliers  of  a  humbler  kind  consisted  merely  of  rooms  opening  on  a  narrow 
passage,  or  directly  on  the  street.  These  had  only  a  basement  story,  or 
ground  floor;  and  few  houses  exceeded  two  stories  above  it.  They  mostly 
consisted  of  one  upi)er  floor  ;  and  though  Diodorus  speaks  of  the  lofty  houses 
in  Thebes  four  and  live  stories  high,  the  paintings  show  that  few  had  three, 
and  the  largest  seldom  four,  including  as  he  does  the  basement  story.  6 


Servant  presenting  a  Lotus  Flower  to  a  Guest 


THE   EGYPTIAN   EELIGION  221 

Horus  the  sun-god,  who  fought  each  day  in  the  interest  of  mankind  against 
the  malicious  demon  Set,  or  Sutekh,  and  who  was  overcome  each  night 
only  to  revive  again  and  renew  the  combat  with  each  succeeding  morn- 
ing, was  a  god  of  great  and  widely  recognised  power.  Yet  it  appears  that 
he  was  not  quite  identified,  as  has  sometimes  been  supposed,  with  the 
supreme  god  Ra.  To  the  latter  attached  a  certain  intangibility,  a  certain 
vagueness  inconsistent  with  the  obvious  visual  reality  of  the  sun-god,  or 
with  the  being  of  any  other  god  whose  qualities  could  be  explicitly  defined. 
In  the  very  nature  of  the  case  the  conception  of  Ra  was  vague.  He 
represented  the  last  analysis  of  thought,  from  which  the  mind  recoils  dazed 
and  acknowledging  itself  baffled. 

While  we  can  hardly  doubt  that  this  must  have  been  the  status  of  the 
supreme  god  Ra  in  the  minds  of  the  most  philosophical  thinkers  of  Egypt, 
yet  it  is  no  less  certain  that  there  was  a  constant  tendency  to  associate  the 
qualities  of  various  other  gods  with  the  qualities  of  the  supreme  deity  ;  in 
other  words,  to  elevate  a  lesser  deity  to  the  kingship  of  the  gods,  somewhat 
as  an  important  subject  might  now  and  again  be  elevated  to  the  earthly 
kingship. 

The  most  tangible  effort  in  this  direction  was  made  late  in  the  XVIIIth 
Dynasty  by  Amenhotep  IV,  who  came  afterwards  to  be  known  as  Khun-aten, 
"  the  splendour  of  the  sun-disk,"  and  whom  later  generations  characterised 
as  the  heretic  king.  This  monarch  strove  to  subordinate,  if  not  indeed  to 
eliminate,  all  the  hosts  of  minor  gods  by  instituting  the  kingship  of  the  sun- 
god  alone  as  the  supreme,  perhaps  as  the  only,  deity.  The  effort  was  not 
successful,  and  the  reaction  that  followed  left  the  old  religion  more  firmly 
fixed  than  ever,  in  its  previous  beliefs  and  observances.  None  the  less,  the 
attempt  has  great  historic  interest,  partly  because  it  shows  that  the  idea  of 
essential  monotheism  underlying  a  superficial  plurality  of  gods  was  current 
in  Egypt,  and  even  attained  official  recognition  at  just  about  the  time  of  the 
Egyptian  captivity  of  the  Children  of  Israel.  It  is  aside  from  the  present 
purpose  to  inquire  to  what  extent  the  ideas  of  the  latter  may  have  been 
influenced  by  this  strong  current  of  Egyptian  thought. 

It  has  just  been  said  that  the  reaction  against  the  sun-worship  heresy  left 
the  old  faith  more  firmly  established  than  before.  Never  again  was  a  prom- 
inent and  conspicuous  effort  made  to  depart  from  the  ancient  faith.  What- 
ever details  of  variation  may  have  been  introduced,  the  religion  as  a  whole 
remained  unchanged  throughout  the  remaining  course  of  Egyptian  history. 
But  this  fixity  again,  far  from  being  peculiar  to  the  Egyptians,  is  but  the 
history  of  every  great  theological  system.  The  very  fulcrum  of  such  a  sys- 
tem is  the  reliance  upon  the  authority  of  the  past.  The  abiding  support  of  a 
traditional  faith  is  that  conservatism  which  lies  at  the  foundation  of  all  civ- 
ilisation, and  indeed,  paradoxical  though  it  seems,  of  all  progress.  The 
conservative,  his  eye  fixed  on  the  past,  plants  himself  firmly  in  the  path  of 
progress,  crying  "  Halt !  "  to  every  innovation.  Yet  during  the  time  of  a 
nation's  vitality  this  attempted  damming  up  of  the  stream  of  progress  results 
in,  at  most,  a  temporary  stasis,  since  now  and  again  the  stress  of  new  ideas 
suffices  to  burst  the  bonds.  But  there  may  come  a  time  when  the  vitality 
of  a  nation  is  sapped,  and  when  the  power  of  conservatism  may  avail  against 
all  progressive  movements. 

Such  a  time  came  in  Egypt  at  just  about  the  era  when  the  nations  of 
Persia  and  of  Greece  were  preparing  to  take  hand  in  the  world  combat,  and 
from  that  time  on  traditional  tlieology,  as  represented  by  the  priestcraft,  was 
dominant  in  Egypt,  and  the  once  potent  civilisation  of  the  Nile  Valley 


222 


THE   HISTORY   OF  EGYPT 


ceased  to  hold  its  own.  The  records  that  outside  nations  have  given  us  of 
Egyptian  conditions  date  solely  from  this  later  period,  and  must  therefore 
always  be  taken  with  certain  reservations.  Nevertheless,  as  regards  the 
more  tangible  things  which  they  describe,  they  perhaps  are  not  greatly  dif- 
ferent from  what  they  would  have  been  if  written  a  thousand  years  earlier. 
They  tell  us  of  great  pyramids  that  were  .the  tombs  of  kings,  of  strange 
customs  of  mummifying  the  dead,  and  of  the  worship  of  animals,  so  crass  in 
character  as  to  be  almost  inconceivable  to  the  modern  mind.  The  pyramids, 
to  be  sure,  dated  from  an  ancient  epoch  ;  moreover,  they  still  stand,  defiant 
of  time,  to  testify  to  the  truth  of  the  Greek  recitals.  The  mummies  have 
been  preserved  in  countless  numbers,  and  if  animal  worship  died  out  with 
the  incoming  of  a  new  religion  after  the  Macedonian  invasion,  there  is  no 
reason  to  doubt  the  substantial  accuracy,  as  regards  mere  externals,  of  the 
accounts  of  it  which  the  Greeks  preserve  to  us. 

We  shall  do  well,  then,  to  turn  to  the  pages  of  Herodotus  and  Diodorus 
for  a  description  of  the  external  observances  practised  by  the  Egyptians, 
remembering  always  that  this  is  the  testimony  of  alien,  even  though  sympa- 
thetic, witnesses,  but  scarcely  doubting  that  it  is  testimony  at  least  as 
unprejudiced  as  any  that  a  modern  would-be  interpreter  can  draw  from  the 
monumental  records. 

The  aggregate  impression  which  one  gathers,  from  even  a  casual  consid- 
eration of  the  subject,  is  that  the  religion  of  the  Egyptians,  despite  its  very 
striking  peculiarities  of  external  observances,  differed  singularly  little  from 
the  other  great  religions  in  its  essentials.  It  was  polytheistic,  but  with  an 
underlying  conception  of  monotheism.  Its  chief  observances  implied  an 
abiding  faith  in  the  immortality  of  the  soul.  Its  fundamental  teachings  were 
essentially  moral  according  to  the  best  light  of  the  time.  And  if,  as  viewed 
by  an  outsider,  it  seemed  to  develop  a  grotesque  ritual  and  a  jumble  of 
vague  theistic  conceptions,  in  these  regards,  also,  it  can  hardly  claim  to  be 
unique  among  Oriental  religions. a 


RELIGIOUS   FESTIVALS   AND   OFFERINGS 

Herodotus  gives  an  interesting  description  of  certain  religious  observances 
as  practised  in  his  day.     He  says : 

The  priests  of  the  gods,  who  in  other  places  wear  their  hair  long,  in  Egypt 
wear  it  short.  It  is  elsewhere  customary,  in  cases  of  death,  for  those  who 
are  most  nearly  related,  to  cut  off  their  hair  in  testimony  of  sorrow ;  but  the 
Egyptians,  who  at  other  times  have  their  heads  closely  shorn,  suffer  the  hair 
on  this  occasion  to  grow.  Other  nations  will  not  suffer  animals  to  approach 
the  place  of  their  repast;  but  in  Egypt  they  live  promiscuously  with  the 
people.  ^  Wheat  and  barley  are  common  articles  of  food  in  other  countries; 
but  in  Egypt  they  are  thought  mean  and  disgraceful  ;  the  diet  here  consists 
principally  of  spelt,  a  kind  of  corn  which  some  call  zea.  Their  dough  they 
knead  with  their  feet  ;  whilst  in  the  removal  of  mud  and  dung,  they  do  not 
scruple  to  use  their  Iiands.  Male  children,  except  in  those  places  which 
have  borrowed  the  custom  from  hence,  are  left  in  other  nations  as  nature 
formed  them  ;  in  Egypt  they  are  circumcised.  The  men  have  two  vests,  the 
women  only  one.  In  opposition  to  the  customs  of  other  nations,  the  Egyp- 
tians fix  the  ropes  to  their  sails  on  the  inside.  The  Greeks,  when  they  write 
or  reckon  with  counters,  go  from  the  left  to  the  right,  the  Egyptians  from  right 
to  left  ;  notwithstanding  which  they  persist  in  affirming  that  the  Greeks 
write  to  the  left,  but  they  themselves  always  to  the  right.     They  have  two 


THE   EGYPTIANS    RELIGION 


223 


sorts  of  letters,  one  of  which  is  appropriated  to  sacred  subjects,  the  other 
used  on  common  occasions  [the  hieroglyphic  and  hieratic  characters] . 

Their  veneration  of  their  deities  is  superstitious  to  an  extreme  :  one  of 
their  customs  is  to  drink  out  of  brazen  goblets,  which  it  is  the  universal 
practice  among  them  to  cleanse  every  day.  They  are  so  regardful  of  neat- 
ness, that  they  wear  only  linen,  and  that  always  newly  washed  ;  and  it  is 
from  the  idea  of  cleanliness,  which  they  regard  much  beyond  comeliness,  that 
they  use  circumcision.  Their  priests  every  third  day  shave  every  part  of 
their  bodies,  to  prevent  vermin  or  any  species  of  impurity  from  adhering  to 
those  who  are  engaged  in  the  service  of  the  gods :  the  priesthood  is  also  con- 
fined to  one  particular  mode  of  dress ;  they  have  one  vest  of  linen  and  their 
shoes  are  made  of  the  byblus  [papyrus]  ;  they  wash  themselves  in  cold  water 
twice  in  the  course  of  the  day,  and  as  often  in  the  night  ;  it  would  indeed 
be  difficult  to  enumerate  their  religious  ceremonies,  all  of  which  they  practise 
with  superstitious  exactness.  The  sacred  ministers  possess  in  return  many 
and  great  advantages:  they  are  not  obliged  to  consume  any  part  of  their 
domestic  property ;  each  has  a  portion  of  the  sacred  viands  ready  dressed, 
assigned  him,  besides  a  large  and  daily  allowance  of  beef  and  of  geese ;  they 
have  also  wine,  but  are  not  permitted  to  feed  on  fish. 

Beans  are  sown  in  no  part  of  Egypt,  neither  will  the  inhabitants  eat  them, 
either  boiled  or  raw ;  the  priests  will  not  even  look  at  this  pulse,  esteeming 
it  exceedingly  unclean.  Every  god  has  several  attendant  priests,  and  one  of 
superior  dignity,  who  presides  over  the  rest ;  when  any  one  dies  he  is  suc- 
ceeded by  his  son. 

They  esteem  bulls  as  sacred  to  Epaphus,  which  previously  to  sacrifice, 
are  thus  carefully  examined :  if  they  can  but  discover  a  single  black  hair 
in  his  body,  he  is  deemed  impure ;  for  this  purpose  a  priest  is  particularly 
appointed,  who  examines  the  animal  as  it  stands,  and  as  reclined  on  its  back: 
its  tongue  is  also  drawn  out,  and  he  observes  whether  it  be  free  from  those 
blemishes  which  are  specified  in  their  sacred  books,  and  of  which  I  shall 
sjjeak  hereafter.  The  tail  also  undergoes  examination,  every  hair  of  which 
must  grow  in  its  natural  and  proper  form :  if  in  all  these  instances  the  bull 
appears  to  be  unblemished,  the  priest  fastens  the  byblus  round  his  horns  ;  he 
then  applies  a  preparation  of  earth,  which  receives  the  impression  of  his  seal, 
and  the  animal  is  led  away  ;  this  seal  is  of  so  great  importance,  that  to 
sacrifice  a  beast  which  has  it  not,  is  deemed  a  cajDital  offence. 

I  proceed  to  describe  their  mode  of  sacrifice  :  Having  led  the  animal 
destined  and  marked  for  the  purpose,  to  the  altar,  the}*  kindle  a  fire  ;  a  liba- 
tion of  wine  is  poured  upon  the  altar  ;  the  god  is  solemnly  invoked,  and  the 
victim  then  is  killed  ;  they  afterwards  cut  off  his  head,  and  take  the  skin 
from  the  carcass  ;  upon  the  head  they  heap  many  imprecations  :  such  as 
have  a  market-place  at  hand  carr}^  it  there,  and  sell  it  to  the  Grecian  traders ; 
if  they  have  not  this  opportunity,  they  throw  it  into  the  river.  They  devote 
the  head,  by  wishing  that  whatever  evil  menaces  those  who  sacrifice,  or  Egypt 
in  general,  it  may  fall  upon  that  head.^  This  ceremony  respecting  the  head 
of  the  animal,  and  this  mode  of  pouring  a  libation  of  wine  upon  the  altar, 
is  indiscriminately  observed  by  all  the  Egyptians  :  in  consequence  of  the 
above,  no  Egyptian  will  on  any  account  eat  of  the  head  of  a  beast.  As  to 
the  examination  of  the  victims,  and  their  ceremony  of  burning  them,  they 
have  different  methods,  as  their  different  occasions  of  sacrifice  require. 

1  See  Leviticus,  chap.  xvi.  21.  "  And  Aaron  shall  lay  both  his  hands  upon  the  head  of  the 
live  goat,  and  confess  over  him  all  the  iniquities  of  the  children  of  Israel,  and  all  their  transgres- 
sions in  all  their  sins,  putting  them  upon  the  head  of  the  goat."  —  Translatob. 


222  THE   HISTORY   OF  EGYPT 

ceased  to  hold  its  own.  The  records  that  outside  nations  have  given  us  of 
Ef,'yptian  conditions  date  solely  from  this  later  period,  and  must  therefore 
always  be  taken  with  certain  reservations.  Nevertheless,  as  regards  the 
more  tan«,nble  things  which  they  describe,  they  perhaps  are  not  greatly  dif- 
ferent from  what  tlicy  would  have  been  if  written  a  thousand  years  earlier. 
Tliey  tell  us  of  great  pyramids  that  were  .the  tombs  of  kings,  of  strange 
customs  of  mummifying  the  dead,  and  of  the  worship  of  animals,  so  crass  in 
character  as  to  be  almost  inconceivable  to  the  modern  mind.  The  pyramids, 
to  be  sure,  dated  from  an  ancient  epoch  ;  moreover,  they  still  stand,  defiant 
of  time,  to  testify  to  tlie  truth  of  the  Greek  recitals.  The  mummies  have 
been  preserved  in  countless  numbers,  and  if  animal  worship  died  out  with 
the  incoming  of  a  new  religion  after  the  Macedonian  invasion,  there  is  no 
reason  to  doubt  the  substantial  accuracy,  as  regards  mere  externals,  of  the 
accounts  of  it  which  the  Greeks  preserve  to  us. 

We  sliall  do  well,  then,  to  turn  to  the  pages  of  Herodotus  and  Diodorus 
for  a  description  of  the  external  observances  practised  by  the  Egyptians, 
remembering  always  that  this  is  the  testimony  of  alien,  even  though  sympa- 
tlietic,  witnesses,  but  scarcely  doubting  that  it  is  testimony  at  least  as 
unprejndiced  as  any  that  a  modern  would-be  interpreter  can  draw  from  the 
monumental  records. 

Tile  aggregate  impression  which  one  gathers,  from  even  a  casual  consid- 
eration of  the  subject,  is  that  the  religion  of  the  Egyptians,  despite  its  very 
striking  peculiarities  of  external  observances,  differed  singularly  little  from 
the  other  great  religions  in  its  essentials.  It  was  polytheistic,  but  with  an 
underlying  conception  of  monotheism.  Its  chief  observances  implied  an 
abiding  faith  in  the  immortality  of  the  soul.  Its  fundamental  teachings  were 
essentially  moral  according  to  the  best  light  of  the  time.  And  if,  as  viewed 
by  an  outsider,  it  seemed  to  develop  a  grotesque  ritual  and  a  jumble  of 
vague  theistic  conceptions,  in  these  regards,  also,  it  can  hardly  claim  to  be 
unique  among  Oriental  religions. « 

RELIGIOUS   FESTIVALS   AND   OFFERINGS 

Herodotus  gives  an  interesting  description  of  certain  religious  observances 
as  practised  in  his  day.     He  says : 

The  priests  of  the  gods,  who  in  other  places  wear  their  hair  long,  in  Egypt 
wear  it  short.  It  is  elsewhere  customary,  in  cases  of  death,  for  those  who 
an*  most  nearly  related,  to  cut  otf  their  hair  in  testimony  of  sorrow ;  but  the 
Egyptians,  who  at  other  times  have  their  heads  closely  shorn,  suffer  the  hair 
on  this  occasion  to  grow.  Other  nations  will  not  suffer  animals  to  approach 
tht;  place  of  their  repast;  but  in  Egypt  they  live  promiscuously  with  the 
people.  ^  Wheat  and  barley  are  common  articles  of  food  in  other  countries; 
but  in  Egypt  they  are  thought  mean  and  disgraceful  ;  the  diet  here  consists 
princii)ally  of  spelt,  a  kind  of  corn  which  some  call  zea.  Their  dough  they 
knead  with  their  feet  ;  whilst  in  the  removal  of  mud  and  dung,  they  do  not 
H(;rui)le  to  use  their  liands.  Male  children,  except  in  those  places  which 
have  borrowed  the  custom  from  hence,  are  left  in  other  nations  as  nature 
formed  them  ;  in  Egypt  they  are  circumcised.  The  men  have  two  vests,  the 
women  only  one.  In  opposition  to  the  customs  of  other  nations,  the  Egyp- 
tians tix  the  ropes  to  their  sails  on  the  inside.  The  Greeks,  when  they  write 
or  reckon  with  counters,  go  from  the  left  to  the  right,  the  Egyptians  from  right 
to  left  ;  notwithstanding  which  they  persist  in  affirming  that  the  Greeks 
write  to  the  left,  but  they  themselves  always  to  the  right.     They  have  two 


THE   EGYPTIAN   RELIGION  225 

spleen  and  the  fat,  they  enclose  in  the  caul,  and  burn ;  upon  the  remainder, 
which  at  any  other  time  they  would  disdain,  they  feast  at  the  full  moon, 
when  the  sacrifice  is  performed.  They  who  are  poor  make  figures  of  swine 
with  meal,  which  having  first  baked,  they  offer  on  the  altar. 

On  the  day  of  the  feast  of  Bacchus,  at  the  hour  of  supper,  every  person, 
before  the  door  of  his  house,  offers  a  hog  in  sacrifice.  The  swine-herd  of 
whom  they  purchased  it,  is  afterwards  at  liberty  to  take  it  away.  Except 
this  sacrifice  of  the  swine,  the  Egyptians  celebrate  the  feast  of  Bacchus  in 
the  same  manner  as  the  Greeks. & 

GIFTS   AND   EICHES   OP  TEMPLES 

There  are  certain  very  practical  features  of  the  administration  of  the 
temples  which  Herodotus  quite  overlooked,  but  which  have  come  to  light 
through  the  efforts  of  modern  scholarship.  Some  of  these  are  admirably 
pointed  out  by  Professor  Erman  : 

Not  the  least  of  the  circumstances  which  lent  the  priesthood  of  the  New 
Kingdom  that  power  which  finally  triumphed  over  royalty  itself,  was  their 
wealth.  For  this  they  were  indebted  to  gifts,  and,  indeed,  so  far  as  we  can 
see,  chiefly  to  gifts  from  the  kings ;  it  is  only  now  and  then  that  we  find 
a  private  person  making  an  endowment.  From  the  earliest  times  all 
the  rulers  are  busy  in  this  fatal  direction  (some,  like  the  pious  kings  of 
the  Vth  dynasty,  were  more  so  than  others);  even  under  the  old  king- 
dom many  temples  had  attained  such  prosperity  that  they  even  possessed 
military  forces  of  their  own. 

The  golden  age  for  the  temples  began  with  the  Asiatic  campaigns  of 
the  XVIIItli  Dynasty.  An  approximate  idea  of  the  gifts  which  Tehutimes 
III  made  to  Amen  may  be  obtained  from  the  remains  of  an  inscription  at 
Karnak;  fields  and  gardens  of  the  choicest  of  the  South  and  North,  landed 
property  on  high  ground,  with  sweet  trees  growing  on  it,  milch  cows,  and 
bullocks,  and  quantities  of  gold,  silver,  and  lapis  lazuli ;  then  captive 
Asiatics  and  negroes,  —  there  were  at  least  878  souls  —  men,  women,  and 
children,  —  who  had  to  fill  the  god's  granaries,  spin  and  weave,  and  till  his 
fields  for  him.  Finally  he  settled  upon  Amen  three  of  the  towns  con- 
quered by  him,  En-heugsa,  Yenu-amu,  and  Hurenkhara,  which  had  to 
pay  an  annual  tribute  to  the  god.  Since  almost  every  sovereign  of  the 
New  Kingdom  boasts  in  nearly  the  same  words  of  having  exhibited  his 
piety  in  a  practical  fashion,  one  is  first  inclined  to  take  this  constant 
self-glorification  of  the  Pharaohs,  as  so  much  in  the  Egyptian  text  has  to 
be  taken,  for  a  conventional  empty  phrase.  But  in  that  case,  our  doubt 
would  go  too  far,  since  at  least  some  of  the  kings  did  make  to  the  temples 
gifts  which  surpass  all  that  might  be  considered  probable.  The  lucky 
chance  which  has  preserved  for  us  the  great  Harris  pai)yrus  places  us 
in  a  position  to  bring  forward  the  evidence  of  figures.  King  Ramses  III 
left  behind  after  his  death  a  comprehensive  manifesto,  in  which  he  enumer- 
ates in  detail  all  that  he  had  done  for  the  sanctuaries  of  his  country  during 
the  thirty-one  years  of  his  reign.  The  numbers  of  these  lists  are  evidently 
taken  from  the  accounts  of  the  state  and  of  the  different  temples,  and  are 
consequently  deserving  of  credit. 

This  great  record,  which  fills  a  papyrus  roll  1333  feet  long,  with  seventy- 
nine  pages  of  a  large  size,  is  divided  into  five  sections,  according  to  the 
recipients  of  the  gifts.  The  first  contains  the  gifts  to  the  Theban  temples, 
then  follows  the  gifts  to  Heliopolis,  those  to  Memphis,  and  those  to  the 

H.  W.  VOL.  I.   Q 


226  THE  HISTORY   OF  EGYPT 

smaller  sanctuaries  of  the  country;  finally,  the  fifth  section  contains  the 
total  of  all  the  donations. 

Taking  to.t,'ether  the  similar  items  amongst  the  donations,  tributes,  and 
sacrificial'()tTt'nngs,  we  have  then  the  chief  items  of  the  sum  of  the  income 
of  the  Kgvptian  temijles  during  one  and  thirty  years,  somewhat  as  follows: 
about  1  ton  (10ir>  kg.  836.  g.)  of  gold;  about  3  tons  (2993  kg.  964  g.)  silver 
and  the  value  of  silver;  940  kg.  3  g.  of  black  bronze;  about  13  tons 
(l:i,0o9  kg.  865  g.)  bronze;  about  14  lbs.  (7  kg.  124  g.)  precious  stones; 
1,093,803 'pieces  of  valuable  stone;  169  towns,  1,071,780  plots  of  arable 
land;  514  vineyards  and  orchards;  178  ships;  133,438  slaves;  514,968 
head  of  cattle  (especially  oxen);  680,714  geese;  494,800  fish;  2,382,605 
fruit.s;  5,740,352  sacks  of  corn;  6,744,428  loaves  of  bread;  256,460  jars  of 
wine;  466,303  jars  of  beer;  368,461  jars  of  incense,  honey,  oil,  etc.,  1,933- 
766  items. 

In  order  to  give  the  reader  some  idea  of  the  large  sums  here  dealt  with, 
I  mav  remark  that  even  in  our  own  time,  when  the  value  of  the  metals  has 
so  greatly  decreased,  the  quantity  of  precious  metals  in  question  would  be 
worth  about  four  million  marks  (about  $1,000,000,  or  £200,000).  And  it 
must  not  be  forgotten  that  on  those  same  six  or  seven  millions  of  Egyptians 
who,  in  addition  to  the  state  taxes,  had  to  produce  these  treasures  "at? 
majorem  dei  ijloriam'''  there  devolved  at  the  same  time  the  building  of  the 
temples  of  Medinet  Habu,  Karnak,  Tel-el-Tehudeh,  and  others.  Truly  the 
forces  of  the  little  country  were  unduly  strained  for  the  unproductive  pur- 
poses of  worship. 

Hut  what  made  these  conditions  so  completely  unsound  was  the  dispro- 
portionate division  of  the  treasure  expended.  If  the  many  temples  of  the 
country  had  participated  equally  in  these  gifts,  no  one  of  them  would  have 
attained  to  an  extreme  height  of  power  and  wealth.  But,  probably  on  polit- 
ical grounds,  which  we  can  now  no  longer  determine,  Ramses  III  favoured 
one  temple  in  the  most  partial  manner,  and  that  the  very  one  to  which  his 
predecessors  had  already  conferred  the  richest  endowments.  This  was  the 
sanctuary  of  the  Theban  Amen,  which  carried  off  the  lion's  share  of  all  the 
gifts  of  the  generous  sovereign. 

Thus,  for  example,  of  the  total  113,433  slaves  which  Ramses  gave  away, 
no  fewer  than  8(5,486  fell  to  Amen ;  of  the  493,886  head  of  cattle,  421,362 ; 
of  the  1,071,780  divisions  of  land,  898,168;  of  the  514  vineyards,  433 ;  and  so 
on :  the  2756  gold  and  silver  images  of  the  gods  were  destined  exclusively 
for  him,  and  so  were  the  nine  foreign  towns;  it  must  even  here  be  regarded 
as  an  exceptionally  mean  gift,  when  he  received  only  56  of  the  160  Egyp- 
tian towns.  On  the  whole,  it  will  scarcely  be  wrong  to  assume  that  of  the 
total  of  the  gifts,  three-fourths  found  their  way  into  Amen's  treasuries;  of 
the  86,486  slaves,  the  god  Khonsu  and  the  goddess  Mut  received  in  all  only 
8908.  ^  ^ 

Since,  then,  the  earlier  sovereigns  of  the  New  Kingdom  had  also  laboured 
to  fill  the  treasury  of  their  favourite  god  Amen,  this  god  ended  by  possess- 
ing resources,  beside  which  those  of  all  the  other  gods  shrank  to  nothing, 
and  again  it  is  the  document  of  Ramses  III  which  enables  us  to  estimate  it 
in  figures. 

If  we  compare  these  figures  with  one  another,  we  cannot  doubt  that 
under  the  XXth  Dynasty  the  Amen  of  Thebes  possessed  at  least  five  times 
as  much  property  as  the  sun-god  of  Heliopolis,  and  ten  times  (if  not  far 
more)  as  much  as  Ptali  of  Memphis.  And  yet  these  latter  were  the  two 
gods  who  had  formerly  been  the  most  distinguished,  and  certainly  also  the 


THE   EGYPTIAN   RELIGION  227 

richest,  in  the  whole  country.  The  enormous  magnitude  of  temple  property 
like  this,  of  course,  demanded  a  much  more  complicated  machinery  for  its 
administration  than  had  been  required  for  the  modest  possessions  of  the 
ancient  sanctuaries.  Even  one  of  the  larger  temples  of  the  middle  kingdom 
could  have  its  treasure,  its  granaries,  and  its  affairs  of  writing  carried  on  by 
certain  members  of  its  priestly  college,  for  the  labours  which  they  entailed 
could  be  executed  side  by  side ;  beyond  the  inferior  servants  there  had  been 
scarcely  any  regular  officials  in  these  temples.  It  is  quite  otherwise  in  the 
New  Kingdom ;  the  priests  can  no  longer  manage  the  administration  un- 
aided, and  call  in  a  host  of  officials  to  help.  This  is  true  of  all  the  temples, 
but,  of  course,  especially  so  of  that  of  the  Theban  Amen.  This  god  pos- 
sessed a  general  administration  of  the  house,  i.e.  the  temple  furniture;  he 
has  special  departments  for  the  treasure,  for  the  lands,  for  the  barns,  for  the 
oxen,  and  for  the  peasants,  and  every  one  of  these  departments  has  its  over- 
seer of  princely  rank,  and  its  scribe.  There  is  also  a  superior  chief  scribe  for 
Amen,  who  keeps  the  roll  of  the  sanctuary's  possessions.  And  since  in  a 
great  temple  of  the  New  Kingdom  the  erection  of  new  buildings  and  the 
works  of  restoration  are  never  interrupted,  he  has  also  his  own  administra- 
tion of  construction,  to  which  all  works  are  subordinated;  of  course,  pro- 
vision is  also  made  for  the  required  number  of  labourers  and  craftsmen  of 
all  kinds,  from  the  painter  down  to  the  stone-mason.  To  secure  order  in 
the  temple  and  on  the  estates,  the  god  keeps  his  own  military  forces  with 
superior  and  inferior  officers,  and  since  amongst  his  dependents  very  secular 
proceedings  often  take  place,  he  has  also  his  own  prison.  Of  the  large  staff 
of  subordinate  officials,  who  must  have  existed  in  such  an  administration, 
we,  of  course,  know  very  little,  as  this  class  keeps  out  of  sight.  Still  such 
people  as  the  overseer  of  the  sacrificial  storehouses,  doorkeepers  of  every 
description,  and  barbers  have  left  us  monuments,  and  must  consequently 
have  enjoyed  a  certain  prosperity. 

What  we  have  here  stated  respecting  the  temple  administration  would 
be  of  still  greater  interest  if  we  knew  the  mutual  relations  of  all  these 
offices,  and  how  it  came  to  pass  that  we  find,  now  these,  now  those, 
united  in  the  same  hands.  That  the  high  priest  arrogated  to  himself,  at 
least  nominally,  now  one,  now  another,  especially  important  office,  is  com- 
prehensible enough;  but  it  remains  unexplained  how,  for  instance,  the 
management  of  the  constructions  can  be  at  one  time  handed  over  as  a 
secondary  function  to  the  chief  scribe,  and  another  time  to  the  superin- 
tendent of  barns,  the  more  since  the  former  presided  in  addition  over  the 
god's  bulls,  and  the  latter  has  the  treasury  under  his  protection,  and  "  seals 
all  contracts  in  Amen's  temple."  It  is,  moreover,  a  characteristic  circum- 
stance that  these  high  temple  officials  are  frequently  also  state  function- 
aries ;  the  gradual  transformation  of  the  old  kingdom  into  the  priestly  state 
of  the  XXIst  Dynasty,  which  is  ruled  by  the  high  priests  of  Amen,  already 
distinctly  reveals  itself  in  such  dual  officers.  Still,  the  kingly  power  did 
not  submit  to  the  spiritual  without  resistance,  and  it  may  be  that  both  the 
reformation  of  Khun-aten  and  the  disturbances  at  the  end  of  the  XlXth 
Dynasty,  when  no  sacrifices  were  brought  into  the  temples,  were  in  good 
part  called  forth  by  the  effort  to  oppose  a  barrier  to  the  individual  and 
increasing  power  of  the  Amen  priesthood.  It  must  be  owned  that  the  latter 
issued  from  both  trials  stronger  than  ever.c 

The  opulence  of  the  Egyptian  temples  is  the  more  amazing  for  being 
lavished  upon  mere  beasts.  This  animal-worship  deeply  impressed  classical 
authors.     The  account  of  Diodorus  is  particularly  full  and  vivid. 


228  THE  HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 

DIODORUS   ON   ANIMAL  WORSHIP 

The  Adoration  and  Worshipping  of  Beasts  among  the  Egyptians  seems 
justly  to  many  a  most  strange  and  unaccountable  thing,  and  worthy  Enquiry  ; 
for  they  worship  some  Creatures  even  above  measure,  when  they  are  dead  as 
well  as  when  they  are  living  ;  as  Cats,  Ichneumons,  Dogs,  Kites,  the  Bird 
Ibis,  Wolves  and  Crocodiles,  and  many  other  such  like.  The  Cause  of  which 
I  shall  endeavour  to  give,  having  first  premis'd  something  briefly  concerning 
them.  And  first  of  all,  they  dedicate  a  piece  of  Land  to  every  kind  of  Creature 
they  adore,  assigning  the  Profits  for  feeding  and  taking  care  of  them.  To 
some  of  thfst'  IK'ities  the  Egyptians  give  Thanks  for  recovering  their  Chil- 
dren from  Sickness,  as  by  shaving  their  Heads,  and  weighing  the  Hair,  with 
the  like  Weight  of  Gold  or  Silver,  and  then  giving  that  Mony  to  them  that 
have  the  (^ire  of  the  Beasts.  To  the  Kites,  while  they  are  flying  they  cry 
out  with  a  loud  Voice,  and  throw  pieces  of  Flesh  for  them  upon  the  Ground 
till  such  time  as  they  take  it.  To  the  Cats  and  Ichneumons  they  give  Bread 
soakt  in  Milk,  stroaking  and  making  much  of  them,  or  feed  them  with  pieces 
of  Fish  taken  in  the  River  Nile.  In  the  same  manner  they  provide  for  the 
other  Beasts  Food  according  to  their  several  kinds. 

They  are  so  far  from  not  paying  this  Homage  to  their  Creatures,  or  being 
asham'cl  of  them,  that  on  the  contrary  they  glory  in  them,  as  in  the  highest 
Adoration  of  the  Gods,  and  carry  about  special  Marks  and  Ensigns  of  Honour 
for  them  through  City  and  Country  ;  upon  which  Account  those  that  have 
the  Care  of  the  Beasts  (being  seen  afar  off)  are  honour'd  and  worshipp'd  by 
all  by  falling  down  upon  their  Knees.  When  any  one  of  them  dye  they 
wrap  it  in  fine  Linen,  and  with  Howling  beat  upon  their  Breasts,  and  so 
carry  it  forth  to  be  salted,  and  then  after  they  have  anointed  it  with  the  Oyl 
of  Cedar  and  other  things,  which  both  give  the  Body  a  fragrant  Smell  and 
preserve  it  a  long  time  from  Putrefaction,  they  bury  it  in  a  secret  place. 
He  that  wilfully  kills  any  of  these  Beasts,  is  to  suffer  Death  ;  but  if  any  kill 
a  Cat  or  the  Bird  Ibis,  whether  wilfully  or  otherwise,  he's  certainly  drag'd 
away  to  Death  by  the  Multitude,  and  sometimes  most  cruelly  without  any 
formal  Tryal  or  Judgment  of  Law.  For  fear  of  this,  if  any  by  chance  find 
any  of  these  Creatures  dead,  they  stand  aloof,  and  with  lamentable  Cries  and 
Protestations  tell  every  body  that  they  found  it  dead. 

And  sucli  is  the  religious  Veneration  imprest  upon  the  Hearts  of  Men 
towards  these  Creatures,  and  so  obstinately  is  every  one  bent  to  adore  and 
worship  them,  tliat  even  at  the  time  when  the  Romans  were  about  making 
a  League  with  Ptolemy,  and  all  the  People  made  it  their  great  Business  to 
caress  and  shew  all  Civility  and  Kindness  imaginable  to  them  that  came  out 
of  Italy,  and  through  Fear  strove  all  they  could  that  no  Occasion  might  in 
tlie  least  be  given  to  disoblige  them  or  be  the  Cause  of  a  War,  yet  it  so  hap- 
p'ned  that  upon  a  Cat  being  kill'd  by  a  Roman,  the  People  in  a  Tumult  ran 
to  his  Lodging,  and  neither  the  Princes  sent  by  the  King  to  dissuade  them, 
nor  the  Fear  of  tlie  Romans  could  deliver  the  Person  from  the  Rage  of  the 
Peojjle,  tho'  he  did  it  against  his  Will  ;  and  this  I  relate  not  by  Hear-say, 
but  was  myself  an  Eye-witness  of  it  at  the  time  of  my  Travels  into  Egypt. 
U  these  things  seem  incredible  and  like  to  Fables,  those  that  we  shall  here- 
after relate  will  look  more  strange.  For  it's  reported,  that  at  a  time  when 
there  was  a  Famine  in  Egypt,  many  were  driven  to  that  strait,  tliat  by  turns 
they  fed  one  ui)on  another  ;  but  not  a  Man  was  accused  to  have  in  the  least 
tasted  of  any  of  these  sacred  Creatures.  Nay,  if  a  Dog  be  found  dead  in 
a  House,  the  whole  Family  shave  their  Bodies  all   over,  and  make  great 


THE  EGYPTIAN   RELIGION  229 

Lamentation  ;  and  that  which  is  most  wonderful,  is,  That  if  any  Wine, 
Bread  or  any  other  Victuals  be  in  the  House  where  any  of  these  Creatures 
die,  it's  a  part  of  their  Superstition,  not  to  make  use  of  any  of  them  for  any 
purpose  whatsoever.  And  when  they  have  been  abroad  in  the  Wars  in  for- 
eign Countries,  they  have  with  great  Lamentation  brought  with  them  dead 
Cats  and  Kites  into  Egypt,  when  in  the  mean  time  they  have  been  ready  to 
starve  for  want  of  Provision. 

Moreover  what  Acts  of  Religious  Worship  they  perform'd  towards  Apis 
in  Memphis,  Mnevis  in  Heliopolis,  the  Goat  in  Mendes,  the  Crocodile  in  the 
Lake  of  Mceris,  and  the  Lyon  kept  in  Leontopolis,  and  many  other  such  like, 
is  easie  to  describe,  but  very  difficult  to  believe,  except  a  Man  saw  it.  For 
these  Creatures  are  kept  and  fed  in  consecrated  Ground  inclos'd,  and  many 
great  Men  provide  Food  for  them  at  great  Cost  and  Charge  ;  for  they  con- 
stantly give  them  fine  Wheat-Flower,  Frumenty,  Sweet-meats  of  all  sorts 
made  up  with  Honey,  and  Geese  sometimes  rosted,  and  sometimes  boyl'd  ; 
and  for  such  as  fed  upon  raw  Flesh,  they  provide  Birds.  To  say  no  more, 
they  are  excessive  in  their  Costs  and  Charges  in  feeding  of  these  Creatures  ; 
and  forbear  not  to  wash  them  in  hot  Baths,  to  anoint  them  with  the  most 
precious  Unguents,  and  perfume  them  with  the  sweetest  Odours.  They 
provide  likewise  for  them  most  rich  Beds  to  lye  upon,  with  decent  Furni- 
ture, and  are  extraordinary  careful  about  their  generating  one  with  another, 
according  to  the  Law  of  Nature.  They  breed  up  for  every  one  of  the  Males 
(according  to  their  Kinds)  the  most  beautiful  She-mate,  and  call  them  their 
Concubines  or  Sweet-hearts,  and  are  at  great  Costs  in  looking  to  them. 

When  any  of  them  dye,  they  are  as  much  concern'd  as  at  the  Deaths  of 
their  own  Children,  and  lay  out  in  Burying  of  them  as  much  as  all  their 
Goods  are  worth,  and  far  more.  For  when  Apis  through  Old  Age  dy'd  at 
Memphis  after  the  Death  of  Alexander,  and  in  the  Reign  of  Ptolemy  Lagus, 
his  Keeper  not  only  spent  all  that  vast  Provision  he  had  made,  in  burying  of 
him,  but  borrow'd  of  Ptolemy  Fifty  Talents  of  Silver  for  the  same  purpose. 
And  in  our  time  some  of  the  Keepers  of  these  Creatures  have  lavisht  away 
no  less  than  a  Hundred  Talents  in  the  maintaining  of  them.  To  this  may 
be  further  added,  what  is  in  use  among  them  concerning  the  sacred  Ox, 
which  they  call  Apis.  After  the  splendid  Funeral  of  Apis  is  over,  those 
Priests  that  have  the  Charge  of  the  Business,  seek  out  another  Calf,  as  like 
the  former  as  possibly  they  can  find  ;  and  when  they  have  found  one,  an  end  is 
put  to  all  further  Mourning  and  Lamentation ;  and  such  Priests  as  are  appointed 
for  that  purpose,  lead  the  young  Ox  [or  Bull]  through  the  City  of  Nile,  and 
feed  him  Forty  Days.  Then  they  put  him  into  a  Barge,  wherein  is  a  Golden 
Cabbin,  and  so  transport  him  as  a  God  to  Memphis,  and  place  him  in  Vulcan's 
Grove.  During  the  Forty  Days  before  mention'd,  none  but  Women  are  ad- 
mitted to  see  him,  who  being  plac'd  full  in  his  view,  pluck  up  their  Coats. 
After,  they  are  forbad  to  come  into  Sight  of  this  New  God.  For  the  Adora- 
tion of  this  Ox,  they  give  this  Reason.  They  say  that  the  Soul  of  Osiris 
pass'd  into  an  Ox ;  and  therefore  whenever  the  Ox  is  Dedicated,  to  this  very 
Day  the  Spirit  of  Osiris  is  infus'd  into  one  Ox  after  another  to  Posterity. 
But  some  say,  that  the  Members  of  Osiris  (who  was  kill'd  by  Typhon)  were 
thrown  by  Isis  into  an  Ox  made  of  Wood,  cover'd  with  Ox- Hides,  and  from 
thence  the  City  Busiris  was  so  call'd.  Many  other  things  they  fabulously 
report  of  Apis,  which  would  be  too  tedious  particularly  to  relate.  But  in  as 
much  as  all  that  relate  to  this  Adoration  of  Beasts  are  wonderful  and  indeed 
incredible,  it's  very  difficult  to  find  out  the  true  Causes  and  Grounds  of  this 
Superstition. 


THE  HISTORY   OF  EGYPT 


DIODORUS   ON   ANOIAL  WORSHIP 

The  Adoration  and  Worshipping  of  Beasts  among  the  Egyptians  seems 
justly  to  many  a  most  strange  and  unaccountable  thing,  and  worthy  Enquiry  ; 
for  they  worship  some  Creatures  even  above  measure,  when  they  are  dead  as 
well  as  when  they  are  living  ;  as  Cats,  Ichneumons,  Dogs,  Kites,  the  Bird 
Ibis,  Wolves  and  Crocodiles,  and  many  other  such  like.  The  Cause  of  whicli 
I  shall  endeavour  to  give,  having  first  premis'd  something  briefly  concerning 
them.  And  first  of  all,  they  dedicate  a  piece  of  Land  to  every  kind  of  Creature 
they  adore,  assigning  the  Profits  for  feeding  and  taking  care  of  them.  To 
some  of  these  iTeities  the  Egyptians  give  Thanks  for  recovering  their  Chil- 
dren from  Sickness,  as  by  shaving  their  Heads,  and  weighing  the  Hair,  with 
the  like  Weight  of  Ciold  or  Silver,  and  then  giving  that  Mony  to  them  that 
have  the  Care  of  the  Beasts.  To  the  Kites,  while  they  are  flying  they  cry 
out  with  a  loud  Voice,  and  throw  pieces  of  Flesh  for  them  upon  the  Ground 
till  such  time  as  they  take  it.  To  the  Cats  and  Ichneumons  they  give  Bread 
soakt  in  Milk,  stroaking  and  making  much  of  them,  or  feed  them  with  pieces 
of  Fish  taken  in  the  River  Nile.  In  the  same  manner  they  provide  for  the 
other  Beasts  Food  according  to  their  several  kinds. 

They  are  so  far  from  not  paying  this  Homage  to  their  Creatures,  or  being 
asham'il  of  them,  that  on  the  contrary  they  glory  in  them,  as  in  the  highest 
Adoration  of  the  Gods,  and  carry  about  special  Marks  and  Ensigns  of  Honour 
for  them  through  City  and  Country  ;  upon  which  Account  those  that  have 
the  Care  of  the  Beasts  (being  seen  afar  off)  are  honour'd  and  worshipped  by 
all  by  falling  down  upon  their  Knees.  When  any  one  of  them  dye  they 
wrap  it  in  fine  Linen,  and  with  Howling  beat  upon  their  Breasts,  and  so 
carry  it  forth  to  be  salted,  and  then  after  they  have  anointed  it  with  the  Oyl 
of  Cedar  and  other  things,  which  both  give  the  Body  a  fragrant  Smell  and 
preserve  it  a  long  time  from  Putrefaction,  they  bury  it  in  a  secret  place. 
He  that  wilfully  kills  any  of  these  Beasts,  is  to  suffer  Death  ;  but  if  any  kill 
a  Cat  or  the  Bird  Ibis,  whether  wilfully  or  otherwise,  he's  certainly  drag'd 
away  to  Death  by  the  Multitude,  and  sometimes  most  cruelly  without  any 
formal  Tryal  or  Judgment  of  Law.  For  fear  of  this,  if  any  by  chance  find 
any  of  these  Creatures  dead,  they  stand  aloof,  and  with  lamentable  Cries  and 
I'r(jtestati(jns  tell  every  body  that  they  found  it  dead. 

And  such  is  the  religious  Veneration  imprest  upon  the  Hearts  of  Men 
towards  these  Creatures,  and  so  obstinately  is  every  one  bent  to  adore  and 
worship  them,  that  even  at  the  time  when  the  Romans  were  about  making 
a  League  with  Ptolemy,  and  all  the  People  made  it  their  great  Business  to 
caress  and  shew  all  Civility  and  Kindness  imaginable  to  them  that  came  out 
of  Italy,  and  through  Fear  strove  all  they  could  that  no  Occasion  might  in 
the  least  be  given  to  disoblige  them  or  be  the  Cause  of  a  War,  yet  it  so  hap- 
p'ned  that  upon  a  Cat  being  kilFd  by  a  Roman,  the  People  in  a  Tumult  ran 
to  his  Lodging,  and  neither  the  Princes  sent  by  the  King  to  dissuade  them, 
nor  the  Fear  of  the  Romans  could  deliver  the  Person  from  the  Rage  of  the 
People,  tho'  he  did  it  against  his  Will  ;  and  this  I  relate  not  by  Hear-say, 
but  wius  myself  an  Eye-witness  of  it  at  the  time  of  my  Travels  into  Egypt. 
U  these  things  seem  incredible  and  like  to  Fables,  those  that  we  shall  here- 
after relate  will  look  more  strange.  For  it's  reported,  that  at  a  time  when 
there  was  a  Famine  in  Egypt,  many  were  driven  to  that  strait,  that  by  turns 
they  fed  one  upon  another  ;  but  not  a  Man  was  accused  to  have  in  the  least 
tiusted  of  any  of  these  sacred  Creatures.  Nay,  if  a  Dog  be  found  dead  in 
a  House,  the  whole  Family  shave  their  Bodies  all   over,  and  make  great 


THE  EGYPTIAN   EELIGION 


229 


I 


Lamentation  ;  and  that  which  is  most  wonderful,  is,  That  if  any  Wine, 
Bread  or  any  other  Victuals  be  in  the  House  where  any  of  these  Creatures 
die,  it's  a  part  of  their  Superstition,  not  to  make  use  of  any  of  them  for  any 
purpose  whatsoever.  And  when  they  have  been  abroad  in  the  Wars  in  for- 
eign Countries,  they  have  with  great  Lamentation  brought  with  them  dead 
Cats  and  Kites  into  Egypt,  when  in  the  mean  time  they  have  been  ready  to 
starve  for  want  of  Provision. 

Moreover  what  Acts  of  Religious  Worship  they  perform'd  towards  Apis 
in  Memphis,  Mnevis  in  Heliopolis,  the  Goat  in  Mendes,  the  Crocodile  in  the 
Lake  of  Moeris,  and  the  Lyon  kept  in  Leontopolis,  and  many  other  such  like, 
is  easie  to  describe,  but  very  difficult  to  believe,  except  a  Man  saw  it.  For 
these  Creatures  are  kept  and  fed  in  consecrated  Ground  inclos'd,  and  many 
great  Men  provide  Food  for  them  at  great  Cost  and  Charge  ;  for  they  con- 
stantly give  them  fine  Wheat-Flower,  Frumenty,  Sweet-meats  of  all  sorts 
made  up  with  Honey,  and  Geese  sometimes  rosted,  and  sometimes  boyl'd  ; 
and  for  such  as  fed  upon  raw  Flesh,  they  provide  Birds.  To  say  no  more, 
they  are  excessive  in  their  Costs  and  Charges  in  feeding  of  these  Creatures  ; 
and  forbear  not  to  wash  them  in  hot  Baths,  to  anoint  them  with  the  most 
precious  Unguents,  and  perfume  them  with  the  sweetest  Odours.  They 
provide  likewise  for  them  most  rich  Beds  to  lye  upon,  with  decent  Furni- 
ture, and  are  extraordinary  careful  about  their  generating  one  with  another, 
according  to  the  Law  of  Nature.  They  breed  up  for  every  one  of  the  Males 
(according  to  their  Kinds)  the  most  beautiful  She-mate,  and  call  them  their 
Concubines  or  Sweet-hearts,  and  are  at  great  Costs  in  looking  to  them. 

When  any  of  them  dye,  they  are  as  much  concern'd  as  at  the  Deaths  of 
their  own  Children,  and  lay  out  in  Burying  of  them  as  much  as  all  their 
Goods  are  worth,  and  far  more.  For  when  Apis  through  Old  Age  dy'd  at 
Memphis  after  the  Death  of  Alexander,  and  in  the  Reign  of  Ptolemy  Lagus, 
his  Keeper  not  only  spent  all  that  vast  Provision  he  had  made,  in  burying  of 
him,  but  borrow'd  of  Ptolemy  Fifty  Talents  of  Silver  for  the  same  purpose. 
And  in  our  time  some  of  the  Keepers  of  these  Creatures  have  lavisht  away 
no  less  than  a  Hundred  Talents  in  the  maintaining  of  them.  To  this  may 
be  further  added,  what  is  in  use  among  them  concerning  the  sacred  Ox, 
which  they  call  Apis.  After  the  splendid  Funeral  of  Apis  is  over,  those 
Priests  that  have  the  Charge  of  the  Business,  seek  out  another  Calf,  as  like 
the  former  as  possibly  they  can  find  ;  and  when  they  have  found  one,  an  end  is 
put  to  all  further  Mourning  and  Lamentation ;  and  such  Priests  as  are  appointed 
for  that  purpose,  lead  the  young  Ox  [or  Bull]  through  the  City  of  Nile,  and 
feed  him  Forty  Days.  Then  they  put  him  into  a  Barge,  wherein  is  a  Golden 
Cabbin,  and  so  transport  him  as  a  God  to  Memphis,  and  j^lace  him  in  Vulcan's 
Grove.  During  the  Forty  Days  before  mention'd,  none  but  Women  are  ad- 
mitted to  see  him,  who  being  plac'd  full  in  his  view,  pluck  up  their  Coats. 
After,  they  are  forbad  to  come  into  Sight  of  this  New  God.  For  the  Adora- 
tion of  this  Ox,  they  give  this  Reason.  They  say  that  the  Soul  of  Osiris 
pass'd  into  an  Ox ;  and  therefore  whenever  the  Ox  is  Dedicated,  to  this  very 
Day  the  Spirit  of  Osiris  is  infus'd  into  one  Ox  after  another  to  Posterity. 
But  some  say,  tliat  tlie  Members  of  Osiris  (who  was  kill'd  by  Typhon)  were 
thrown  by  Isis  into  an  Ox  made  of  Wood,  cover'd  with  Ox- Hides,  and  from 
thence  the  City  Busiris  was  so  call'd.  Many  other  things  they  fabulously 
report  of  Apis,  which  would  be  too  tedious  particularly  to  relate.  But  in  as 
much  as  all  that  relate  to  this  Adoration  of  Beasts  are  wonderful  and  indeed 
incredible,  it's  very  difficult  to  find  out  the  true  Causes  and  Grounds  of  this 
Superstition. 


230  THE  HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 

We  have  before  related,  that  the  Priests  have  a  private  and  secret  account 
of  these  thincrs  in  the  History  of  the  Gods;  but  the  Common  People  give 
these  Three  Keasons  for  what  they  do.  The  First  of  which  is  altogether 
Fabulous,  ami  agrees  with  the  old  Dotage:  For  they  say,  that  the  First 
(Jods  were  so  very  few,  and  Men  so  many  above  them  in  number,  and  so 
wirked  and  impious,  that  they  were  too  weak  for  them,  and  therefore  trans- 
foriuM  themselvt's  into  Beasts,  and  by  that  means  avoided  their  Assaults  and 
Cruelty.  But  afterwards  they  say  that  the  Kings  and  Princes  of  the  Earth 
(in  gratitmle  to  them  that  were  the  first  Authors  of  their  well-being)  directed 
how  carefully  those  Creatures  whose  shapes  they  had  assum'd  should  be  fed 
wliili'  they  were  alive,  and  how  they  were  to  be  Buried  when  they  were  dead. 

Anotlier  Reason  they  give  is  this  :  The  antient  Egyptians,  they  say,  being 
often  ilefeated  by  the  Neighbouring  Nations,  by  reason  of  the  disorder  and 
confusion  that  was  among  them  in  drawing  up  of  their  Battalions,  found  out 
at  liist  the  way  of  Carrying  Standards  or  Ensigns  before  their  Several  Regi- 
nuMits;  and  tlierefore  they  painted  the  Images  of  these  Beasts,  which  now 
tlu'v  adore,  and  lixt  'cm  at  the  end  of  a  Spear,  which  the  Officers  carry'd 
before  them,  and  l)y  this  means  every  Man  i)erfectly  knew  the  Regiment  he 
bt'long'd  unto ;  and  being  that  by  the  Observation  of  this  good  Order  and 
Discipline,  they  were  often  Victorious,  they  ascrib'd  their  Deliverance  to 
these  Creatures;  and  to  make  to  them  a  grateful  Return,  it  was  ordain'd 
for  a  Law,  tiiat  none  of  these  Creatures,  whose  Representations  were  for- 
merly thus  carry'd,  should  be  kill'd,  but  religiously  and  carefully  ador'd,  as 
is  before  related. 

The  Third  Reason  alledg'd  by  them,  is  the  Profit  and  Advantage  these 
Creatures  l)ring  to  the  common  support  and  maintenance  of  Humane  Life. 
For  the  Cow  is  both  servicable  to  the  Plow,  and  for  breeding  others  for  the 
same  use.  The  Sheep  yeans  twice  a  Year,  and  yields  Wool  for  Cloathing 
and  Ornament,  and  of  her  Milk  and  Cream  are  made  large  and  pleasant 
Cheeses.  The  Dog  is  useful  both  for  the  Guard  of  the  House,  and  the  pleas- 
ure of  Hunting  in  the  Field,  and  therefore  their  God  whom  they  call  Anubis, 
they  represLMit  with  a  Dog's  Head,  signifying  thereby  that  a  Dog  was  the 
Guard  l)oth  to  Osiris  and  Isis.  Others  say,  that  when  they  fought  for  Osiris, 
Dogs  guided  Lsis,  and  by  their  barking  and  yelling  (as  kindand  faithful  Asso- 
ciates with  the  Inquisitors  )  drove  away  the  wild  Beasts,  and  diverted  others 
that  were  in  their  way ;  and  therefore  in  celebrating  the  Feast  of  Isis,  Dogs 
lead  the  way  in  the  Procession.  Those  that  first  instituted  this  Custom, 
signifying  thereby  the  ancient  kindness  and  good  Service  of  this  Creature. 
The  Cat  likewise  is  very  serviceable  against  the  Venemous  Stings  of  Serpents, 
and  the  deadly  Bite  of  the  Asp. 

The  Ichneumon  secretly  watches  where  the  Crocodile  lays  her  Eggs, 
and  breaks  them  in  pieces,  and  that  he  does  with  a  great  deal  of  eagerness, 
by  natural  instinct,  without  any  necessity  for  his  own  supi)ort ;  and  if  this 
Creature  were  n(jtthus  serviceable.  Crocodiles  would  abound  to  that  degree, 
that  there  were  no  Sailing  in  Nile  :  Yea,  the  Crocodiles  themselves  are 
destroy'd  by  this  Creature  in  a  wonderful  and  incredible  manner.  For  the 
Ichneumon  rouls  himself  in  the  Mud,  and  then  observing  the  Crocodile 
sleeping  upon  the  Bank  of  the  River  with  his  Mouth  wide  open,  suddenly 
whips  down  through  his  Throat  into  his  very  Bowels,  and  presently  gnaws 
his  way  through  his  Belly,  and  so  escapes  himself,  with  the  Death  of  his 
Enemy. 

Among  the  Birds,  the  Ibis  is  serviceable  for  the  destroying  of  Snakes, 
Locusts  and  the  Palmer  Worm.     The  Kite  is  an  Enemy  to  the  Scorpions, 


THE   EGYPTIAN   KELIGION  233 

him  of  various  colours.  Strabo  says  his  forehead  and  some  parts  of  his 
body  are  of  a  white  colour,  the  rest  being  black;  "by  which  signs  they 
fix  upon  a  new  one  to  succeed  the  other,  when  he  dies ;  "  and  Plutarch 
thinks  that,  "on  account  of  the  great  resemblance  they  imagine  between 
Osiris  and  the  Moon,  his  more  bright  and  shining  parts  being  shadowed 
and  obscured  by  those  that  are  of  a  darker  hue,  they  call  the  Apis  the 
living  image  of  Osiris,  and  suppose  him  begotten  by  a  ray  of  generative 
light,  flowing  from  the  moon,  and  fixing  upon  his  mother,  at  a  time  when 
she  was  strongly  disposed  for  it." 

Pliny  speaks  of  Apis  "  having  a  Avhite  spot  in  the  form  of  a  crescent 
upon  his  right  side,  and  a  lump  under  his  tongue  in  the  form  of  a  beetle." 
Ammianus  Marcellinus  says  the  white  crescent  on  his  right  side  was  the 
principal  sign,  and  ^lianus  mentions  twenty-nine  marks,  by  which  he  was 
recognised,  each  referable  to  some  mystic  signification.  But  he  pretends 
that  the  Egyptians  did  not  allow  those  given  by  Herodotus  and  Aristagoras. 
Some  suppose  him  entirely  black ;  and  others  contend  that  certain  marks, 
as  the  predominating  black  colour,  and  the  beetle  on  his  tongue,  show 
him  to  be  consecrated  to  the  sun,  as  the  crescent  to  the  moon.  Ammianus 
and  others  say  that  "  Apis  was  sacred  to  the  Moon,  Mnevis  to  the  Sun  "  ; 
and  most  authors  describe  the  latter  of  a  black  colour. 

It  is  difficult  to  decide  if  Herodotus  is  correct  respecting  the  peculiar 
marks  of  Apis.  There  is,  however,  evidence  from  the  bronzes,  found  in 
Egypt,  that  the  vulture  (not  eagle)  on  his  back  was  one  of  his  characteristics, 
su23plied,  no  doubt,  like  many  others,  by  the  priests  themselves ;  who  prob- 
ably put  him  to  much  inconvenience,  and  pain  too,  to  make  the  marks  and 
hairs  conform  to  his  description. 

To  Apis  belonged  all  the  clean  oxen,  chosen  for  sacrifice  ;  the  necessary 
requisite  for  which,  according  to  Herodotus,  was,  that  they  should  be  entirely 
free  from  black  spots,  or  even  a  single  black  hair ;  though,  as  I  shall  have  occa- 
sion to  remark  in  treating  of  the  sacrifices,  this  statement  of  the  historian  is 
far  from  accurate.  It  may  also  be  doubted  if  the  name  Epaphus,  by 
which  he  says  Apis  was  called  by  the  Greeks  in  their  language,  was  of 
Greek  origin. 

He  is  called  in  the  hieroglyphic  legends  Hapi ;  and  the  bull,  the  demon- 
strative and  figurative  sign  following  his  name,  is  accomjjanied  by  the  crux 
ansata,  or  emblem  of  life.  It  has  seldom  any  ornament  on  its  head  ;  but  the 
figure  of  Apis-  (or  Hapi-)  Osiris  generally  wears  the  globe  of  the  sun,  and  the 
Asp,  the  symbol  of  divine  majesty;  which  are  also  given  to  the  bronze 
figures  of  this  bull. 

Memphis  was  the  place  where  Apis  was  kept,  and  where  his  worship  was 
particularly  observed.  He  was  not  merely  looked  upon  as  an  emblem,  but, 
as  Pliny  and  Cicero  say,  was  deemed  "a  god  by  the  Egyptians  "  :  and  Strabo 
calls  "Apis  the  same  as  Osiris."  Psamtliek  I  there  erected  a  grand  court 
(ornamented  with  figures  in  lieu  of  columns  twelve  cubits  in  height,  forming 
an  inner  peristyle),  in  which  he  was  kept  when  exhibited  in  public. 
Attached  to  it  were  the  two  stables  (delubra,  or  thalami),  mentioned  by 
Pliny :  and  Strabo  says  "  Before  the  enclosure  wliere  Apis  is  kept,  is  a 
vestibule,  in  which  also  the  mother  of  the  sacred  bull  is  fed  ;  and  into  this 
vestibule  Apis  is  introduced,  in  order  to  be  shown  to  strangers.  After  being 
brought  out  for  a  little  while,  he  is  again  taken  back ;  at  other  times  he  is 
only  seen  through  a  window."  "The  temple  of  Apis  is  close  to  that  of  Vul- 
can ;  which  last  is  remarkable  for  its  architectural  beauty,  its  extent,  and 
the  richness  of  its  decoration." 


234  THE  HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 

Festivals  and  Ceremonials  of  Apis   Worship 

The  festival  in  honour  of  Apis  lasted  seven  days  ;  on  which  occasion  a 
large  concourse  of  people  assembled  at  Memphis.  The  priests  then  led  the 
sacred  bull  in  solemn  procession,  all  people  coming  forward  from  their  houses 
to  welcome  liim  as  he  passed. 

When  the  Apis  died,  certain  priests,  chosen  for  this  duty,  went  in  quest 
of  another,  who  was  known  from  the  signs  mentioned  in  the  sacred  books. 
As  soon  as  he  was  found,  they  took  him  to  the  city  of  the  Nile,  preparatory 
to  his  removal  to  Memphis,  where  he  was  kept  forty  days  ;  during  which 
period  wiimen  alone  were  permitted  to  see  him.  These  forty  days  being 
completed,  he  was  placed  in  a  boat,  with  a  golden  cabin  prepared  to  receive 
him,  and  he  was  conducted  in  state  upon  the  Nile  to  Memphis. 

Pliny  and  Ammianus,  however,  declare  that  they  led  the  bull  Apis  to 
the  fountain  of  the  priests,  and  drowned  him  with  much  ceremony,  as  soon 
as  the  time  prescribed  in  the  sacred  books  was  fulfilled.  This  Plutarch 
limits  to  twenty-five  years  ("the  square  of  five,  and  the  same  number  as  the 
letters  of  the  Egyptian  alphabet "),  beyond  which  it  was  forbidden  that  he 
should  live ;  and  having  put  him  to  death,  they  sought  another  to  succeed 
him.  His  body  was  embalmed,  and  a  grand  funeral  procession  took  place  at 
Memphis,  when  his  coffin,  "  placed  on  a  sledge,  was  followed  by  the  priests," 
"  dressed  in  the  spotted  skins  of  fawns  (leopards),  bearing  the  thyrsus  in  their 
hands,  uttering  the  same  cries,  and  making  the  same  gesticulations  as  the 
votaries  of  Bacchus  during  the  ceremonies  in  honour  of  that  god." 

When  the  Apis  died  a  natural  death,  his  obsequies  were  celebrated  on  the 
most  magnificent  scale  ;  and  to  such  extravagance  was  this  carried,  that  those 
who  had  tlie  oflice  of  taking  charge  of  him  were  often  ruined  by  the  heavy 
expenses  entailed  upon  them.  On  one  occasion,  during  the  reign  of  the  first 
Ptolemy,  upwards  of  fifty  talents  were  borrowed  to  defray  the  necessary 
cost  of  his  funeral ;  "  and  in  our  time,"  says  Diodorus,  "  the  curators  of  other 
sacred  animals  have  expended  a  hundred  talents  in  their  burial." 

The  Egyptians  not  only  paid  divine  honours  to  the  bull  Apis,  but,  consider- 
ing him  the  living  image  and  representative  of  Osiris,  they  consulted  him  as 
an  oracle,  and  drew  from  his  actions  good  or  bad  omens.  They  were  in  the 
habit  of  offering  him  any  kind  of  food  with  the  hand :  if  he  took  it,  the 
answer  was  considered  favourable  ;  if  he  refused,  it  was  thought  to  be  a 
sinister  omen.  Pliny  and  Ammianus  observe  that  he  refused  what  the 
unfortunate  Germanicus  presented  to  him  ;  and  the  death  of  that  prince, 
which  happened  shortly  after,  was  thought  to  confirm  most  unequivocally 
the  truth  of  those  presages.  The  Egyptians  also  drew  omens  respecting  the 
welfare  of  their  country,  according  to  the  stable  in  which  he  happened  to  be. 
To  these  two  stal)les  he  had  free  access  ;  and  when  he  spontaneously  entered 
one,  it  foreboded  benefits  to  Egypt,  as  the  other  the  reverse  ;  and  many  other 
tokens  were  derived  from  accidental  circumstances  connected  with  this  sacred 
animal. 

Pausanias  says  that  those  who  wished  to  consult  Apis  first  burnt  incense 
on  an  altar,  filling  the  lamps  with  oil  which  were  lighted  there,  and  deposit- 
ing a  piece  of  money  on  the  altar  to  the  right  of  the  statue  of  the  god. 
Tlum  placing  their  mouth  near  his  ear,  in  order  to  consult  him,  they  asked 
whatever  (juestions  they  wished.  This  done,  they  withdrew,  covering  their 
two  cars  until  they  were  outside  the  sacred  precincts  of  the  temple  ;  and 
there  listening  to  the  first  expression  any  one  uttered,  they  drew  from  it  the 
desired  omen. 


THE  EGYPTIAN  RELIGION  235 

Children,  also,  according  to  Pliny  and  Solinus,  who  attended  in  great 
numbers  during  the  processions  in  honour  of  the  divine  bull,  received  the 
gift  of  foretelling  future  events  ;  and  the  same  authors  mention  a  supersti- 
tious belief  at  Memphis,  of  the  influence  of  Apis  upon  the  Crocodile,  during 
the  seven  days  when  his  birth  was  celebrated.  On  this  occasion,  a  gold  and 
silver  patera  was  annually  thrown  into  the  Nile,  at  a  spot  called  from  its 
form  the  "  Bottle  "  ;  and  while  this  festival  was  held,  no  one  was  in  danger 
of  being  attacked  by  crocodiles,  though  bathing  carelessly  in  the  river.  But 
it  could  no  longer  be  done  with  impunity  after  the  sixth  hour  of  the  eighth 
day.  The  hostility  of  that  animal  to  man  was  then  observed  invariably  to 
return,  as  if  permitted  by  the  deity  to  resume  its  habits. 

Apis  was  usually  kept  in  one  or  other  of  the  two  stables  —  seldom  going 
out,  except  into  the  court  attached  to  them,  where  strangers  came  to  visit 
him.  But  on  certain  occasions  he  was  conducted  through  the  town  with 
great  pomp.  He  was  then  escorted  by  numerous  guards,  who  made  a  way 
amidst  the  crowd,  and  prevented  the  approach  of  the  profane  ;  and  a  chorus 
of  children  singing  hymns  in  his  honour  headed  the  procession. 

The  greatest  attention  was  paid  to  the  health  of  Apis ;  they  took  care  to 
obtain  for  him  the  most  wholesome  food  ;  and  they  rejoiced  if  they  could 
preserve  his  life  to  the  full  extent  prescribed  by  law.  Plutarch  also  notices 
his  being  forbidden  to  drink  the  water  of  the  Nile,  in  consequence  of  its 
having  a  peculiarly  fattening  property.  "  For,"  he  adds,  "  they  endeavour 
to  prevent  fatness,  as  well  in  Apis,  as  in  themselves  :  always  studious  that 
their  bodies  may  sit  as  light  about  their  souls  as  possible,  in  order  that  their 
mortal  part  may  not  oppress  and  weigh  down  the  more  divine  and  immortal." 

Many  fetes  were  held  at  different  seasons  of  the  year  ;  for,  as  Herodotus 
observes,  far  from  being  contented  with  one  festival,  the  Egyptians  celebrate 
annually  a  very  great  number:  of  which  that  of  Diana  (Pakht),  kept  at  the 
city  of  Bubastis,  holds  the  first  rank,  and  is  performed  with  the  greatest 
pomp.  Next  to  it  is  that  of  Isis,  at  Busiris,  a  city  situated  in  the  middle  of 
the  Delta,  with  a  very  large  temple,  consecrated  to  that  Goddess,  the  Ceres 
of  the  Greeks.  The  third  in  importance  is  the  fete  of  Minerva  (Nit),  held 
at  Sais  ;  the  fourth,  of  the  Sun,  at  Heliopolis  ;  the  fifth,  of  Latona,  in  the  city 
of  Buto  ;  and  the  sixth  is  that  performed  at  Papreims,  in  honour  of  Mars.e 

Strabo,  the  famous  geographer  of  antiquity,  visited  Egypt  in  24  B.C.,  and 
ascended  the  Nile.  Among  other  records  of  his  trip,  he  has  left  us  a  pictu- 
resque account  of  his  peep  at  the  sacred  bull. 

At  Heliopolis,  he  says,  we  saw  large  build- 
ings in  which  the  priests  lived.  For  it  is  said 
that  anciently  this  was  the  principal  residence  of 
the  priests,  who  studied  philosophy  and  astron- 
omy. But  there  are  no  longer  either  such  a 
body  of  perscyis  or  such  pursuits.  No  one  was 
pointed  out  to  us  on  the  spot,  as  presiding 
over  these  studies,  but  only  persons  who  per- 
form sacred  rites,  and  who  explained  to 
strangers  (the  peculiarities  of)  the  temples. 

In  sailing  up  the  river  we  meet  with  Baby- 
lon, a  strong  fortress,   built  by  some  Babylo-  

nians  who  had   taken  refuge   there,  and   had 

obtained  permission  from  the  kings  to  establish  a  settlement  in  that  place. 
At  present  it  is  an  encampment  for  one  of  the  three  legions  which  garrison 
Egypt.     There  is  a  mountainous  ridge,  which  extends  from  the  encampment 


236  THE   HISTORY   OF  EGYPT 

as  far  as  the  Nile.     At  this  ridge  are  wheels  and  screws,  by  which  water 
is  raised   from  the  river,  and  one  hundred  and  fifty  prisoners  are  (thus) 

employed.  .       ^,        ,  .  11, 

Tile  pyramids  on  the  other  side  (of  the  river)  at  Memphis  maybe  clearly 
disceruLHrfrom  tliis  place,  for  they  are  not  far  off. 

Memi)his  itself  also,  the  residence  of  the  kings  of  Egypt,  is  near,  being 
only  three  schu-ni  distant  from  the  Delta.  It  contains  temples,  among  which 
is  that  of  Ai)is,  who  is  the  same  as  Osiris.  Here  the  ox  Apis  is  kept  in  a  sort 
of  sanetuary,  and  is  held,  as  I  have  said,  to  be  a  god.  The  forehead  and 
some  other\small  parts  of  the  body  are  white;  the  other  parts  are  black. 
By  these  marks  tiie  fitness  of  the  successor  is  always  determined,  when  the 
animal  to  which  they  pay  these  honours  dies.  In  front  of  the  sanctuary  is 
a  court,  in  whicli  there  is  another  sanctuary  for  the  dam  of  Apis.  Into  this 
court  the  Apis  is  let  loose  at  times,  particularly  for  the  purpose  of  exhibiting 
him  to  strangers.  He  is  seen  through  a  door  in  the  sanctuary,  and  he  is 
permitted  to'l)e  seen  also  out  of  it.  After  he  has  frisked  about  a  little  in  the 
court,  lie  is  taken  back  to  his  own  stall.  The  temple  of  Apis  is  near  the 
Heplia'steum  (or  temple  of  Vulcan)  ;  the  Hephicsteum  itself  is  very  sump- 
tuously constructed,  botii  as  regards  tiie  size  of  the  naos  and  in  other  respects. 
Ill  front  of  the  Dromos  is  a  colossal  figure  consisting  of  a  single  stone.  It 
is  usual  to  celebrate  bull-fights  in  this  Dromos;  the  bulls  are  bred  expressly 
for  this  purpose,  like  horses.  They  are  let  loose,  and  fight  with  one  another, 
the  conqueror  receiving  a  prize./ 

THE  METHODS  OF  EMBALMING  THE  DEAD 

Even  more  striking  than  the  worship  of  Apis  was  the  custom  of  embalm- 
ing the  dead,  which  was  in  vogue  uninterruptedly  for  some  thousands  of 
years.     Herodotus  tells  us  of  the  exact  method  of  procedure : 

There  are  certain  persons  appointed  by  law  to  the  exercise  of  the 
profession  of  embalming.  When  a  dead  body  is  brought  to  them,  they 
exhibit  to  the  friends  of  the  deceased,  different  models  highly  finished  in 
wood.  The  most  perfect  of  these  they  say  resembles  one  whom  I  do  not 
think  it  religious  to  name  in  such  a  matter  ;  the  second  is  of  less  price,  and 
inferior  in  point  of  execution;  another  is  still  more  mean;  they  then  inquire 
after  whii-h  model  the  deceased  shall  be  represented :  when  the  price  is 
determined,  the  relations  retire,  and  the  embalmers  thus  proceed :  In  the 
most  perfeet  specimens  of  their  art,  they  draw  the  brain  through  the  nostrils, 
partly  with  a  piece  of  crooked  iron,  and  partly  by  the  infusion  of  drugs ; 
they  then  with  an  Ethiopian  stone  make  an  incision  in  the  side,  through 
wliich  they  extract  the  intestines  ;  these  they  cleanse  thoroughly,  washing 
them  with  palm-wine,  and  afterwards  covering  them  with  pounded  aro- 
matics  :  tliey  then  fill  the  body  with  powder  of  pure  myrrh,  cassia,  and  all 
other  perfumes,  except  frankincense.  Having  sown  up  the  body,  it  is  cov- 
ered with  uitre  for  the  space  of  seventy  days,  whicli  time  they  may  not 
exceed ;  at  the  end  of  tliis  period  it  is  washed,  closely  wrapped  in  bandages 
of  cotton,  dipped  in  a  gum  which  the  Egyptians  use  as  glue  :  it  is  then 
returned  to  the  relations,  who  enclose  the  body  in  a  case  of  wood,  made  to 
reseml)le  a  human  figure,  and  j)lace  it  against  tlie  wall  in  the  repository  of 
their  dead.  The  above  is  the  most  costly  mode  of  embalming.  They  who 
wish  to  be  less  expensive,  adopt  the  following  method :  they  neither  draw 
out  the  intestines,  nor  make  any  incision  in  the  dead  body,  but  inject  an 
unguent  made  from   the  cedar;  after  taking  proper  means  to  secure  the 


THE   EGYPTIAN   RELIGION 


237 


injected  oil  within  the  body,  it  is  covered  with  nitre  for  the  time  above 
specified :  on  the  last  day  they  withdraw  the  liquor  before  introduced, 
which  brings  with  it  all  the  bowels  and  intestines ;  the  nitre  eats  away  the 
flesh,  and  the  skin  and  bones  only  remain :  the  body  is  returned  in  this  state, 
and  no  further  care  taken  concerning  it.  There  is  a  third  mode  of  embalm- 
ing appropriated  to  the  poor.  A  jjarticular  kind  of  ablution  is  made 
to  pass  through  the  body,  which  is  afterwards  left  in  nitre  for  the 
above  seventy  days,  and  then  returned.  The  wives  of  men  of  rank,  and 
such  females  as  have  been  distinguished  by  their  beauty  or  importance,  are 
not  immediately  on  their  decease  delivered  to  the  embalmers  :  they  are 
usually  kept  for  three  or  four  days,  which  is  done  to  prevent  any  indignity 
being  offered  to  their  persons.     An  instance  of  this  once  occurred. & 

Diodorus  gives  a  slightly  different  account  of  the  methods  of  the 
embalmer,  adding  certain  most  instructive  details  as  to  burial  customs : 

"  Now  tho'  we  have  said  perhaps  more  than  is  needful  of  their  sacred 
Creatures,  yet  with  this  we  have  set  forth  the  Laws  of  the  Egyptians,  which 
are  very  remarkable.  But  when  a  Man  comes  to  understand  their  Rites  and 
Ceremonies  in  Burying  their  Dead,  he'll  be  struck  with  much  greater 
Admiration. 

"  For  after  the  Death  of  any  of  them,  all  the  Friends  and  Kindred  of  the 
deceased  throw  Dirt  upon  their  Heads,  and  run  about  through  the  City  ; 
mourning  and  lamenting  till  such  time  as  the  Body  be  interr'd,  and  abstain 
from  Baths,  Wine  and  all  pleas- 
ants  Meats  in  the  mean  time;  and 
forbear  to  cloath  themselves  with 
any  rich  Attire.  They  have  three 
sorts  of  Funerals :  The  Stately 
and  Magnificent,  the  Moderate, 
and  the  Meanest.  In  the  first 
they  spend  a  Talent  of  Silver,  in 
the  second  twenty  Minas  [about 
X62  10s.  or  $300],  in  the  last 
they  are  at  very  small  Charges. 
They  that  have  the  Charge  of 
wrapping  up  and  burying  the 
Body,  are  such  as  have  been 
taught  the  Art  by  their  Ances- 
tors. These  give  in  a  Writing 
to  the  Family  of  every  thing  that 
is  to  be  laid  out  in  the  Funeral, 
and  inquire  of  them  after  what 
Manner  they  would  have  the  Body  interr'd.  When  every  thing  is  agreed 
upon,  they  take  up  the  Body  and  deliver  it  to  them  whose  Office  it  is  to 
take  Care  of  it.  Then  the  Chief  among  them  (who  is  call'd  the  Scribe) 
having  the  Body  laid  upon  the  Ground,  marks  out  how  much  of  the 
left  Side  towards  the  Bowels  is  to  be  incis'd  and  open'd,  upon  which 
the  Paraschistes  (so  by  them  call'd)  with  an  Ethiopian  Stone  dissects  so 
much  of  the  Flesh  as  by  the  Law  is  justifiable,  and  having  done  it,  he 
forthwith  runs  away  might  and  main,  and  all  there  present  pursue  him 
with  Execrations,  and  pelt  him  with  Stones,  as  if  he  were  guilty  of  some 
horrid  Offence,  for  they  look  upon  him  as  an  hateful  Person,  who  wounds 
and  offers  Violence  to  the  Body  in  that  kind,  or  does  it  any  Predjudice 
whatsoever. 


Golden  Ewers  and  Basins   from  the  Tomb  of 
Ramses  III 


238  THE  HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 

-But  as  for  those  whom  they  call  the  Taricheut^  [the  Embalmers], 
thev  hicrhlv  honour  them,  for  they  are  the  Priests  Companions,  and  as 
SacVecl  "Persons  are  admitted  into  the  Temple.  As  soon  as  they  come 
to  the  dissected  Body,  one  of  the  Taricheutie  thrusts  up  his  Hand  through 
the  Wound,  into  the  Breast  of  the  Dead,  and  draws  out  all  the  Intestins, 
but  the  Reins  and  the  Heart.  Another  cleanses  all  the  Bowels,  and 
washes  them  in  Phit-nician  Wine  mixt  with  diverse  Aromatick  Spices. 
Having  at  last  washVl  the  Body,  they  first  anoint  it  all  over  with  the  Oyl 
of  Cedar  and  otlier  precious  Ointments  for  the  space  of  forty  days  together ; 
that  done,  they  rub  it  well  with  Myrrhe,  Cinnamon,  and  such  hke  things, 
not  only  apt  and  effectual  for  long  Preservation,  but  for  sweet  scenting  of 
the  Body  also,  and  so  deliver  it  to  the  Kindred  of  the  Dead,  with  every 
Member  so  whole  and  intire,  that  no  Part  of  the  Body  seems  to  be  alter'd 
till  it  ome  to  the  very  Hairs  of  the  Eyelids  and  the  Eye-brows,  insomuch 
as  tlie  Beauty  and  Shape  of  the  Face  seems  just  as  it  was  before.  By  which 
Means  many' of  tlie  Egyptians  laying  up  the  Bodies  of  their  Ancestors  in 
.stately  M(»numents,  perfectly  see  the  true  Visage  and  Countenance  of  those 
that  were  buried,  many  Ages  before  they  themselves  were  born.  So  that  in 
viewing  the  Proportion  of  every  one  of  their  Bodies  and  the  Lineaments  of 
their  Faces,  they  take  exceeding  great  Delight,  even  as  much  as  if  they  were 
still  living  among  them. 

"  Moreover,  the  Friends  and  nearest  Relations  of  the  Dead  acquaint  the 
Jud<Tes  and  the  rest  of  their  Friends  with  the  Time  prefixt  for  the  Funeral 


Implements  used  ix  Embalming 
(Now  in  the  British  Museum) 

of  such  an  one  by  Name,  declaring  that  such  a  day  he  is  to  pass  the  Lake. 
At  which  Time  forty  Judges  appear  and  sit  together  in  a  Semicircle,  in  a 
Place  beyond  the  Lake  ;  where  a  Shij)  (before  provided  by  such  as  have  the 
Care  of  the  Business)  is  hal'd  up  to  the  Shoar,  govern'd  by  a  Pilot,  whom 
the  Egyptians  call  Charon.  And  therefore  they  say,  that  Orpheus  seeing 
tiiis  Ceremony  when  he  was  in  Egypt,  invented  the  Fable  of  Hell,  partly 
imitating  them  in  Egypt,  and  partly  adding  something  of  his  own;  of 
wlii(-h  we  shall  speak  particularly  hereafter. 

"The  Ship  being  now  in  the  Lake,  every  one  is  at  Liberty  by  the  Law  to 
accuse  the  Dead  before  the  Collin  be  put  aboard ;  and  if  any  Accuser  ap- 
pears and  makes  good  his  Accusation,  that  he  liv'd  an  ill  Life,  then  the 
Judges  give  Sentence,  and  the  Body  is  debarr'd  from  being  buried  after  the 
usual  Manner ;  but  if  the  Informer  be  convicted  of  a  scandalous  and  mali- 
cious Accusation,  he's  very  severely  punish'd.  If  no  Informer  appear,  or 
that  the  Information  prove  false,  alt  the  Kindred  of  the  Deceased  leave  ofif 
Mourning,  and  begin  to  set  forth  his  Praises ;  but  say  nothing  of  his  Birth 
(as  is  the  Custom  among  the  Greeks)  because  they  account  all  in  Egypt  to 
l>e  equally  noble.  But  they  recount  how  the  deceased  was  educated  from 
a^  Child,  his  Breeding  till  he  came  to  Man's  Estate,  his  Piety  towards  the 
Clods  and  his  Justice  towards  Men,  his  Chastity  and  other  Virtues,  wherein 


THE  EGYPTIAN  RELIGION  239 

he  excell'd  ;  and  they  pray  and  call  upon  the  infernal  Deities  to  receive  the 
deceas'd  into  the  Society  of  the  Just.  The  common  People  take  it  from  the 
other,  and  approve  of  all  that  is  said  in  his  Praise  with  a  loud  Shout,  and 
set  forth  likewise  his  Vertues  with  the  highest  Praises  and  Strains  of  Com- 
mendation, as  he  that  is  to  live  for  ever  with  the  just  in  the  Kingdom  of 
Jove. 

"  Then  they  (that  have  Tombs  of  their  own)  interr  the  Corps  in  Places 
appointed  for  that  Purpose  ;  they  that  have  none  of  their  own,  build  a  small 
Apartment  in  their  own  Houses,  and  rear  up  the  Coffin  to  the  Sides  of  the 
strongest  Wall  of  the  Building.  Such  as  are  deny'd  common  Burial,  either 
because  they  are  in  Debt,  or  convicted  of  some  horrid  Crime,  they  bury  in 
their  own  Houses ;  and  in  After-times  it  often  happens  that  some  of  their 
Kindred  growing  rich,  pay  off  the  Debts  of  the  deceas'd,  or  get  him  ab- 
solved, and  then  bury  their  Ancestor  with  State  and  Splendour.  For 
amongst  the  Egyptians  it's  a  Sacred  Constitution,  that  they  should  at  their 
greatest  Costs  honour  their  Parents  and  Ancestors  who  are  translated  to  an 
Eternal  Habitation. 

"  It's  a  Custom  likewise  among  them  to  give  the  Bodies  of  their  Parents 
in  Pawn  to  their  Creditors,  and  they  that  do  not  presently  redeem  them, 
fall  under  the  greatest  Disgrace  imaginable,  and  are  deny'd  Burial  after 
their  Deaths.  One  may  justly  wonder  at  the  Authors  of  this  excellent 
Constitution,  who  both  by  what  we  see  practis'd  among  the  living,  and  by 
the  decent  Burial  of  the  dead,  did  (as  much  as  possibly  lay  within  the 
Power  of  Men)  endeavour  to  promote  Honesty  and  faithful  Dealing  one 
with  another.  For  the  Greeks  (as  to  what  concern'd  the  Rewards  of  the 
Just  and  the  Punishment  of  the  Impious)  had  nothing  amongst  them 
but  invented  Fables  and  Poetical  Fictions,  which  never  wrought  upon 
Men  for  the  Amendment  of  their  Lives,  but  on  the  contrary,  were  despis'd 
and  laught  at  by  the  lewder  Sort. 

"  But  among  the  Egyptians,  the  Punishment  of  the  bad  and  the  Rewards 
of  the  good  being  not  told  as  idle  Tales,  but  every  day  seen  with  their  own 
Eyes,  all  Sorts  were  warn'd  of  their  Duties,  and  by  this  Means  was  wrought 
and  continu'd  a  most  exact  Reformation  of  Manners  and  orderly  Conversa- 
tion among  them.  For  those  certainly  are  the  best  Laws  that  advance 
Virtue  and  Honesty,  and  instruct  Men  in  a  prudent  Converse  in  the  World, 
rather  than  those  that  tend  only  to  the  heaping  up  of  Wealth,  and  teach 
Men  to  be  rich."  <^ 


I 


CHAPTKIl    XI.     EGYPTrAN    CULTURE 

Egj-pt  remains  a  light-house  in  the  profound  darkness  of  remote  an- 
tiquity. —  Renan. 

By  fill-  the  greater  number  of  the  remains  of  Egyptian  civilisation  that 
have  come  down  to  us,  are  monuments  that  may  be  classed  as  works  of  art. 
Indeed,  wlien  one  speaks  of  ancient  Egypt,  one  thinks  instinctively  of  her 
art  remains  ;  her  pyramids,  temples,  and  sphinxes,  her  obelisks  and  colossal 
sculptures.  As  one  wanders  through  the  halls  of  such  great  collections  as 
those  of  the  British  Museum,  or  of  the  Louvre,  it  seems  to  him  as  if  art 
must  have  been  the  very  life  of  Egypt,  and  as  if  a  considerable  proportion 
of  iier  people  must  have  been  engaged  in  producing  the  multitude  of  monu- 
nu'uts  that  are  here  preserved.  But  there  is,  of  course,  a  certain  illusion  in 
this  thought. 

The  number  of  art  monuments  preserved  in  Egypt  is,  indeed,  very 
large  in  the  aggregate,  but  it  must  be  remembered  that  they  represent 
the  accumulated  treasures  of  many  centuries.  Thanks  to  the  climate  of 
Egypt,  a  vastly  larger  proportion  of  her  monuments  have  been  preserved 
than  have  come  down  to  us  from  any  other  people  of  antiquity,  and  this 
fact  should  be  borne  constantly  in  mind  when  one  endeavours  to  estimate 
the  real  status  of  art  in  that  country.  Now  that  the  results  of  many 
centuries  of  labour  are  gathered  into  a  comparatively  few  collections,  the 
impression  made  upon  the  observer  is  naturally  somewhat  different  from 
what  it  would  have  been  could  he  have  seen  the  same  monuments  in  their 
original  locations  scattered  throughout  the  kingdom. 

Nevertheless,  after  making  all  deductions  for  the  perverted  historical 
perspective  thus  induced,  the  fact  remains  that  we  are  quite  justified  in 
speaking  of  the  Egyptians  as  a  singularly  artistic  race.  Indeed,  it  'would 
be  absurd  to  deny  this  position  to  the  people  who,  first  of  any  on  the  earth 
so  far  as  known,  created  a  truly  great  and  truly  individual  art. 

It  has  been  held  a  matter  for  surprise  that  the  Greeks,  who  so  fully 
appreciated,  and,  indeed,  so  greatly  overestimated,  the  learning  and  the 
occult  wisdom  of  the  Egyptians,  should  have  failed  to  be  impressed  by  their 
works  of  art.  But,  rightly  considered,  there  is  nothing  at  all  remarkable 
in  this.  It  must  be  remembered  that  Herodotus,  who  gives  us  our  earliest 
glimpses  of  Egypt  through  Grecian  eyes,  lived  in  the  age  of  Pericles,  when 
the  masterpieces  of  Phidias  and  his  contemporaries  were  constantly  before 
the  eyes  of  the  Greek  traveller  as  the  criterion  by  which  other  works  of  art 
were  to  be  judged.  It  can  hardly  be  wondered  at  that,  judged  by  this  test, 
the  Egyptian  sculptures  did  not  seem  remarkable.  Herodotus  had  not  the 
spirit  of  the  antiquarian  nor  of  the  modern  scientific  historian,  and  he  there- 
fore made  uo  allowance  for  the  fact  that  the  major  part  of  the  sculptures 

240 


EGYPTIAN   CULTURE  241 

visible  had  been  made  almost  a  thousand  years  before  the  age  of  Phidias  ; 
but  it  is  that  fact  which  the  modern  investigator  should  bear  constantly  in 
mind. 

It  would  be  absurd  to  claim  for  the  Egyptian  statues  that  they  com- 
pare for  a  moment  as  finished  works  of  art  with  the  Grecian  productions 
of  the  Golden  Age.  But  when  one  reflects  that  it  was  the  Egyptians  who 
led  the  way  and  first  pointed  out  the  possibility  of  modelling  in  stone ; 
when  one  reflects  that,  so  far  as  extant  remains  can  give  us  any  clew, 
there  were  no  forerunners  of  the  Egyptians  who  even  remotely  approached 
their  standard  ;  when,  in  a  word,  one  remembers  that  this  art  was  an  indig- 
enous product,  as  nearly  independent  of  outside  influences  as  any  human 
creations  ever  can  be  —  then,  and  then  only,  is  one  prepared  to  appreciate 
the  real  merit  of  the  Egyptian  sculptor. 

To  one  who  approaches  this  work  merely  in  the  cold  spirit  of  the 
modern  critic,  untouched  by  the  enthusiasm  of  the  antiquarian,  the  sculp- 
ture of  the  Egyptians  may  well  be  characterised  as  crude  in  the  extreme. 
In  the  first  instance  it  is  cold,  rigid,  immobile,  lacking  utterly  the 
plasticity  and  action  of  the  Greek  product.  Secondly,  it  is  but  crudely 
modelled.  No  Egyptian  artist  ever  learned  to  draw  in  the  modern  accept- 
ance of  that  word,  or  to  model  in  more  than  the  most  elementary  fashion. 
These,  indeed,  taken  by  themselves,  are  radical  defects,  and  at  first  sight 
they  render  the  Egyptian  monuments  grotesque,  rather  than  pleasing,  to 
the  trained  artistic  eye.  But  when  one  has  lived  long  enough  among  these 
statues  to  enter  more  fully  into  their  spirit,  when  one  has  learned  to  put 
away  the  classical  traditions  and  to  relax  somewhat  his  standards  of  tech- 
nique, he  will  see  this  work  in  quite  another  light.  He  will  recognise  it 
as  the  titanic  effort  of  a  constructive  genius  in  that  earlier  and  more  truly 
creative  period  when  technique  has  not  been  mastered,  but  when  a  true 
artistic  impulse  is  impelling  the  aspirant  towards  new  and  beautiful  ideals 
which  he  himself  will  never  quite  attain,  but  to  which  his  work  points  the 
way.  It  is  large  work  in  the  fullest  sense  of  the  word,  this  art  of  the 
Egyptians,  and  he  who  can  get  no  farther  than  to  note  its  often  faulty 
drawing,  its  imperfect  modelling,  is  forever  shut  out  from  a  true  appre- 
ciation of  its  merits.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  the  dreamer  who  sees,  as 
some  antiquarians  are  wont  to  do,  matchless  perfections  in  its  very  crudi- 
ties, and  intentional  artistic  effects  in  the  mere  faults  of  its  technique  — 
this  enthusiast  misses  the  true  lessons  of  Egyptian  art  as  widely  as  the 
overcritical  and  unsympathetic  carper. 

However  much  the  various  schools  of  critics  may  differ  in  their  estimates, 
the  task  of  the  historian  at  least  is  clear.  He  must  think  of  Egyptian 
art  in  its  relations  of  time  and  place.  To  him  it  is  important  because  of 
its  position  in  the  scale  of  the  evolution  of  art  in  the  world.  And  in 
this  view,  putting  aside  at  once  hypercriticism  and  overfervid  enthusiasm, 
Egyptian  art  can  hardly  fail  to  impress  the  observer  as  one  of  the  most 
marvellous  of  human  creations. « 

While  Greece  was  still  in  its  infancy,  Egypt  had  long  been  the  leading 
nation  of  the  world ;  she  was  noted  for  her  magnificence,  her  wealth,  and 
power,  and  all  acknowledged  her  pre-eminence  in  wisdom  and  civilisation. 
It  is  not,  therefore,  surprising  that  the  Greeks  should  have  admitted 
into  their  early  art  some  of  the  forms  then  most  in  vogue ;  and  though 
the  wonderful  taste  of  that  gifted  people  speedily  raised  them  to  a  point 
of  excellence  never  attained  by  the  Egyptians  or  any  others,  the  rise  and 
first  germs  of  art  and  arcliitecture  must  be   sought  in  the  valley  of  the 

H.   W.  VOL.    I.   R 


THE  HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 


^^""^SMm. 


I 


frf|fS 


Temple  on  the  Island  of  Phil^ 

Nile.  In  the  oldest  monuments  of  Greece,  the  sloping  or  pyramidal  line 
constantly  predominates;  the  columns  in  the  oldest  Greek  order  are  almost 
purely  Ki^yptian,  in  the  proportions  of  the  shaft,  and  in  the  form  oi  its  shal- 
low llutt'rwitliout  fillets ;  and  it  is  a  remarkable  fact  that  the  oldest  Egyptian 
columns  are  those  which  bear  the  closest  resemblance  to  the  Greek  Doric. 

Tliough  great  variety  was  permitted  in  objects  of  luxury,  as  furniture, 
vases,  and  other  things  depending  on  caprice,  the  Egyptians  were  forbidden 
to  introduce  any  material  innovations  into  the  human  figure,  such  as  would 
alter  its  general  character ;  and  all  subjects  connected  with  religion  retained 
to  the  last  the  same  conventional  type.  A  god  in  the  latest  temple  was  of 
the  same  form  as  when  represented  on  monuments  of  the  earliest  date ;  and 
King  Menes  would  have  recognised  Amen,  or  Osiris,  in  a  Ptolemaic  or  a 
Roman  sanctuary.  In  sacred  subjects  the  law  was  inflexible  ;  and  religion, 
which  has  frequently  done  so  much  for  the  development  and  direction  of 
taste  in  sculpture,  had  the  effect  of  fettering  the  genius  of  Egyptian  artists. 
No  improvements,  resulting  from  experience  and  observation,  were  admitted 
in  the  mode  of  drawing  the  human  figure ;  to  copy  nature  was  not  allowed; 
it  was  therefore  useless  to  study  it,  and  no  attempt  was  made  to  give  the 
proper  action  to  the  limbs.  Certain  rules,  certain  models,  had  been  estab- 
lished by  the  priesthood  ;  and  the  faulty  conceptions  of  ignorant  times  were 
coj)ied  and  perfjctuated  by  every  successive  artist.  For,  as  Plato  and  Syne- 
sius  say,  the  Egyptian  sculptors  were  not  suffered  to  attempt  anything  con- 
trary to  the  regulations  laid  down  regarding  the  figures  of  the  gods ;  they 
were  forbidden  to  introduce  any  change,  or  to  invent  new  subjects  and 
habits ;  and  thus  the  art,  and  the  rules  which  bound  it,  always  remained  the 
same. 

Egyptian  bas-relief  appears  to  have  been,  in  its  origin,  a  mere  copy  of 
painting,  its  predecessor.  The  first  attempt  to  represent  the  figures  of  gods, 
sacred  emblems,  and  other  subjects  consisted  in  drawdng,  or  painting,  simple 
outlines  of  them  on  a  flat  surface,  the  details  being  afterwards  put  in  with 
colour;  but  in  process  of  time  these  forms  were  traced  on  stone  with  a 
tool,  and  the  intermediate  space  between  the  various  figures  being  after- 
wards cut  away,  the  once  level  surface  assumed  the  appearance  of  a  bas-relief. 
It  was,  in  fact,  a  pictorial  representation  on  stone,  which  is  evidently  the 
character  of  all  the  bas-reliefs  on  Egyptian  monuments ;  and  which  readily 
accounts  for  the  imperfect  arrangement  of  their  figures. 

Deficient  in  conception,  and  above  all  in  a  proper  knowledge  of  grouping, 
they  were  unable  to  form  those  combinations  which  give  true  expression ; 


EGYPTIAN   CULTURE 


243 


every  picture  was  made  up  of  isolated  parts,  put  together  according  to  some 
general  notions,  but  without  harmony,  or  preconceived  effect.  The  human 
face,  the  whole  body,  and  everything  they  introduced,  were  composed  in  the 
same  manner  of  separate  members  placed  together  one  by  one  according  to 
their  relative  situations :  the  eye,  the  nose,  and  other  features  composed  a 
face,  but  the  expression  of  feelings  and  passions  was  entirely  wanting ;  and 
the  countenance  of  the  king,  whether  charging  an  enemy's  phalanx  in  the 
heat  of  battle,  or  peaceably  offering  incense  in  a  sombre  temple,  presented 
the  same  outline  and  the  same  inanimate  look.  The  peculiarity  of  the  front 
view  of  an  eye,  introduced  in  a  profile,  is  thus  accounted  for  :  it  was  the 
ordinary  representation  of  that  feature  added  to  a  profile,  and  no  allowance 
was  made  for  any  change  in  the  position  of  the  head. 

It  was  the  same  with  drapery  :  the  figure  was  first  drawn,  and  the  drapery 
then  added,  not  as  part  of  the  whole,  but  as  an  accessory ;  they  had  no 
general  conception,  no  previous  idea  of  the  effect  required  to  distinguish  the 
warrior  or  the  priest,  beyond  the  impressions  received  from  costume,  or  from 
the  subject  of  which  they  formed  a  part ;  and  the  same  figure  was  dressed 
according  to  the  character  it  was  intended  to  perform.  Every  portion  of  a 
picture  was  conceived  by  itself,  and  inserted  as  it  was  wanted  to  complete 
the  scene ;  and  when  the  walls  of  the  building,  where  a  subject 
was  to  be  drawn,  had  been  accurately  ruled  with  squares,  the 
figures  were  introduced,  and  fitted  to  this  mechanical  arrange- 
ment. The  members  were  appended  to  the  body,  and  these 
squares  regulated  their  form  and  distribution,  in  whatever 
posture  they  might  be  placed. 

The  proportions  of  the  human  figure  did  not  continue  always 
the  same.     During  the  IVth  and  other  early  dynasties  it  differed 
from  that  of  the  Augustan  age  of  the  XVIIIth  and 
XlXth;  and  another  change  took  place  under  the 
Ptolemies.     The  chief  alteration  was  in  the  height 
of  the  knee  from  the  ground,  which  was  higher  dur- 
ing the  XVIIIth  and  XlXth  than  in  the  ancient  and 
later  periods.     The  whole  height  of  the  figure  in 
bas-reliefs   and    paintings   was   then    divided    into 
nineteen  parts ;  and  the  wall  having  been  ruled  in 
squares,  according  to  its  intended  size,  all 
the  parts  of  it  were  put  in  according  to  their 
established  positions;  the  knee,  for  instance, 
falling  on  the  sixth  line.     But  the  length  of 
the  foot  was  not,  as  in  Greece,  the  standard 
from  which  they  reckoned  ;  for  being  equal 
to  3  spaces,  it  could  not  be  taken  as  the  base 
of  19  ;  though  the  height  of  the  foot  being 
1  might  answer  for  the  unit. 

In  the  paintings  of  the  tombs  greater 
license  was  allowed  in  the  representation  of  subjects  relating  to  private  life, 
the  trades,  or  the  manners  and  occupations  of  the  people  ;  and  some  indica- 
tion of  perspective  in  the  position  of  the  figures  may  occasionally  be  observed  : 
but  the  attempt  was  imperfect,  and,  probably,  to  an  Egyptian  eye,  unpleas- 
ing;  for  such  is  the  force  of  habit,  that  even  where  nature  is  copied,  a 
conventional  style  is  sometimes  preferred  to  a  more  accurate  representation. 

In  the  representation  of  animals,  they  appear  not  to  have  been  restricted 
to  the  same  rigid  style ;    but  genius  once  cramped  can  scarcely  be  expected 


244 


THE   HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 


to  make  any  preat  effort  to  rise,  or  to  succeed  in  the  attempt;  and  the  same 
union  of  parts  into  a  whole,  the  same  preference  for  profile,  and  the  same  stiff 
action,  are  obsrrvable  in  these  as  in  the  human  figure.  Seldom  did  they 
attempt  to  draw  the  face  in  front,  either  of  men  or  animals;  and  when  this 
was  done,  it  fell  far  short  of  the  profile,  and  was  comjtosed  of  the  same 
juxtaposition  of  i)arts.  It  nnist,  however,  be  allowed,  that  in  general  the 
clianictfr  and  form  of  animals  were  admirably  portrayed  ;  the  parts  were 
put  together  with  greater  truth;  and  the  same  conventionality  was  not 
maintained,  as  in  the  shoulders  and  other  portions  of  the  human  body. 

'I'he  mode  of  representing  men  and  animals  in  profile  is  primitive,  and 
characteristic  of  the  commencement  of  art :  the  first  attempts  made  by  an 
uncivilised  people  are  conlined  to  it;  and  until  the  genius  of  artists  bursts 
forth,  this  style  continues  to  liold  its  ground.  From  its  simi)licity  it  is 
readily  understood  ;  the  most  inexi)erienced  perceive  the  object  intended 
to  be  r('i)rescntt'd,  and  no  effort  is  required  to  comprehend  it.  Hence  it 
is  that,  though  few  cond)inations  can  be  made  under  sucli  restrictions,  those 
few  are  |)erfcctly  intelligii^le. 

As  the  wish  to  record  events  gave  the  first,  religion  gave  the  second,  im- 
pulse to  sculpture.     The  simple  pillar  of  wood  or  stone,  which  was  originally 

chosen  to  represent  the  deity,  after- 
wards assumed  the  human  form, 
the  noblest  image  of  the  power  that 
created  it  ;  though  the  Hermoe  of 
( J  recce  were  not,  as  some  have 
thought,  the  origin  of  statues,  but 
were  borrowed  from  the  mummy- 
shaped  gods  of  Egypt. 

Pausanias  thinks  that  "  all 
statues  were  in  ancient  times  of 
wood,  particularly  those  made  in 
l']g3'pt";  but  this  must  have  been 
at  a  period  so  remote  as  to  be  far 
beyond  the  known  history  of  that 
(country  ;  though  it  is  probable 
that  when  the  arts  were  in  their 
infancy,  the  Egyptians  were  con- 
fined to  statues  of  that  kind ;  and 
they  occasionally  erected  wooden 
figures  in  their  temples,  even  till 
the  times  of  the  latter  Pharaohs. 

Long  after  men  had  attempted 
to  make  out  the  parts  of  the  figure, 
statues  continued  to  be  very  rude  ; 
the  arms  were  placed  directly  down 
the  sides  to  the  thighs,  and  the  legs 
were  united  together  ;  nor  did  they 
pass  beyond  this  imperfect  state  in  Greece  until  the  age  of  J);edalus.  For- 
tunately for  themselves  and  for  the  world,  the  Greeks  were  allowed  to  free 
themselves  from  old  habits  ;  while  the  Egyptians,  at  the  latest  periods,  con- 
tinued to  follow  the  imperfect  models  of  their  early  artists,  and  were  forever 
prevented  from  arriving  at  excellence  in  sculpture  :  and  though  they  made 
gn-at  j)rogress  in  other  branches  of  art,  though  they  evinced  considerable 
taste  in  the  forms  of  their  vases,  their  furniture,  and  even  in  some  architec- 


Hkad 

(Now  In  the  British  MubcuiuJ 


EGYPTIAN   CULTURE 


245 


i  m 


■  it  IS 

Ikii  it 


m  ' 


tural  details,  they  were  forever  deficient  in  ideal  beauty,  and  in  the  mode  of 
representing  the  natural  positions  of  the  human  figure. 

In  Egypt,  the  prescribed  automaton  character  of  the  figures  effectually 
prevented  all  advancement  in  the  statuary's  art,  the  limbs  being  straight, 
without  any  attempt  at  action,  or,  indeed,  any  indication  of  life  :  they  were 
really  statues  of  the  person  they  represented,  not  the  person  "  living  in 
marble " ;  in  which  they  differed  entirely  from  those  of  Greece.  No  statue 
of  a  warrior  was  sculptured  in  the  varied  attitudes  of  attack  and  defence; 
no  wrestler,  no  discobolus,  no  pugilist  exhibited  the  grace,  the  vigour,  or  the 
muscular  action  of  a  man  ;  nor  were  the  beauties,  the  feeling,  and  the  elegance 
of  female  forms  displayed  in  stone  :  all  was  made  to  conform  to  the  same 
invariable  model,  which  confined  the  human  figure  to  a  few  conventional 
postures. 

A  sitting  statue,  whether  of  a  man  or  woman,  was  represented  with  the 
hands  placed  upon  the  knees,  or  held  across  the  breast ;  a  kneeling  figure 
sometimes  supported  a  small  shrine  or  sacred  emblem ; 
and  when  standing,  the  arms  were  placed  directly  down 
the  sides  of  the  thighs,  one  foot  (and  that  always  the 
left)  being  advanced  beyond  the  other,  as  if  in  the 
attitude  of  walking,  but  without  any  attempt  to  separate 
the  legs. 

The  oldest  Egyptian  sculptures  on  all  large  monu- 
ments were  in  low  relief,  and,  as  usual  at  every  period, 
painted  (obelisks  and  everything  carved  in  hard  stone, 
some  funereal  tablets,  and  other  small  objects,  being  in 
intaglio);  and  tliis  style  continued  in  vogue  until  the 
time  of  Ramses  II,  who  introduced  intaglio  very  gener- 
ally on  large  monuments ;  and  even  his  battle  scenes  at 
Karnak  and  the  Memnonium  are  executed  in  this  man- 
ner. The  reliefs  wei'e  little  raised  above  the  level  of  the 
wall ;  they  had  generally  a  flat  surface  with  the  edges 
softly  rounded  off,  far  surpassing  the  intaglio  in  effect ; 
and  it  is  to  be  regretted  that  the  best  epoch  of  art,  when 
design  and  execution  were  in  their  zenith,  should  have 
abandoned  a  style  so  superior ;  which,  too,  would  liave 
improved  in  proportion  to  the  advancement  of  that 
period. 

Intaglio  continued  to  be  generally  employed,  until 
the  accession  of  the  XXVIth  Dynasty,  when  the  low 
relief  was  again  introduced  ;  and  in  the  monuments  of 
Psamthek  and  Aahmes  are  numerous  instances  of  the 
revival  of  the  ancient  style.  This  was  afterwards  uni- 
versally adopted,  and  a  return  to  intaglio  on  large  monu- 
ments was  only  occasionally  attempted,  in  the  Ptolemaic 
and  Roman  periods. 

After  the  accession  of  the  XXVIth  Dynasty  some  attempt  was  made  to 
revive  the  arts,  which  had  been  long  neglected  ;  and  independent  of  the 
patronage  of  government,  the  wealth  of  private  individuals  was  liberally 
employed  in  their  encouragement.  Public  buildings  were  erected  in  many 
parts  of  Egypt,  and  beautified  with  ricli  sculpture ;  the  city  of  Sals,  the 
royal  residence  of  the  Pharaohs  of  that  dynasty,  was  adorned  with  the  ut- 
most magnificence  ;  and  extensive  additions  were  made  to  the  temples  of 
Memphis,  and  even  to  those  of  the  distant  Thebes. 


Statuette  of  Figure 

WITH  Hawk's  Head 

(After  Bordon) 


244 


THE   HISTORY   OF  EGYPT 


to  make  any  great  effort  to  rise,  or  to  succeed  in  the  attempt ;  and  the  same 
union  of  parts  into  a  whole,  tlie  same  preference  for  profile,  and  the  same  stiff 
action,  are  observable  in  these  as  in  the  human  figure.  Seldom  did  they 
attempt  to  draw  the  face  in  front,  either  of  men  or  animals;  and  when  this 
was  done,  it  fell  far  short  of  the  i)rofile,  and  was  composed  of  the  same 
juxtap»)sitii>n  of  parts.  It  must,  however,  be  allowed,  that  in  general  the 
character  and  form  of  animals  were  admirably  portrayed  ;  the  parts  were 
put  to<4ether  with  greater  truth;  and  the  same  conventionality  was  not 
maintaTncd,  as  in  the  shoulders  and  other  portions  of  the  human  body. 

The  HKule  of  representing  men  and  animals  in  profile  is  primitive,  and 
cluiracteristic  of  the  connnencement  of  art :  the  first  attempts  made  by  an 
unciviliseil  people  are  confined  to  it;  and  until  the  genius  of  artists  bursts 
forth,  this  style  continues  to  hold  its  ground.  PVom  its  simplicity  it  is 
readily  understood  ;  the  most  inexjjerienced  perceive  the  object  intended 
to  l)e"  represented,  and  no  effort  is  required  to  comprehend  it.  Hence  it 
is  tliat,  though  few  combinations  can  be  made  under  such  restrictions,  those 
few  are  perfectly  intelligible. 

As  the  wish  to  record  events  gave  the  first,  religion  gave  the  second,  im- 
pulse to  sculpture.     The  simple  pillar  of  wood  or  stone,  which  was  originally 

chosen  to  represent  the  deity,  after- 
wards assumed  the  human  form, 
the  noblest  image  of  the  power  that 
created  it  ;  though  the  Hermoe  of 
Greece  were  not,  as  some  have 
thought,  the  origin  of  statues,  but 
were  borrowed  from  the  mummy- 
shaped  gods  of  Egypt. 

Pausanias  thinks  that  "  all 
statues  were  in  ancient  times  of 
wood,  particularly  those  made  in 
Egypt  " ;  but  this  must  have  been 
at  a  period  so  remote  as  to  be  far 
beyond  the  known  history  of  that 
country  ;  though  it  is  probable 
that  when  the  arts  were  in  their 
infancy,  the  Egyptians  w^ere  con- 
fined to  statues  of  that  kind ;  and 
they  occasionally  erected  wooden 
figures  in  their  temples,  even  till 
the  times  of  the  latter  Pharaohs. 

Long  after  men  had  attempted 
to  make  out  the  parts  of  the  figure, 
statues  continued  to  be  very  rude ; 
the  arms  were  placed  directly  down 
the  sides  to  the  thighs,  and  the  legs 
were  united  together  ;  nor  did  they 
pass  beyond  this  imperfect  state  in  Greece  until  the  age  of  Daidalus.  For- 
tunately for  themselves  and  for  the  world,  the  Greeks  were  allowed  to  free 
themselves  from  old  habits  ;  while  the  Egyptians,  at  the  latest  periods,  con- 
tinued to  follow  the  imperfect  models  of  their  early  artists,  and  were  forever 
prevented  from  arriving  at  excellence  in  sculpture  :  and  though  they  made 
great  progress  in  other  brandies  of  art,  though  they  evinced  considerable 
taste  in  tlie  forms  of  their  vases,  their  furniture,  and  even  in  some  architec- 


Hkai> 

(Now  In  the  BiitUh  Museuuij 


EGYPTIAN  CULTURE 


24( 


'idttce    I 


::2u- 


temples  is  plainly  shown  by  the  smaller  sanctuaries  being  built,  even  at 
the  latest  times,  without  it.  Some  members  of  Egyptian  architecture,  it 
is  true,  were  derived  from  the  woodwork  of  the  primitive  house  or  temple, 
as  the  overhanging  cornice  and  the  torus  that  runs  up  the  ends  of  the  walls, 
which  it  separates  from  the  cornice,  the  former  being  the  projecting  roof  of 
palm  branches,  and  the  other  the  framework  of  reeds  bound  together,  which 
secured  the  mud  (or  bricks)  composing  the  walls. 

As  painted  decoration  preceded  sculpture,  the  ornaments  (in  later  times 
carved  in  stone)  were  at  first  represented  in  colour,  and  the  mouldings  of 
Egyptian  monuments  were  then  merely  painted  on  the  flat  surfaces  of  the 
walls  and  pillars.  The  next  step  was  to  chisel  them  in  relief.  The  lotus 
blossom,  the  papyrus  head,  water-plants,  the  palm  tree,  and  the  head  of  a 
goddess,  were  among  the  usual  ornaments  of  a  cornice,  or  a  pillar  ;  and  these 
favourite  devices  of  ancient  days  continued  in  after  times  to  be  repeated  in 
relief,  when  an  improved  style  of  art  had  substituted  sculpture  for  the  mere 
painted  representation.  But  when  the  square  pillar  had  been  gradually  con- 
verted into  a  polygonal  shape,  the  ornamental  devices  not  having  room 
enough  upon  its  narrow  facettes,  led  to  the  want  and  invention  of  another 
form  of  column ;  and  from  that  time  a  round  shaft  was  surmounted  by  the 
palm-tree  capital,  or  by  the  blossom  or  the  bud  of  the  papyrus,  which  had 
hitherto  only  been  painted,  or  represented  in  relief,  upon  the  flat  surfaces  of 
a  square  pillar.  Hence  the  origin  of  new  orders  differing  so  widely  from 
the  polygonal  column. 

For  the  capitals  the  Egyptians  frequently  selected  objects  which  were 
favourites  with  them,  as  the  lotus  and  other  flowers,  and  these,  as  well  as 
various  animals  or  their  heads,  were  adopted,  to  form  a  cornice,  particularly 
in  their  houses  and  tombs,  or  to  ornament  fancy  articles  of  furniture  and 
of  dress. 

In  this  they  committed  an  error,  which  the  Greeks,  with  a  finer  perception 
of  taste  and  adaptability,  rightly  avoided.  These  refined  people  knew  that  in 
architecture  conventional  devices  had  a  much  more  pleasing  effect  than  objects 
merely  copied  from  nature  ;  for,  besides  the  incongruity  of  an  actual  repre- 
sentation of  flowers  to  compose  mouldings  and  other  decorative  parts  of 
architecture,  the  imperfect  imitation  in  an  unsuitable  material  has  a  bad  effect. 


( 


Carved  Egyptian  Chairs 
(Now  In  the  British  Museum) 


The  ceilings  of  Egyptian  temples  were  painted  blue  and  studded  with 
stars,  to  represent  the  firmament  (as  in  early  European  churches)  ;  and  on 
the  part  over  the  central  passage,  through  wliicli  the  king  and  the  religious 
processions  passed,  were  vultures  and  other  emblems  ;    the  winged  globe 


246 


THE  HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 


The  fresh  impulse  thus  given  to  art  was  not  without  effect ;  the  sculp- 
tures of  thiit  i)eriotl  exhibit  an  elegance  and  beauty  which  might  even  induce 
some  to  consider  them  e(|ual  to  the  produetions  of  an  earlier  age;  and  in  the 
tombs  of  Assiissif,  at  Thebes,  are  many  admirable  specimens  of  Egyptian 
art.  To  those,  liowever,  who  understand  the  true  feeling  of  this  peculiar 
school,  it  is  evident  that  though  in  minuteness  and  finish  they  are  deserving 
of  the'lii'diest  commendation,  yet  in  grandeur  of  conception  and  in  boldness 
of  exeeiit^ioii,  they  fall  far  short  of  the  sculptures  of  Seti  and  the  second 

The  skill  of  the  Egyptian  artists  in  drawing  bold  and  clear  outlines  is, 
perhaps,  more  worthy  of  admiration  than  anything  connected  with  this 
bnuuh  of  art ;  and  in  no  place  is  the  freedom  of  their  drawing  more  con- 
spicuous than  in  the  figures  in  the  unfinished  part  of  Belzoni's  tomb  at 
Thebes.     It  was  in  the  drawing  alone  that  they  excelled,  being  totally  igno- 


FisHiN<i  WITH  A  Drag  Net 

(Wilkinson) 


rant  of  the  correct  mode  of  colouring  a  figure  ;  and  their  painting  was  not 
an  imitation  of  nature,  but  merely  the  harmonious  combination  of  certain 
hues,  which  tliey  well  understood.  Indeed,  to  this  day,  the  harmony  of 
positive  colours  is  thoroughly  felt  in  Egypt  and  the  East ;  and  it  is  strange 
to  find  the  little  perception  of  it  in  northern  Europe,  where  theories  take 
upon  themselves  to  explain  to  the  mind  what  the  eye  has  not  yet  learned,  as 
if  a  grammar  eould  be  written  before  the  language  is  understood. 

Egyptian  architecture  evidently  derived  much  from  the  imitation  of 
difTcrt'nt  natural  productions,  as  palm  trees  and  various  plants  of  the 
coiintry;  l)ut  Egyptian  columns  were  not  borrowed  from  the  wooden 
supports  of  the  earliest  buildings.  Columns  were  not  introduced  into 
the  interior  of  their  houses  until  architecture  had  made  very  great  prog- 
ress; the  small  original  temple  and  the  primitive  dwelling  consisted 
merely  of  four  walls ;  and  neither  the  column  nor  its  architrave  were 
borrowed  from  wooden  constructions  nor  from  the  house.  And  though 
the  architrave  was  derived  in  Egypt,  as  elsewhere,  from  constructed 
liuihlings,  that  member  originated  in  the  stone  beam,  reaching  from  pillar 
to  piUar  in  the  temples.  And  if  the  square  stone  pillar  was  used  in  the 
•jiiarry,  the  stone  arcliitrave  was  unknown  to  the  Egyptians  until  they 
loinid  reason  to  increase  the  size  of,  and  add  a  portico  to,  their  temples. 
And  that  the  portico  was  neither  a  necessary  nor  an  original  part  of  their 


EGYPTIAN   CULTURE  249 

But  the  Egyptians  often  carried  their  dislike  of  uniformity  to  an  ex- 
treme, beyond  even  what  is  justified  by  the  study  of  variety.  Where  they 
avoided  that  extreme  their  motive  was  legitimate  ;  and  it  is  remarkable 
that  they  were  the  first  people  whose  monuments  offer  instances  of  that 
diversity  so  characteristic  of  Saracenic  and  Gothic  architecture. 

The  arch  was  employed  in  Egypt  at  a  very  early  period  ;  and  crude 
brick  arches  were  in  common  use  in  roofing  tombs  at  least  as  early  as 
Amenhotep  I,  in  the  sixteenth  century  before  our  era.  And  since  one  was 
discovered  one  at  Thebes  bearing  his  name,  others  have  been  found  of 
the  age  of  Tehutimes  III  (his  fourth  successor)  and  of  Ramses  V. 
It  even  seems  to  have  been  known  in  the  time  of  the  Xllth  Dynasty,  judg' 
ing  from  what  appear  to  be  vaulted  granaries  at  Beni-Hasan.& 

Egyptian  architecture  was  long  a  marvel  to  the  later  world,  since  it  was 
so  thoroughly  overscroUed  with  strange  designs  of  animals,  and  gods,  and 
symbols  that  provoked  a  helpless  curiosity.  These  figures,  graceful  as 
they  were,  were  not  of  merely  decorative  import.  They  were  less  art 
than  literature  ;  less  literature  than  chronicle :  in  a  word,  they  were  the 
characters  of  a  strange  system  of  writing. 

THE   HIEROGLYPHICS 

It  is  extremely  difficult  to  give  in  brief  space,  or,  indeed,  to  give  at  all,  a 
clear  idea  of  the  exact  character  of  this  Egyptian  writing,  which  for  so  many 
centuries  fascinated,  while  puzzling,  the  observers,  utterly  baffling  all  their 
efforts  to  decipher  it.  The  Egyptians  were  the  aristocrats  of  antiquity.  It 
is  true  that  tlie  Greeks  described  all  non-Hellenic  nations  as  barbarians,  but 
it  should  not  be  inferred  from  this  that  the  Greeks  applied  to  this  term 
the  exact  significance  it  has  come  to  have  in  more  recent  times.  What  the 
Greek  really  seems  to  have  implied  was  that  the  speech  of  all  other  nations 
was  barbarous  or  unintelligible  ;  but  he  by  no  means  regarded  all  other 
nations  as  less  civilised  than  himself.  To  be  sure,  he  did  hold  this  atti- 
tude towards  Romans,  Persians,  Scythians  and  various  other  contempo- 
rary nations,  but  he  made  an  exception  in  the  case  of  the  Babylonians,  and 
particularly  in  the  case  of  the  Egyptians.  The  latter  people,  indeed,  he  re- 
garded with  something  akin  to  reverence,  as  a  people  who  could  claim  an 
antiquity  of  civilisation  to  which  Greece  could  not  at  all  pretend. 

The  wise  men  of  Greece,  as  we  have  seen,  travelled  in  Egypt  and  sat  at 
the  feet  of  the  Egyptian  priests.  There  is  nothing  to  show  that  they  were 
not  received  courteously,  but  there  are  many  evidences  that  they  were  given 
no  more  than  a  half-hearted  welcome,  and  that  wliat  they  gained  of  Egyp- 
tian lore  was  but  a  surface  knowledge  ;  for  the  Egyptians,  like  the  Greeks, 
regarded  all  other  nations  as  barbarians,  and  it  would  seem  that  they  applied 
this  term  with  the  full  weight  of  its  modern  meaning.  To  them  the  Greeks, 
no  less  than  their  other  neighbours,  were  uninteresting  parvenus,  unworthy 
of  the  serious  regard  of  an  aristocratic  people.  It  is  believed  that  in  the 
early  days  all  commerce  of  outside  nations  with  Egypt  was  as  fully  interdicted 
as  could  be  done  by  Egyptian  laws.  At  a  later  period  the  outsiders  made 
forcible  intrusion,  and,  in  time,  apparently  the  Egyptians  became  partially 
reconciled  to  this  new  order  of  things.  But  it  was  long  before  any  scholars 
from  the  outer  world  were  permitted  to  penetrate  the  Egyptian  mysteries. 
In  particular,  we  have  no  evidence  that  any  Greek  or  Roman  of  the  early  day 
ever  had  the  slightest  comprehension  of  the  true  character  of  Egyptian 
writing. 


260  THE  HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 

Listen  for  example  to  the  strange  theories  of  Claudius  ^lianus,  the 
Roman  historian  of  the  third  century,  who  solemnly  explained  the  hiero- 
glyphics as  follows— to  quote  the  quaint  diction  of  a  sixteenth  century 
translation  :« 

"  BY   WHAT    CHARACTERS,   PICTURES,   AND    IMAGES,    THE    LEARNED    EGIP- 
TIANS   EXPRESSED  THE  MYSTERIES   OF   THEIR  MINDES 

"When  they  would  signifie  wrathe  and  fury,  they  set  downe  the  image  of 
a  Lyon.  WiiJn  they  would  signilie  talke,  they  set  downe  the  figure  of  a 
touiig.  WluMi  they  would  signifie  fleshly  pleasure,  they  set  down  the  number 
of  XVL  When  they  would  signifie  lerning,  they  set  down  the  picture  of 
Dew  dropping  from  the  clowdes.  By  a  Kat  they  meane  destruction.  By  a 
Flye,  they  meane  shamelesnes.  By  the  Ant  running  into  the  Corne,  they 
meane  provision.  By  a  man  walking  in  water  without  a  hed,  they  meane 
a  thing  unpossible.  By  a  swarme  of  Bees  following  the  maister  Bee,  they 
signifie  ol)edient  subjects.  By  a  man  hiding  his  privy  members  with  his 
hands,  they  meane  Temperance.  By  the  floures  of  Poppy,  they  signifie 
sicknes.  By  an  armed  man  shooting  in  a  Bo  we  of  Steele,  they  meane 
Rebellion.  By  an  Eagle  flying  against  the  Sun,  they  meane  windy  weather. 
By  an  Owle  standing  uppon  a  tree,  they  signifie  death.  By  a  Lace  tyed  in 
many  knots,  they  meane  mutual  Love.  By  Bookes  and  Scrowles,  they  meane 
Auncientnes.  By  a  Ladder  set  against  a  Castle  wall,  they  meane  a  seedge 
about  a  Town  or  a  Fortresse.  By  a  Mule,  they  signifie  a  Woman  with  a 
barrain  wombe.  By  a  Mole,  they  meane  blindnesse.  By  a  Lapwing  sitting 
uj)pon  a  Cluster  of  Grapes,  they  meane  a  plentiful  Vintage.  By  a  Sceptre 
anil  an  eye  on  the  top  thereof  looking  downwarde,  they  meane  power  and 
polisie.  By  a  Spindle  ful  of  thred  broken  of  from  the  Distaf,  they  mean 
the  shortnes  of  mans  life."e 

This  is  very  absurd,  yet  nothing  more  rational  was  known  of  the  subject 
in  classical  times.  The  very  name  which  the  Greeks  supplied  to  the  strange 
Egyptian  script  shows  their  ignorance  of  it.  They  called  it  hieroglyphics, 
from  (e/)09,  sacred,  yXixpeiv,  to  carve,  implying  their  belief  that  this  writing  was 
purely  of  a  sacred  cliaracter,  which,  it  is  now  well  known,  is  by  no  means  the 
ca.se.  It  would  seem  as  if  in  the  later  day,  when,  after  the  death  of  Alexan- 
der, Egypt  came  under  the  rule  of  the  Macedonian  Ptolemies,  there  must 
have  been  (ireeks  who  acquired  a  knowledge  of  the  Egyptian  writing,  just  as 
there  were  und()ul)tc(lly  Egyptians  who  learned  Greek.  Yet  the  number  of 
these  was  prol>aIjly  more  limited  than  one  might  suppose,  for  the  Greeks 
were  the  Frenchmen  of  antiquity  ;  imbued  with  a  reverential  love  of  their 
own  language,  they  were  little  given  to  acquiring  any  other.  Even  so,  it 
would  seem  tiiat  there  must  have  been,  here  and  there,  an  inquiring  mind, 
which  would  take  up  the  study  of  the  hieroglyphics  and  ferret  out  their 
secrets  under  the  guidance  of  Egyptian  tutors ;  but  if  such  there  were,  few 
records  of  their  accomplishments  have  come  down  to  us,  and  none  at  all  that 
can  serve  to  give  the  slightest  clew  to  the  true  character  of  the  strange 
inscriptions. 

AI)out  the  beginning  of  our  era,  Egypt  having  become  a  Roman  province, 
all  its  personal  life  was  stamped  out.  The  hieroglyphic  language  was  no 
longer  written  or  read.  Long  before  that,  the  language  of  the  people  had 
been  greatly  modified  from  its  ancient  purity,  and  in  the  day  of  Egypt's 
greatness  it  was  only  the  scholarly  few,  chiefly  the  priests,  who  could  read 
and  write  the  language.     Now  the  speech  became  still  further  modified,  until 


EGYPTIAN  CULTURE  251 

finally,  through  the  slow  mutations  of  time,  modern  Coptic  has  developed  as 
its  lineal  descendant.  In  the  early  days,  however,  —  probably  before  the  time 
of  the  oldest  extant  records, — the  original  picture  writing,  or  hieroglyphics 
proper,  had  been  modified  into  a  sort  of  running  script,  which  the  Greeks 
called  hieratic ;  and  this  again  had  undergone  another  modification  some  four 
or  five  centuries  before  our  era,  in  the  development  of  a  script,  called  enchorial 
or  demotic,  which  in  the  day  of  the  Ptolemies  represented  the  language  of 
the  Egyptian  people.  But  after  the  complete  disruption  of  Egypt  under  the 
Romans,  the  hieratic  and  demotic  forms  of  the  writing,  as  well  as  the  hiero- 
glyphics proper,  ceased  to  be  employed  ;  and  presently,  as  has  been  said,  all 
three  forms  became  quite  unintelligible  to  any  person  living.  From  that 
time  on,  until  the  early  days  of  the  nineteenth  century,  the  records  of  Egypt, 
preserved  so  numerously  on  their  monuments,  on  the  papyrus  rolls  and 
mummy-cases,  were  a  closed  book.  No  man  lived,  during  this  period,  in 
Egypt  or  out  of  Egypt,  who  did  more  than  effect  the  crudest  guess  at  the 
meaning  of  this  strange  writing. 

For  something  like  two  thousand  years  the  Egyptian  language  was  a  dead 
language  in  the  fullest  sense  of  the  term,  and  the  records,  locked  imperishably 
in  the  hieroglyphics,  seemed  likely  to  hold  their  mysterious  secret  from  the 
prying  minds  of  all  generations  of  men.  But  then,  in  the  early  days  of  the 
nineteenth  century,  the  key  was  unexpectedly  found,  and,  to  the  delight  of 
the  scholarly  world,  the  Egyptian  Pandora  box  was  opened. « 


THE  EIDDLE   OF   THE   SPHINX 

This  came  about  through  a  study  of  the  famous  Rosetta  stone,  an  Egyp- 
tian monument  now  preserved  in  the  British  Museum.  On  this  stone  three 
sets  of  inscriptions  are  recorded.  The  upper  one,  occupying  about  a 
fourth  of  the  surface,  is  a  pictured  scroll,  made  up  of  chains  of  those  strange 
outlines  of  serpents,  hawks,  lions,  and  so  on,  which  are  recognised,  even  by 
the  least  initiated,  as  hieroglyphics.  The  middle  inscription,  made  up  of 
lines,  angles,  and  half-pictures,  one  might  suppose  to  be  a  sort  of  abbreviated 
or  shorthand  hieroglyphic.  It  is  called  the  enchorial  or  demotic  character. 
The  third,  or  lower,  inscription  is  manifestly  Greek.  It  is  now  known  that 
these  three  inscriptions  are  renderings  of  the  same  message,  and  that  this 
message  is  a  "  decree  of  the  Priests  of  Memphis  conferring  divine  honours 
on  Ptolemy  V,  Epiphanes,  King  of  Egypt,  B.C.  195." 

"  This  stone  was  found  by  the  French  in  1798  among  the  ruins  of  Fort 
St.  Julian,  near  the  Rosetta  mouth  of  the  Nile.  It  passed  into  the  hands  of 
the  British  by  the  treaty  of  Alexandria,  and  was  deposited  in  the  British 
Museum  in  the  year  1801." 

The  value  of  the  Rosetta  stone  depended  on  the  fact  that  it  gave  promise, 
even  when  originally  inspected,  of  furnishing  a  key  to  the  centuries-old 
mystery  of  the  hieroglyphics.  For  two  thousand  years  the  secret  of  these 
strange  markings  had  been  forgotten.  Nowhere  in  the  world  —  quite  as 
little  in  Egypt  as  elsewhere  —  had  any  man  the  slightest  clew  to  their 
meaning ;  there  were  even  those  Avho  doubted  whether  these  droll  pictur- 
ings  really  had  any  specific  meaning,  questioning  whetlier  they  were  not 
merely  vague  symbols  of  esoteric  religious  import  and  nothing  more. 
And  it  was  the  Rosetta  stone  that  gave  the  answer  to  these  doubters, 
and  restored  to  the  world  a  lost  language  and  a  forgotten  literature. 

The  trustees  of  the  British  Museum  recognised  that  the  problem  of  the 


252  THE  HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 

Rosetta  stone  was  one  on  which  the  scientists  of  the  world  might  well 
exhaust  their  ingenuity,  and  they  promptly  published  to  the  world  a  care- 
fully lithogruphed  eo{)V  of  tlie  entire  inscription,  so  that  foreign  scholarship 
had  equal")i)purtuuity  with  British  to  try  to  solve  the  riddle.  How  diffi- 
cult a  riddle  it  was,  even  with  this  key  in  hand,  is  illustrated  by  the  fact 
that,  though  scholars  of  all  nations  brought  their  ingenuity  to  bear  upon  it, 
noth'ing  more  was  accomplished  for  a  dozen  years  than  to  give  authority  to 
three  or  four  guesses  regarding  the  nature  of  the  upper  inscriptions,  which, 
as  it  afterwards  proved,  were  quite  incorrect  and  altogether  misleading. 
This  in  itself  is  sufficient  to  show  that  ordinary  scholarship  might  have 
studied  the  Rosetta  stone  till  the  end  of  time  without  getting  far  on 
the  track  of  its  secrets.  The  key  was  there,  but  to  apply  it  required 
tlie  inspired  insight  — that  is  to  say,  the  shrewd  guessing  power  — of 
genius. 

The  man  who  undertook  the  task  had  perhaps  the  keenest  scientific  imag- 
ination and  the  most  versatile  profundity  of  knowledge  of  his  generation  — 
one  is  tempted  to  say,  of  all  generations.  For  he  was  none  other  than  the 
extraordinary  Dr.  Thomas  Young,  the  demonstrator  of  the  vibratory  nature 
of  light. 

Young  liad  his  attention  called  to  the  Rosetta  stone  by  accident,  and  his 
usual  rapacity  for  knowledge  at  once  led  him  to  speculate  as  to  the  possible 
aid  this  tri-lingual  inscription  might  give  in  the  solution  of  Egyptian  prob- 
lems. Resolving  at  once  to  attempt  the  solution  himself,  he  set  to  work  to 
learn  Coptic,  which  was  rightly  believed  to  represent  the  nearest  existing 
approach  to  the  ancient  Egyptian  language.  His  amazing  facility  in  the 
acquisition  of  languages  stood  him  in  such  good  stead  that  within  a  year  of 
his  tirst  efforts  he  had  mastered  Coptic,  had  assured  himself  that  the  ancient 
Egyptian  language  was  really  similar  to  it,  and  had  even  made  a  tentative 
attempt  at  the  translation  of  the  Egyptian  scroll.  His  results  were  only 
tentative,  to  be  sure.  Yet  they  constituted  the  very  beginnings  of  our 
knowledge  regarding  the  meaning  of  hieroglyphics.  Just  how  far  they 
carried,  lias  Ijeen  a  subject  of  ardent  controversy  ever  since.  Not  that  there 
is  any  doubt  about  the  specific  facts ;  what  is  questioned  is  the  exact  impor- 
tance of  these  facts.  For  it  is  undeniable  that  Young  did  not  complete  and 
perfect  the  discovery,  and,  as  always  in  such  matters,  there  is  opportunity 
for  difference  of  opinion  as  to  the  share  of  credit  due  to  each  of  the  workers 
who  entered  into  the  discovery. 

Young's  s{)ecific  discoveries  were  these :  (1)  that  many  of  the  pictures 
of  the  hieroglyphics  stand  for  the  names  of  the  objects  actually  delineated ; 
(2)  that  other  pictures  are  sometimes  only  symbolic ;  (3)  that  plural  num- 
bers are  represented  by  repetition;  (4)  that  numerals  are  represented  by 
dashes  ;  (■">)  that  hieroglyphics  may  read  either  from  the  right  or  from  the 
left,  but  always  from  the  direction  in  which  the  animals  and  human  figures 
face;  (H)  that  proper  names  are  surrounded  by  a  graven  oval  ring,  making 
what  he  called  a  cartouche ;  (7)  that  the  cartouches  of  the  preserved  por- 
tion of  the  Rosetta  stone  stand  for  the  name  of  Ptolemy  alone ;  (8)  that 
the  presence  of  a  female  figure  after  such  cartouches,  in  other  inscriptions, 
always  denotes  the  female  sex  ;  (9)  that  within  the  cartouches  the  hiero- 
glyphic symi)ols  have  a  positively  phonetic  value,  either  alphabetic  or  syl- 
labic, and  (1())  that  several  different  characters  may  have  the  same  phonetic 
value. 

Just  what  these  phonetic  values  are.  Dr.  Young  pointed  out  in  the  case 
of  fourteen  characters,  representing  nine  sounds,  six  of  which  are  accepted 


TUE  ROSETTA  STONE 

(Original  in  British  Museum,  London) 


I 


EGYPTIAN   CULTUEE  253 

to-day  as  correctly  representing  the  letters  to  which  he  ascribed  them,  and 
the  three  others  as  being  correct  regarding  their  essential  or  consonantal 
element.  It  is  clear,  therefore,  that  he  was  on  the  right  track  thus  far,  and 
on  the  very  verge  of  complete  discovery.  But,  unfortunately,  he  failed  to 
take  the  next  step,  which  would  have  been  to  realise  that  the  phonetic  values 
given  to  the  characters  within  the  cartouches  were  often  ascribed  to  them 
also  when  used  in  the  general  text  of  an  inscription  ;  in  other  words,  that 
the  use  of  an  alphabet  was  not  confined  to  proper  names.  This  was  the 
great  secret  which  Young  missed,  but  which  his  French  successor,  Jean 
Frangois  Champollion,  working  on  the  foundation  that  Young  had  laid,  was 
enabled  to  ferret  out. 

Young's  initial  studies  of  the  Rosetta  stone  were  made  in  1814 ;  his  later 
publications  bore  date  of  1819.  Champollion's  first  announcement  of  results 
came  in  1822 ;  his  second  and  more  important  one  in  1824.  By  this  time, 
through  study  of  the  cartouches  of  other  inscriptions,  he  had  made  out  almost 
the  complete  alphabet,  and  the  "  Riddle  of  the  Sphinx  "  was  practically  solved. 
He  proved  that  the  Egyptians  had  developed  a  relatively  complete  alphabet 
(mostly  neglecting  the  vowels,  as  early  Semitic  alphabets  did  also)  centuries 
before  the  Phoenicians  were  heard  of  in  history.  What  relation  this  alphabet 
bore  to  the  Phoenician,  we  shall  have  occasion  to  ask  in  another  connection ; 
for  the  moment  it  suffices  to  know  that  these  strange  pictures  of  the  Egyptian 
scroll  are  really  letters. 

Even  this  statement,  however,  must  in  a  measure  be  modified.  These 
pictures  are  letters  and  something  more.  Some  of  them  are  purely  alpha- 
betical in  character,  and  some  are  symbolic  in  another  way.  Some  charac- 
ters represent  syllables.  Others  stand  sometimes  as  mere  representatives 
of  sounds,  and  again,  in  a  more  extended  sense,  as  representatives  of  things, 
such  as  all  hieroglyphics  doubtless  were  in  the  beginning.  In  a  word,  this 
is  an  alphabet,  but  not  a  perfected  alphabet  such  as  ^modern  nations  are 
accustomed  to ;  hence  the  enormous  difficulties  and  complications  it  presented 
to  the  early  investigators. 

Champollion  did  not  live  to  clear  up  all  the  mysteries  of  the  hieroglyphics. 
His  work  was  taken  up  and  extended  by  his  pupil  Rosellini,  and  in  par- 
ticular by  Richard  Lepsius  in  Germany ;  followed  by  M.  Renouf,  and  by 
Samuel  Birch,  of  the  British  Museum,  and  more  recently  by  such  well- 
known  Egyptologists  as  MM.  Maspero,  Mariette,  and  Chabas,  in  France  ; 
Drs.  Brugsch,  Meyer,  and  Erman  in  Germany;  Dr.  E.  A.  Wallis  Budge, 
the  present  head  of  the  Department  of  Oriental  Antiquities  at  the  British 
Museum,  and  Professor  W.  M.  Flinders  Petrie.  But  the  work  of  later 
investigators  has  been  largely  one  of  exhumation  and  translation  of  records, 
rather  than  of  finding  methods. 

Let  us  now  turn  more  specifically  to  the  writing  itself.  A  glance  shows 
that  the  objects  delineated  are,  as  might  be  expected,  those  which  were 
familiar  to  the  people  that  originated  the  writing.  Here  we  see  Egyptian 
hawks,  serpents,  ibises,  and  the  like,  and  the  human  figure,  depicted  in  the 
crude  yet  graphic  way  characteristic  of  Egyptian  art.  But  in  addition  to 
these  familiar  figures  there  are  numerous  conventionalised  designs.  These 
also,  there  is  reason  to  believe,  were  originally  representations  of  familiar 
objects,  but,  for  convenience  of  rendering,  the  pictures  have  been  supplanted 
by  conventionalised  designs.  It  is  now  known  that  this  writing  of  the 
Egyptians  was  of  a  most  extraordinary  compound  character.  Part  of  its 
pictures  are  used  as  direct  representations  of  the  objects  presented.  But 
let  us  examine  some  examples  : 


254  THE   HISTORY  OF   EGYPT 

mat    eye.       ^-tt-^.^  ^<^*^*         eyes. 


I  pau  birds. 

I 

But,  again,  the  picture  of  an  object  may  stand  for  some  idea  symbolised 
)y  that  object,  thus  becoming  an  ideograph,  as  in  the  following  instances: 

(t^^_  )                                J<^c^T^I^^^      honey 
^^              >     ba        soul            , .-, 
^^     ^    ^ pet      to  see. 


>^ 


X^     fo   prorecr.  /CK:>  ta  male. 


Here  the  sacred  ibis  or  the  sacred  bull  symbolises  the  soul.  The  bee 
stands  for  honey,  the  eyes  for  the  verb  ''to  see." 

Yet  again  the  Egyptian  pictures  may  stand  neither  as  pictures  of  things, 
nor  as  ideographs,  but  as  having  the  phonetic  value  of  a  syllable. 

pet  the  ^^^C^  meh     to  fill. 

V  >i    pet      fhe  sky  or  heaven. 

Vv 

Sucli  syllabic  signs  may  be  used  either  singly,  as  above,  or  in  combination, 
as  we  shall  see  illustrated  in  a  moment. 

Hut  one  other  stage  of  evolution  is  possible  ;  namely,  the  use  of  signs 
with  a  purely  alphabetical  significance.  The  Egyptians  made  this  step  also, 
and  their  strangely  conglomerate  writing  makes  use  of  the  following  alphabet: 

^  a^       Q  «       J      nd       (|(|or\\  t       y\or(3  a     J|  fe     Q  p       ^^-a— /       ^sor£=:in. 
<V\AA^ /r  ^n         <:>  or  .^^  rend  ^        fgA       fi/i     OX(kf^       P**"!*       C3ns(9h) 

In  a  word,  then,  the  P^gyptian  writing  has  passed  through  all  the  stages  of 
development,  from  the  purely  pictorial  to  the  alphabetical,  but  with  this  strange 
qualification  —  that  while  advancing  to  the  later  stages  it  retains  the  use  of 
the  crude  earlier  forms.  As  Canon  Taylor  has  graphically  phrased  it,  the 
Egyi)tian  writing  is  a  completed  structure,  but  one  from  which  the  scaffold- 
ing has  not  been  removed. 

The  next  step  would  have  been  to  remove  the  now  useless  scaffolding, 
leaving  a  purely  alphabetical  writing  as  the  completed  structure.  Looking 
at  the  matter  from  the  modern  standpoint,  it  seems  almost  incredible  that  so 
intelligent  a  people  as  the  Egyptians  should  have  failed  to  make  this  advance. 


EGYPTIAN   CULTURE  255 

Yet  the  facts  stand,  that  as  early  as  the  time  of  the  Pyramid  Builders,  say 
4000  years  B.C.,  the  Egyptians  had  made  the  wonderful  analysis  of  sounds 
without  which  the  invention  of  an  alphabet  would  be  impossible.  They  had 
set  aside  certain  of  their  hieroglyphic  symbols  and  given  them  alphabetical 
significance.  They  had  learned  to  write  their  words  with  the  use  of  this 
alphabet  ;  and  it  would  seem  as  if,  in  the  course  of  a  few  generations,  they 
must  come  to  see  how  unnecessary  was  the  cruder  form  of  picture  writing 
which  this  alphabet  would  naturally  supplant ;  but  in  point  of  fact  they 
never  did  come 'to  a  realisation  of  this  seemingly  simple  proposition.  Gen- 
eration after  generation,  and  century  after  century,  they  continued  to  use 
their  same  cumbersome,  complex  writing,  and  it  remained  for  an  outside  na- 
tion to  prove  that  an  alphabet  pure  and  simple  was  capable  of  fulfilling  all 
the  conditions  of  a  written  language. 

Thus  in  practice  there  is  found  in  the  hieroglyphics  the  strangest  combi- 
nation of  ideographs,  syllabic  signs,  and  alphabetical  signs  or  true  letters, 
used  together  indiscriminately. 

It  was,  for  example,  not  at  all  unusual  after  spelling  a  word  syllabically 
or  alphabetically  to  introduce  a  figure  giving  the  idea  of  the  thing  intended, 
and  then  even  to  supplement  this  with  a  so-called  determinative  sign  or 
figure  : 

^  qetten  monkey       T\f^h  9^^^      cavady. 


14^ 


temcUl    wings,  [c^yj^-f^'s^f^j^^^w  quadrupeds. 

Here  qeften^  monkey,  is  spelled  out  in  full,  but  the  picture  of  a  monkey 
is  added  as  a  determinative  ;  second,  qe7iu,  cavalry,  after  being  spelled  is 
made  unequivocal  by  the  introduction  of  a  picture  of  a  horse  ;  third,  temati, 
wings,  though  spelled  elaborately,  has  pictures  of  wings  added  ;  and  fourth, 
tatu,  quadrupeds,  after  being  spelled,  has  a  picture  of  a  quadruped,  and 
then  the  picture  of  a  hide,  which  is  the  usual  determinative  of  a  quadruped, 
followed  by  three  dashes  to  indicate  the  plural  number. 

These  determinatives  are  in  themselves  so  interesting,  as  illustrations  of 
the  association  of  ideas,  that  it  is  worth  while  to  add  a  few  more  examples. 
The  word  pet,  which  signifies  "heaven,"  and  which  has  also  the  meaning 
"  up  "  or  "  even,"  is  represented  primarily  by  what  may  be  supposed  to  be  a 
conventionalised  picture  of  the  covering  to  the  earth.  But  this  picture 
used  as  a  determinative  is  curiously  modified  in  the  expression  of  other 
ideas,  as  it  symbolises  "evening"  when  a  closed  flower  is  added,  and  "night" 
when  a  star  hangs  in  the  sky,  and  "  rain  or  tempest  "  when  a  series  of 
zigzag  lines,  which  by  themselves  represent  water,  are  appended. 


^^Q/naser  evening.      ^;^\\W^^/ie/iw    darkness. 
^|p5F5     Aerh  night. 


25G 


THE   HISTORY   OF   EGYPT 


As  aids  to  memory  such  pictures  are  obviously  of  advantage,  but  this 
adviinta^'e,  in  the  modern  view,  is  outweighed  by  the  cumbrousness  of  the 
system  of  writing  as  a  whole. 

Wliy  was  such  a  complex  system  retained  ?  Chiefly,  no  doubt,  because 
the  Egyptians,  like  all  other  highly  developed  peoples,  were  conservatives. 
They  hehl  to  their  old  method  after  a  better  one  had  been  invented,  just  as 
ljalt"the  Western  world  to-day  holds  to  an  antiquated  system  of  weights  and 
measures  after  a  far  simpler  system  of  decimals  has  been  introduced.  But 
this  iidierent  conservatism  was  enormously  aided,  no  doubt,  "by  the  fact  that 
tlie  Egyptian  language,  like  the  Chinese,  has  many  words  that  have  a  varied 
signiti"'ance,  making  it  seem  necessary,  or  at  least  highly  desirable,  either  to 
spell  sui-h  words  with  different  signs,  or,  having  spelled  them  in  the  same 
way,  to  introduce  the  varied  determinatives. 

Here  are  some  examples  of  discrimination  between  words  of  the  same 
sound  by  the  use  of  different  signs  : 


2^  ^^ 

c=~^  pa 


the. 

house. 

company. 


paut  niwQ. 


^0  paut 


0 
cycle 


paut 


good. 


Here,  it  will  be  observed,  exactly  the  same  expedient  is  adopted  which 
we  still  retain  when  we  discriminate  between  words  of  the  same  sound  by 
different  spelling,  as,  to,  two,  too  ;   whole,  hole ;  through,  threw,  etc. 

But  the  more  usual  Egyptian  method  was  to  resort  to  determinatives  ; 
the  results  seem  to  us  most  extraordinary.  After  what  has  been  said,  the 
following  examples  will  explain  themselves  : 


^ -'   ^obe.  ^^^an   to  open.  ^  an       shrine. 
^^^  un     appearance.        ^^^^^«/^   lighfness. 
\sy.](]i//i       shaved  ^^^«/i    To  pull  ouMiain 


Do 


pet 


.Z^  pet 

U 


I  := 


rhe   sky. 


P— -j|  ^pet   heaven  &  earTh, 
pet  heaven  earrhthell. 


to  see. 


D>=^ 


Q   pet        a  kind    of  unguent. 


to  open  oiit 
to  exhend.. 


EGYPTIAN   CULTURE  267 

It  goes  without  saying  that  the  great  mass  of  people  in  Egypt  were 
never  able  to  write  at  all.  Had  they  been  accustomed  to  do  so,  the  Egyp- 
tians would  have  been  a  nation  of  artists.  Even  as  the  case  stands,  a  remark- 
able number  of  men  must  have  had  their  artistic  sense  considerably 
developed,  for  the  birds,  animals,  and  human  figures  constantly  presented  on 
their  hieroglyphic  scrolls  are  drawn  with  a  degree  of  fidelity  which  the 
average  European  of  to-day  would  certainly  find  far  beyond  his  skill. <i 

LITERATURE 

The  literary  remains  of  Egypt  have  come  to  us  through  two  channels, 
one  of  these  being  the  inscriptions  on  walls  and  monuments,  to  which 
reference  has  just  been  made,  and  the  other  the  papyrus  rolls  that 
constituted  books  proper.  Of  course  the  main  body  of  the  monumental 
inscriptions  can  only  by  courtesy  be  said  to  belong  to  the  literature  of 
the  country.  For  the  most  part  they  are  records  of  political  and  religious 
affairs  such  as  hardly  come  within  the  domain  of  literature.  On  the  other 
hand,  there  are  certain  examples  of  a  more  distinctly  literary  character. 

One  of  the  most  important  illustrations  of  this  class  of  inscription  is  a 
poem  which  recounts  certain  of  the  deeds  of  Ramses  the  Great,  in  par- 
ticular the  great  fight  which  this  monarch  made  against  the  Kheta  or 
Hittites.  We  have  quoted  it  in  the  chapter  devoted  to  Ramses  II. 
There  are  other  monumental  inscriptions  that  have  a  purely  historical 
character,  inasmuch  as  they  give  lists  of  names  of  the  kings  of  the 
various  dynasties.  Unfortunately,  no  one  of  these  chronological  inscrip- 
tions is  complete.  The  same  is  true  of  the  most  important  historical 
document  on  papyrus  —  a  document  known  as  the  Turin  papyrus  because 
it  is  preserved  in  the  museum  in  that  city.  It  is  worth  noting,  however, 
that  these  chronological  lists,  as  far  as  they  go,  tend  to  support  the  list  of 
Manetho,  to  which  reference  has  previously  been  made.  These  lists  of 
Manetho,  it  will  be  recalled,  have  come  down  to  us  only  through  certain 
excerpts  made  by  Josephus  and  others,  the  original  work  having  been  lost 
in  its  entirety.  But  a  comparison  of  these  lists  at  second-hand  with  the 
original  Egyptian  documents  has  shown,  as  Professor  Petrie  remarks,  what 
a  real  history  the  work  of  Manetho  must  have  been,  and  how  great  a  depri- 
vation its  loss  is  to  the  modern  historian. 

The  papyrus  rolls  on  which  most  of  the  literary  remains  of  Egypt  are 
inscribed  are  true  books.  The  book  of  folded  leaves  is  a  comparatively 
modern  invention.  Throughout  antiquity,  including  the  classical  times, 
the  roll  constituted  the  only  form  of  book  in  use,  unless,  indeed,  we 
include  waxen  tablets,  which  are  hardly  to  be  considered  books  in  the 
proper  sense  of  the  word ;  at  least  it  is  not  known  that  they  were  ever 
used  for  the  transcription  of  lengthy  works  to  be  placed  on  sale,  though 
it  is  probable  that  authors  used  them,  at  least  for  the  rough  drafts  of  their 
compositions.  It  is  well  known  that  in  later  classical  times  the  parchment 
roll  came  to  be  sul)stituted  for  the  roll  of  papyrus,  tliough  the  latter  held 
its  own  for  a  long  time,  and  was  still  employed  exceptionally  in  the  Middle 
Ages  ;  but  the  old  Egyptian  parchment  was  unknown,  and  though  inscrip- 
tions were  sometimes  made  on  pieces  of  linen,  the  regular  material  for  book- 
making  was  papyrus. 

The  papyrus  sheet  was  made  by  gluing  together  pieces  of  tlic  outer  rind 
or  bark  of  the  stem  of  the  papyrus  plant,  these  pieces  being  placed  in  two 
layers  and  dried  under  pressure.     The  sheets  of  pa^Dyrus  were  from  six  or 

H.   \V    —  VOL.    I.  S 


258 


THE  HISTORY   OF  EGYPT 


eicrht  to  about  fourteen  inches  in  width,  and  were  often  many  feet  in  length. 
The  inscription,  made  with  a  reed  pen,  not  altogether  unhke  a  modern  quill, 
was  written  in  columns  at  right  angles  to  the  length  of  the  papyrus  sheet, 
these  columns  being  of  varying  width,  but  usually  of  a  size  convenient  for 
the  scribe  in  writing  and  for  the  reader.  If  we  may  judge  from  a  statue 
that  has  been  preserved,  the  scribe  at  work  sat  with  his  feet  crossed  hke 

a  modern  tailor.  Papy- 
rus is,  of  course,  a  very 
fragile  and  perishable 
substance  ;  therefore  it  is 
only  in  the  dry  climate 
of  Egypt  that  documents 
of  this  nature  are  likely 
to  be  preserved.  Thanks 
to  the  unusual  atmos- 
phere of  Egypt,  however, 
large  numbers  of  these 
documents  have  come 
down  to  us,  some  of 
them  dating  from  the 
third  millennium  B.C. 
These  documents  repre- 
sent various  classes  of 
literature.  Of  historical 
writings,  the  most  impor- 
tant is  the  Turin  papy- 
rus, already  referred  to. 
A  still  more  ancient  docu- 
ment is  known  as  the 
Prisse  papyrus,  being 
named  after  its  discov- 
erer, Prisse  d'Avenne. 
It  is  virtually  a  series  of 
essays  containing  moral 
precepts  and  disserta- 
tions on  the  art  of  right  living.  Aside  from  its  contents,  this  particular 
papyrus  roll  has  unusual  interest  because  it  shows  us  the  hieratic  writing 
of  the  Egyptians  in  its  oldest  known  form,  the  hieratic  character  being  a 
niiu-li  niotlilied  cursive  form  of  hieroglyphic  simplified  in  the  interest 'of 
rapid  writing.  It  was  believed  by  the  French  philologist,  De  Rouge,  that 
this  hieratic  character  formed  tlie  basis  of  the  Phtenician  alphabet,  and  a 
large  number  of  scholars  have  accepted  this  conclusion,  which,  however,  is 
now  seemingly  about  to  be  abandoned.  Other  essays  of  the  Egyptians,  on 
medical  and  mathematical  subjects,  have  been  preserved  in  considerable 
numbers. 

There  is  yet  another  form  of  literary  production  that  is  abundantly 
represented  among  the  papyrus  documents.  This  is  the  religious  work 
known  as  the  Book  of  the  Dead,  a  book  that  was  substantially  the  Bible  of 
tiie  Egyptians,  numerous  copies  of  which  in  whole  or  in  part  are  still  in 
existence.  An  additional  interest  attaches  to  many  copies  of  the  Book  of 
the  Dead  in  the  fact  that  pictures  are  introduced  to  illustrate  the  narrative. 
One  is  prone  to  think  of  book  illustration  as  a  relatively  modern  art  ;  but 
in  point  of  fact,  as  these  documents  prove,  it  is  an  art  that  was  practised  by 


JlUr^-T^'-^P^T^-^^^^ 


biATUE  OK  A  Scribe  (Fifth  DiNAsiy) 
(Now  in  the  Louvre) 


EGYPTIAN   CULTURE  259 

the  ancient  Egyptians  more  than  two  thousand  years  before  the  Chris- 
tian era. 

From  a  purely  literary  standpoint,  the  most  important  remains  preserved 
on  papyrus  are  the  various  more  or  less  perfect  copies  of  romances  and  of 
poems.  The  romances  are  somewhat  of  the  character  of  what  we  should 
call  fairy  tales,  though  elements  of  realism  are  not  lacking  in  some  of  them  ; 
and  the  poems  include  love  songs  and  other  lyrics.  It  is  extremely  difficult 
to  judge  the  artistic  merits  of  productions  in  so  alien  a  tongue,  and  it  has  been 
noted  by  Egyptologists  that  certain  recitals  were  apparently  very  popular  in 
Egypt,  the  merits  of  which  are  lost  upon  the  modern  interpreter,  because 
even  the  greatest  of  modern  students  can  hardly  claim  a  degree  of  pro- 
ficiency in  the  language  that  suffices  for  the  appreciation  of  the  niceties  of 
usage.  There  are  certain  of  the  tales  and  poems,  however,  which  in  point 
of  conception,  thought,  and  construction  must  be  admitted  to  have  con- 
spicuous merit,  even  when  judged  by  modern  standards. 

As  soon  as  the  tales  of  ancient  Egypt  had  been  recovered  in  sufficient 
number  to  allow  some  idea  of  its  popular  literature,  it  was  seen  that  stories 
of  travel  and  adventure  formed  a  considerable  portion.  But  for  a  long  time 
no  tale  of  the  sea  came  to  light.  In  fact,  it  seemed  doubtful  that  such  a  one 
existed.  The  Greek  and  Latin  writings  constantly  reiterate  the  statement 
that  the  Egyptians  regarded  the  sea  as  impure,  and  that  none  would  venture 
on  it  of  his  own  will,  and  upon  this  authority  modern  investigators  had  a 
well-formed  theory  that  Egypt  never  had  a  navy  or  native  sailors. 

To  them  Queen  Hatshepsu's  voyages  of  exploration  and  the  naval  vic- 
tories of  Ramses  III  were  the  deeds  of  hired  Phoenicians.  But  the  dis- 
covery of  a  tale  at  St.  Petersburg  —  a  tale  which  takes  us  far  back  to 
the  Xllth  Dynasty,  before  any  Phoenicians  had  yet  appeared  on  the  shores 
of  the  Mediterranean,  or  Egypt  had  any  thought  of  Syrian  conquest  — 
tends  to  upset  these  old  ideas,  and  lead  us  to  the  belief  that  the  sailors 
whom  Pharaoh  sent  for  the  perfumes  and  goods  of  Arabia  were  native  born 
Egyptians. 

The  tale  of  The  Castaway  was  discovered  in  the  Imperial  Hermitage  Mu- 
seum at  St.  Petersburg  by  M.  Golenischeff  in  1880.  No  one  knows  where 
the  papyrus  was  found,  or  how  it  got  in  Russia,  or  even  came  to  be  in  the 
Hermitage  Museum.  It  has  taken  its  place  as  a  classic  of  the  Xllth 
Dynasty,  as  that  of  the  Two  Brothers  is  of  the  XlXth. 

On  reading  it,  one  immediately  thinks  of  Sindhad  the  Sailor^  except  that 
the  serpents  it  was  Sindbad's  fortune  to  meet  were  far  from  being  the 
amiable  creatures  described  by  the  Egyptian  sailor.  There  is,  indeed,  no 
very  good  reason  to  consider  the  famous  tale  of  the  Thousand  and  One  Nights 
as  a  modern  version  of  the  Egyptian  narrative.  The  sailors'  love  for  the 
recital  of  marvellous  adventure  is  too  natural,  too  far-spread,  for  us  to  fasten 
the  one  upon  the  other. 

The  tale  of  The  Castaway  seems  clearly  to  be  a  theological  idea  dressed 
up  in  romance  form.  The  mysterious  island  is  the  Isle  of  the  Double,  i.e. 
the  home  of  dead  souls,  and  the  serpent  is  its  guardian.  The  voyage  describes 
the  long  journey  to  the  other  world  —  that  trip  on  the  mysterious  western 
sea,  and  the  final  reaching  of  the  home  of  the  soul.  The  basic  conception  of 
the  whole  thing  is  typically  Egyptian.  Perhaps  our  estimate  of  Egyi)tian 
literature  cannot  be  completed  better  than  by  the  presentation  of  the  actual 
text  of  this  romance.  Our  version  is  from  G.  Maspero's  rendering  of 
M.  Golenischeff's  translation  of  the  original  papyrus  in  the  Imperial  Hermit- 
age Museum,  St.  Petersburg." 


260  THE   HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 


THE   CASTAWAY  :       A   TALE   OF   THE   TWELFTH   DYNASTY 

The  learned  attendant  said  :  "  Rejoice  thy  heart,  O  my  chief,  for  we 
have  just  reached  the  fatherland;  after  having  manned  the  prow  of  the 
ship  and  worked  the  oars,  the  prow  has  grazed  the  sand.  All  our  men 
are  rejoicing  and  embracing  each  other,  for  if  others  beside  ourselves  have 
come  safel\-^ht)nie,  not  a  man  among  us  is  missing,  and,  moreover,  we  have 
gone  to  the  farthest  limits  of  Uauat,  and  have  crossed  the  regions  of 
Sennnit.  Here  we  are  returned  in  peace,  and  here  we  are  back  in  our 
fatherland.  Listen,  O  my  chief,  for  if  thou  dost  not  uphold  me,  I  have  no 
support.  Wash  thee,  pour  water  over  thy  hands,  then  go,  address  thyself 
to  Pliaraoh,  and  may  thy  heart  preserve  tliy  speech  from  confusion,  for  if 
a  man's  mouth  may  save  him,  on  the  other  hand,  his  words  may  cause  his 
face  to  be  covered  over ;  ^  act  according  to  the  impulse  of  thy  heart,  and 
anything  thou  mayest  say  will  put  me  at  ease. 

"  Now  I  shall  relate  to  thee  what  happened  to  me  personally.  I  set  out 
for  the  mines  of  Honhem,  and  went  to  sea  in  a  ship  one  hundred  and  fifty 
cubits  long  and  forty  wide,  with  one  hundred  and  fifty  of  the  best  sailors  in 
the  land  of  Egypt,  men  who  had  seen  heaven  and  earth,  and  whose  hearts 
were  stouter  than  those  of  lions.  They  had  foretold  that  the  wind  would 
not  be  unfavourable,  or  that  we  would  have  none  at  all;  but  a  gust  of  wind 
sprang  up  as  soon  as  we  were  on  the  deep,  and  as  we  approached  the  shore, 
the  breeze  freshened  and  stirred  the  waves  to  a  height  of  eight  cubits.  As 
for  myself,  I  seized  a  plank,  but  the  rest  perished,  without  one  remaining. 
A  wave  of  the  sea  threw  me  upon  an  island  after  I  had  spent  three  days 
with  no  other  companion  than  my  own  heart.  I  lay  down  to  rest  in  a 
thicket,  and  darkness  enveloped  me ;  then  I  employed  my  legs  in  search 
of  something  for  my  mouth.  I  found  figs  and  grapes  and  many  kinds  of 
fine  vegetal>les,  berries,  nuts,  melons  of  all  kinds,  fish,  birds,  —  nothing  was 
lacking.  I  satisfied  my  hunger,  and  threw  away  the  surplus  of  what  I  had 
gatliered.      I  dug  a  ditch,  lit  a  fire,  and  prepared  a  sacrifice  to  tlie  gods. 

"  Suddenly  1  heard  a  voice  like  thunder,  caused,  as  I  believed,  by  a  wave 
of  the  sea.  The  trees  trembled,  the  earth  shook;  I  uncovered  my  face,  and 
saw  that  a  serpent  was  approaching.  lie  was  thirty  cubits  long,  with  a 
beard  that  hung  down  for  over  two  cubits  ;  his  body  was  as  if  incrusted 
with  gold  on  a  colour  of  lapis  lazuli.  He  planted  himself  before  me, 
opened  his  mouth,  and  while  I  remained  dumbfounded  before  him,  he  said : 

"' Wliat  has  brought  thee,  what  has  brought  thee,  little  one,  what  has 
brought  thee?  If  thou  delayest  to  tell  me  what  has  brought  thee  to  this 
isle,  I  will  make  thee  know  what  thou  art;  either  thou  shalt  disappear  like 
a  (lame,  or  thou  slialt  tell  me  something  I  never  before  have  heard,  and 
which  I  knew  not  before.'  Then  he  seized  me  in  his  mouth,  carried  me 
to  his  lair,  and  laid  me  down  unharmed;   I  was  safe  and  sound  and  whole. 

"Then  he  opened  his  mouth,  and  while  I  remained  speechless  before 
him,  he  said,  '  What  has  brought  thee,  what  has  brought  thee,  little  one,  to 
this  isle  which  is  in  the  sea  and  whose  shores  are  in  the  midst  of  the 
waves  ? ' 

"  I  replied  with  arms  hanging  low  before  him. 2     I  said  :   '  I  embarked  for 

1  Possibly  an  allusion  to  the  custom  of  covering  the  faces  of  criminals  while  they  were  being 
led  to  the  scaffold.     The  order,  "Cover  his  face,"  was  equivalent  to  a  condemnation.  — M.  Mas- 

PEKO. 

'  This  is  the  attitude  in  which  the  monuments  represent  suppliants  or  inferiors  before  their 
masters.  —  Masi'eho. 


EGYPTIAN   CULTURE  261 

the  mines,  by  Pharaoh's  order,  in  a  ship  one  hundred  and  fifty  cubits  long 
and  forty  wide.  It  was  manned  by  one  hundred  and  fifty  of  the  best 
sailors  of  the  land  of  Egypt,  who  had  seen  heaven  and  earth,  and  whose 
hearts  were  stouter  than  those  of  the  gods.  They  had  declared  that  the 
wind  would  not  be  unfavourable,  or  even  that  there  would  be  none  at  all, 
for  each  one  of  them  surpassed  his  companions  in  the  prudence  of  his  heart 
and  the  strength  of  his  arms,  and  I,  I  yielded  to  them  in  nothing  ;  but  a 
storm  arose  while  we  were  on  the  deep,  and  as  we  approached  the  shore  the 
gale  still  freshened  and  threw  up  the  waves  to  a  height  of  eight  cubits. 
As  for  mj'self,  I  seized  a  plank,  but  the  rest  on  the  ship  perished  and  not 
one  remained  with  me  during  three  days.  And  now  here  I  am  with  thee, 
for  I  was  cast  on  this  isle  by  a  wave  of  the  sea.' 

"  Thereupon  he  said  to  me :  '  Fear  not,  fear  not,  little  one,  let  not  thy 
face  show  sorrow.  If  thou  art  here  with  me,  it  is  because  God  has  let  thee 
live.  'Tis  he  who  has  brought  thee  to  the  Isle  of  the  Double,  where  nothing 
is  lacking,  and  which  is  filled  with  all  good  things.  Behold  ;  thou  shalt 
pass  month  after  month  here  until  thou  hast  stayed  four  months  in  this 
isle,  then  a  ship  shall  come  from  thy  country  with  sailors  ;  thou  mayest  then 
depart  with  them  to  thy  country  and  thou  shalt  die  in  thy  native  city. 
Let  us  talk  and  be  happy  ;  whosoever  enjoys  chatting  can  support  misfor- 
tune ;  let  me  tell  thee  what  there  is  on  this  island.  I  am  here  surrounded 
by  my  brothers  and  children,  together  we  are  seventy-five  serpents,  children 
and  retainers,  without  including  a  young  girl  whom  Fortune  sent  me,  on 
whom  the  fire  of  heaven  fell  and  burnt  to  ashes.  As  for  thee,  if  thou  art 
strong  and  thy  heart  is  patient  thou  shalt  yet  press  thy  children  to  thy 
heart  and  embrace  thy  wife  ;  thou  shalt  again  behold  thy  house,  and  best 
of  all  thou  shalt  reach  thy  country  and  be  among  thy  people.'  Then  he 
bowed  to  me  and  I  touched  the  ground  before  him.  '  Now  this  is  what  I 
have  to  tell  thee  on  this  subject,  I  shall  describe  thee  to  Pharaoh  and  make 
thy  greatness  known  to  him.  I  shall  send  thee  paint  and  offertory  per- 
fumes,!  pomades,  cinnamon,  and  incense  employed  in  the  temples,  the  kind 
that  is  offered  to  the  gods.  I  shall  also  tell  all  that,  thanks  to  thee,  I  was 
enabled  to  see,  and  the  whole  nation  together  shall  give  thee  thanks.  For 
thee  I  shall  slay  asses  in  sacrifice.  I  shall  pluck  birds  for  thee,  and  send 
ships  to  thee  filled  with  all  the  marvels  of  Egypt,  as  if  to  a  god,  friend  of 
men  in  a  distant  country  which  men  know  not.' 

"  He  smiled  at  what  I  said  on  account  of  what  was  on  his  heart,  and 
said  :  '  Thou  art  not  rich  in  essences,  for  all  that  thou  hast  enumerated 
unto  me  is  naught  after  all  but  incense,  while  I,  I  am  lord  of  the  land  of 
Punt,  and  there  have  I  plenty  of  essences.  But  the  offertory  perfume  of 
which  thou  speakest  of  sending  me  is  not  plentiful  in  this  isle  ;  but  when 
once  thou  leavest  it,  never  shalt  thou  see  it  again,  for  it  shall  be  changed 
into  waves.' 

"  And  behold  the  ship  appeared  as  he  had  predicted.  I  perched  myself 
upon  a  high  tree  to  try  to  distinguish  who  were  on  it.  I  hastened  to  tell 
him  the  news,  but  found  that  he  knew  it  already ;  and  he  said  to  me,  '  Good 
journey,  good  journey  home,  little  one,  let  thine  eyes  rest  upon  thy  chil- 
dren, and  may  thy  name  remain  fair  in  thy  city  —  these  are  my  wishes  for 
thee.'  Then  I  bent  before  him  with  low-hanging  arms,  and  he  gave  me 
presents  of  essences,  offertory  perfume,  pomade,  cinnamon,  thuya,  sapan 
wood,    powdered  antimony,  cypress,    ordinary  incense    in  great    quantity, 

1  Hakonu  was  one  of  the  seven  canonical  oils  which  were  offered  to  the  gods  and  departed 
spirits  during  sacrifice.  —  Maspeko. 


>62 


THE   HISTORY  OF   EGYPT 


elephants'  teeth,  greyhounds,  baboons,  green  monkeys,  and  all  kinds  of  good 
and  precious  things.  I  put  all  on  board  the  ship  that  had  come,  and  pros- 
trating,' mvself,  I  offered  him  worship.  He  said  to  me,  'Behold,  thou  shalt 
arrive^in  thy  country  after  two  months,  thou  shalt  press  thy  children  to  thy 
heart  and  thou  shalt  lie  in  thy  tomb.'  And  after  that  I  went  down  to 
the  shore  towards  the  siiip  and  called  to  the  sailors  on  board.  I  gave  thanks 
on  the  shores  to  the  lord  of  the  isle  as  well  as  to  those  who  lived  upon  it. 

"  When  we  had  come,  the  second  month,  to  the  city  of  Pharaoh,  just  as 
the  other  i)ad  pre<licted,  we  drew  near  the  palace.  I  entered  unto  Pharaoh, 
and  gave  him  all  the  presents  I  had  brought  into  the  country  from  that 
island,  and  he  thanked  me  before  the  assembled  people.  That  is  why  he 
made  an  attendant  of  me,  and  let  me  join  the  king's  courtiers.  Look  upon 
me,  now  that  I  have  reached  the  shore  once  more,  and  having  seen  and 
undergone  so  much.  Hear  my  prayer,  for  it  is  good  to  listen  to  people. 
Some  one  said  to  me,  '  liecome  a  learned  man,  my  friend,  thou  wilt  arrive  at 
honours,'  and  behold  I  have  arrived." 

This  is  taken  from  beginning  to  end  as  it  is  found  in  the  book.  Who 
lias  written  it  is  the  scribe  with  nimble  fingers.  Ameni-Amen-aa,  Life, 
Health,  Strength. c 


(JohltMK  OF   A  yUEEN   OK  ANCIENT  EgYPT 


CHAPTER   XII. 


CONCLUDING   SUMMARY   OF   EGYPTIAN 
HISTORY 


In  thus  following  the  course  of  Egyptian  history  as  outlined  in  the  pages 
of  such  ancient  authorities  as  Herodotus,  Manetho,  and  Diodorus,  and  such 
recent  students  as  Brugsch  Pasha,  Mariette  Pasha,  and  Professors  Erman, 
Maspero,  and  Petrie,  we  have  been  enabled  to  gain  a  tolerably  clear  picture 
of  the  life  of  the  most  celebrated  nation  of  antiquity. 

There  is  one  feature  of  that  life,  however,  which  this  story  leaves  quite 
in  the  dark  ;  namely,  its  beginnings.  The  ancients,  beyond  vaguely  hinting 
at  an  Ethiopian  origin  of  the  Egyptians,  confessed  themselves  in  the  main 
totally  ignorant  of  the  subject.  And  it  must  be  confessed  that  the  patient 
researches  of  modern  workers  have  not  sufficed  fully  to  lift  the  veil  of  this 
ignorance.  Theories  have  been  propounded,  to  be  sure.  It  was  broadly 
suggested  by  Heeren  that  one  might  probably  look  to  India  as  the  original 
cradle  of  the  Egyptian  race.  Hebrew  scholars,  however,  naturally  were  dis- 
posed to  find  that  cradle  in  Mesopotamia,  and  some  later  archaeologists, 
among  them  so  great  an  authority  as  Maspero,  believe  that  the  real  begin- 
nings of  Egyptian  history  should  be  traced  to  equatorial  Africa.  But  there 
are  no  sure  data  at  hand  to  enable  one  to  judge  with  any  degree  of  certainty 
as  to  which  of  these  hypotheses,  if  any  one  of  them,  is  true. 

The  whole  point  of  view  of  modern  thought  regarding  this  subject  has 
been  strangely  shifted  during  the  last  half  century.  Up  to  that  time  it  was 
the  firm  conviction  of  the  greater  number  of  scholars  that,  in  dealing  with 
the  races  of  antiquity,  we  had  but  to  cover  a  period  of  some  four  thousand 
years  before  the  Christian  era.  Any  hypothesis  that  could  hope  to  gain 
credence  in  that  day  must  be  consistent  with  this  supposition.  But  the 
anthropologists  of  the  past  two  generations  have  quite  dispelled  that  long 
current  illusion,  and  we  now  think  of  the  history  of  man  as  stretching  back 
tens,  or  perhaps  hundreds,  of  thousands  of  years  into  the  past. 

Applying  a  common-sense  view  to  the  history  of  ancient  nations  from 
this  modified  standpoint,  it  becomes  at  once  apparent  how  very  easy  it  may 
be  to  follow  up  false  clews  and  arrive  at  false  conclusions.  Let  us  suppose, 
for  example,  that,  as  Heeren  believed  and  as  some  more  modern  investigators 
have  contended,  the  skulls  of  the  Egyptians  and  those  of  tlie  Indian  races  of 
antiquity,  as  preserved  in  the  tombs  of  the  respective  countries,  bear  a  close 
resemblance  to  one  another.  What,  after  all,  does  this  prove  ?  Presumably 
it  implies  that  these  two  widely  separated  nations  have  perhaps  had  a  com- 


264  THE   HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 

raon  origin.  But  it  might  mean  that  the  Egyptians  had  one  day  been 
emigrants  from  India,  or  conversely,  that  the  Indians  had  migrated  from 
Egvpt,  or  yet  again,  that  the  forbears  of  both  nations  had,  at  a  remoter  epoch, 
occupied  some  iTther  region,  perhaps  in  an  utterly  different  part  of  the  globe 
from  either  India  or  Egypt.  And  even  such  a  conclusion  as  this  would  have 
to  be  accepted  witli  a  large  element  of  doubt.  For,  up  to  the  present,  it 
must  freelv  be  admitted  that  the  studies  of  the  anthropologists  have  by  no 
means  tixed  the  physical  characters  of  the  different  races  with  sufficient 
clearness  to  enable  'us  to  predicate  actual  unity  of  race  or  unity  of  origin 
from  a  seeming  similarity  of  skulls  alone,  or  even  through  more  comprehen- 
sive comparisim  of  physical  traits,  were  these  available. 

More  than  this,  any  such  comparison  as  that  which  attempts  to  link  the 
Kgyptians  with  Indians  or  Hebrews  or  Ethiopians  is,  after  all,  only  a  narrow 
view  of  tlie  subject  extending  over  a  comparatively  limited  period  of  time. 
If  it  were  shown  that  tlie  first  members  of  that  race  which  came  to  be  known 
as  tho  ICgyptians  came  to  the  valley  of  the  Nile  from  India  or  Mesopotamia 
or  Ethiopia,  the  fact  would  have  undoubted  historic  interest,  but  it  would 
after  all  oidy  take  us  one  step  farther  back  along  the  course  of  the  evolution 
of  that  ancient  civilisation,  and  the  question  would  still  remain  an  open  one 
as  to  what  was  the  real  cradle  of  the  race.  For  in  the  modern  view,  as  has 
just  been  said,  when  one  speaks  of  the  evolution  of  civilisation,  his  mind 
must  grasp  the  idea  of  tens  of  thousands  of  years,  during  which,  the  most 
casual  reflection  will  make  it  clear,  races  may  have  migrated  this  way  and 
that,  northward,  eastward,  westward,  southward,  and  may  have  reversed 
their  course  of  migration  over  and  over  again,  leaving  few  traces  through 
which  the  historian  of  a  later  time  could  follow  them  in  imagination. 

There  is  indeed  a  tradition,  which  Diodorus  has  preserved  to  us,  that 
the  Egyptian  of  an  early  day  made  a  great  conquering  tour  through  Greece 
and  all  of  western  Asia  to  India,  and  back  again  to  the  region  of  the  Nile. 
We  have  already  pointed  out  that  such  vague  traditions  as  this  probably 
represent  a  racial  memory  of  actual  historical  events,  distorted  of  course  as 
to  all  details.  But  all  this,  it  must  be  repeated  over  and  over  again,  is 
only  conjecture. 

Anthropology  is  the  newest  of  sciences,  and  it  will  scarcely  in  our  day 
attain  a  knowledge  that  will  enable  the  historian  to  solve  the  problem  of  the 
origin  of  any  one  of  the  remoter  races  of  antiquity.  The  history  of  such 
relatively  newer  races  as  the  Hebrews,  the  Greeks,  and  the  Romans  may 
indeed  be,  at  least  conjecturally,  made  out  at  no  distant  day  ;  but  we  must 
expect  that  the  probably  far  remoter  civilisation  of  China,  India,  Mesopo- 
tamia, and  Egypt  will  long  continue  to  baffle  the  investigator. 

But  even  [)resent  knowledge  suffices  to  change  utterly  the  point  of  view 
with  which  the  modern  historian  regards  these  so-called  ancient  races.  So 
long  as  one  regarded  the  history  of  the  world  as  comprising  only  some  four 
thousand  years  before  the  Christian  era,  it  was  quite  clear  that  in  speaking 
of  the  earliest  historical  ages  of  Egypt,  one  was  dealing  with  time  that 
might  properly  be  called  the  childhood  of  our  race.  One  came  to  speak 
trippingly  of  the  ''  Dawn  of  Civilisation  "  as  illustrated  by  the  events  of  the 
time  of  the  Pyramid  Builders.  But  now  all  that  has  changed,  and  it  has 
become  clear  that  we  know  nothing  of  the  dawn  of  civilisation. 

The  earliest  records  of  Egypt  that  have  come  down  to  us,  as  illustrated,  for 
example,  in  the  document  known  as  the  Prisse  papyrus,  which  is  some- 
times spoken  of  as  the  oldest  book  in  the  world,  show  that,  at  a  time  which 
probably  preceded  the  building  of  the  Pyramids,  namely,  as  early  as  the 


CONCLUDING   SUMMARY  OF  EGYPTIAN   HISTORY  265 

Ilnd  Dynasty,  the  Egyptians  regarded  the  civilisation  of  their  day  as 
already  past  its  prime.  Men  of  that  time  were  already  tiring  of  the  degen- 
erate epoch  in  which  they  lived,  and  looking  back  to  the  good  old  days 
when,  as  it  seemed  to  them,  the  Egyptians  were  a  great  people.  As  Dr. 
Taylor  has  remarked,  it  was  a  curious  irony  of  fate  that  should  have  pre- 
served to  us  such  thoughts  as  these  in  the  oldest  written  document  which 
has  been  spared  for  our  inspection.  But  the  moral  is  quite  clear.  Professor 
Mahaffy  has  well  outlined  it  when  he  says  that  one  is  perhaps  justified  in 
feeling  that,  in  point  of  fact,  the  old  Egyptian  who  traced  the  words  of  the 
Prisse  papyrus  was  right,  and  that  that  ancient  time  was  really  not  the 
spring-time  of  humanity,  but  the  veritable  autumn  of  civilisation.  Such  a 
thought  as  this  would  have  been  incomprehensible  to  the  student  of  any 
generation  before  our  own,  but  the  long  vistas  of  time  that  have  been 
opened  up  to  our  eyes  through  the  investigations  of  the  last  half  century 
make  such  a  strange  estimate  seem  mor*.  than  plausible.  For,  after  all, 
what  is  the  sweep  of,  say,  six  or  eight  thousand  years  which  is  opened  to  us 
as  the  truly  historic  period  of  man's  existence,  compared  to  the  tens  of 
thousands  of  years  that  preceded  ? 

Almost  at  the  beginning  of  Egyptian  history,  as  we  have  seen,  a  race 
was  in  the  field  which  constructed  the  most  gigantic  monuments  that  human 
ingenuity  has  even  yet  conceived.  Surely  it  was  no  dawn  of  civilisation 
that  could  achieve  such  works  as  these.  In  the  broadest  view,  then,  there 
is  no  such  thing  as  ancient  history  open  to  the  observation  of  the  modern 
historian.  All  history  that  we  can  know  from  the  time  of  the  Pyramid 
Builders  to  our  own  day  is  in  this  view  properly  but  recent  history,  and,  as 
has  just  been  suggested,  perhaps  only  the  history  of  an  oscillating  decline 
through  the  period  of  the  senility  of  our  race.  But,  however  fascinating 
such  a  view  as  this  may  be,  for  practical  purposes  one  must  look  a  little 
more  narrowly.  Still,  the  broad  view  which  regards  the  ancient  Egyptian 
as  a  brother  in  blood  to  the  modern  European  will  be  the  surest  ground  on 
which  to  build  a  record  of  universal  history. 

Professor  Mahaffy  has  pointed  out,  in  the  same  connection  just  quoted, 
that,  not  merely  in  practical  civilisation,  but  in  the  appreciation  of  all  the 
moral  bearings  of  an  advanced  life,  the  Egyptian  of  two  or  three,  or  per- 
haps five,  thousand  years  before  the  Christian  era,  was  on  a  plane  differing 
in  no  essential  from  the  plane  of  modern  Christendom  ;  and  this  thought  is 
the  one  that  should  perhaps  be  the  most  prominently  borne  in  mind  by 
any  one  who  will  gain  the  truest  lesson  from  the  study  of  the  sweep  of 
universal  history. 

So  long  as  the  ancient  Egyptian  is  regarded  as  playing  the  part  of  a 
weird  strange  member  of  a  civilisation  utterly  alien  to  the  modern,  so  long 
the  modern  is  shut  out  from  the  best  lessons  of  that  ancient  history.  But 
when,  on  the  other  hand,  one  considers  the  ancient  resident  of  the  valley  of 
the  Nile  as  a  human  being,  with  desires,  emotions,  and  aspirations  almost  pre- 
cisely like  our  own ;  a  man  struggling  to  solve  the  same  problems  of  prac- 
tical socialism  that  we  are  struggling  for  to-day,  —  then,  and  then  only,  can 
the  lessons  of  ancient  Egyptian  history  be  brought  home  to  us  in  their 
true  meaning  and  with  their  true  significance.  And  clearest  of  all  will  this 
significance  be,  perhaps,  if  we  constantly  bear  in  mind  the  possibility  that 
the  whole  sweep  of  Egyptian  history,  during  the  three  or  four  thousand 
years  that  separated  the  Pyramid  Builders  from  the  contemporaries  of 
Alexander,  was  a  time  of  national  decay  —  a  dark  age,  if  you  will,  in 
Egyptian  history. 


266  THE  HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 

It  is  probably  because  such  a  view  as  this  is  justified  that  the  current 
conception  has  arisen  whicli  regards  the  Egyptian  as  a  mystic,  a  religion- 
haunted  person ;  for,  in  point  of  fact,  it  is  true  that,  durnig  the  greater 
part  of  the  period  of  this  Egyptian  history,  their  race  was  a  priest-ridden  one. 
To  turn  once  more  to  a  phrase  of  Professor  Mahaffy's,  "  The  priesthood  of 
Ecrypt  perhaps  embalmed  the  civilisation  of  the  Nile,  but  they  surely  killed 
it.  Yet  there  must  have  been  a  time  when  the  nation  was  young  and 
aspiring,  when  its  mixed  population  —  no  matter  whence  derived— had 
that  vigour  whicli  is  only  known  to  mixed  races.  There  were  giants  in 
these  days,  not  in  stature,  but  in  ideas  ;  the  great  Pyramids,  the  mighty 
Sphinx,  attest  their  existence.  Then  there  came  that  development  of 
culture',  accompanied  of  course  by  a  degree  of  weakened  virility,  which  made 
the  great  literature  of  the  Xllth  Dynasty  possible,  and  then  priestcraft  throt- 
tled the  nation  with  a  grip  which,  despite  severe  and  heroic  struggles,  was 
never  altogether  shaken  off.  Just  what  it  means  when  the  clammy  hand  of 
a  tixed  tlR'<)logy  clutches  at  the  throat  of  progressive  civilisation,  we  have  a 
n»'ar-at-hand  fllustration  in  the  European  Dark  Ages,  out  of  which  we,  at  the 
beginning  of  the  twentieth  century,  are  only  just  striving  to  emerge,  after 
some  fourteen  or  fifteen  centuries  of  combat.  Our  own  experience,  then, 
prepares  us  well  to  understand  the  Egyptian  history. 

It  will  doubtless  be  at  least  another  century,  perhaps  two  or  three  cen- 
turies, before  the  inhabitants  of  Christendom  can  look  out  upon  the  world 
with  as  rational  a  view  as  that  which  Plato  attained  in  the  fifth  century  B.C., 
or  Cicero  in  the  first,  or  Marcus  Aurelius  some  two  or  three  centuries 
later,  just  as  the  storm-cloud  of  Oriental  superstition  was  thickening.  So  it 
need  not  surprise  us  that  Egypt  should  have  suffered  in  a  like  manner  for 
a  like  period. 

In  the  last  analysis,  then,  it  would  seem  that  it  is  the  likeness  of  Egj^- 
tian  history  to  our  own  history,  rather  than  its  mysterious  differences,  that 
gives  it  the  greatest  charm.  The  differences  are  the  surface  details  ;  the 
resemblances  are  as  deep  as  human  nature  itself.  In  obtaining  this  con- 
viction, we  curiously  reversed  the  old  estimate  of  the  strange  weird  people 
of  the  Nile,  but  in  so  doing  we  prepare  ourselves  far  better  than  we  other- 
wise could  to  grasp  the  import  of  universal  history. « 


APPENDIX   A.     CLASSICAL  TRADITIONS 


Time  dissipates  to  shining  ether  the  solid  angularity  of  facts.  No 
anchor,  no  cable,  no  fences,  avail  to  keep  a  fact.  Babylon,  Troy,  Tyre, 
Palestine,  and  even  early  Rome  are  passing  already  into  fiction.  The 
Garden  of  Eden,  the  sun  standing  still  in  Gibeon,  is  poetry  thencefor- 
ward to  all  nations.  Who  cares  what  the  fact  was,  when  we  have  made 
a  constellation  of  it  to  hang  in  heaven  an  immortal  sign?  —  Emerson. 


Such  is  the  land  which,  viewed  with  the  eyes  of  later  epochs,  seems  a 
theatre  of  marvels  ;  such  the  people  whose  fortune  it  was  to  step  first,  or 
among  the  first,  from  the  ranks  of  barbarians  into  the  phalanx  of  civilisation. 
How  and  when  and  where  they  took  this  step  —  or  rather  made  this  long 
slow  climb  —  we  do  not  know.  But  they  themselves  had  traditions  regard- 
ing their  origin  and  early  history,  some  of  which  have  come  down  to  us, 
chiefly  through  the  medium  of  Greek  historians. 

These  traditions  are  not,  of  course,  to  be  weighed  in  the  same  scale  with 
the  concrete  findings  of  the  modern  historical  investigators.  But  neither,  on 
the  other  hand,  should  they  be  altogether  set  aside.  We  live  in  a  world 
curiously  woven  full  of  paradox  and  illusion.  Often  it  chances  that  the 
records,  even  of  recent  times,  which  bear  the  fullest  stamp  of  authenticity, 
are  really  nothing  more  than  fables  —  a  mixture  of  prejudice,  and  falsehood, 
and  myth,  and  fetich.  And,  on  the  other  hand,  it  may  chance  that  a  purely 
fabulous  record  contains  the  very  essence  of  history.  Indeed,  always,  where 
the  tradition  is  of  long  standing  and  widely  accepted  among  a  people  at  some 
stage  of  its  evolution,  such  tradition  must  be  redolent  of  the  Zeitgeist  of  its 
epoch. 

It  may  be,  as  such  fables  commonly  are,  an  impossible  tale  of  gods  and 
godlike  heroes,  of  superhuman  feats  and  supernatural  revelations  ;  yet 
none  the  less  it  is  in  one  sense  historically  true.  If  nothing  more,  it  is  the 
epitomised  history  of  the  psychology  of  an  epoch.  But  generally  it  is  more 
than  that  :  it  is  the  idealised  expression  of  a  racial  memory  of  actual  events 
—  idealised,  glorified,  transfigured,  yet  perhaps  never  actually  created  save 
upon  a  substratum  of  facts.  And  how  infinitely  expressive  this  idealised 
record  becomes.  It  condenses  the  events  of  centuries,  sometimes  into  a 
phrase  ;  it  embodies  the  essence  of  the  civilisation  of  an  epoch  in  a  parable. 

267 


268 


THE   HISTORY   OF  EGYPT 


Wlio  woukl  give  up  the  Homeric  legends,  with  their  records  of  gods  and 
supernatural  heroes,  for  the  realistic  recitals  of  a  Thucydides  ?  Who  would 
give  up  the  myths  of  Greece  for  a  record  of  actual  wars  and  conquests? 
Fortunately  we  have  not  to  make  the  choice  ;  we  may  retain  the  one  record 
to  supi)lement  and  complete  tlie  other.  So  the  historian  should  do  with  the 
early  records  of  every  people,  wherever  accessible. 

Apart  from  the  monuments  of  the  Egyptians  themselves,  the  oldest 
account  of  this  people  which  has  come  down  to  us  in  profane  literature  is  that 
given  bv  Herodotus.  This  account  has  peculiar  interest  because  it  is  given 
bv  an  eye-witness.  Herodotus  travelled  in  Egypt  some  time  about  the  begin- 
nino-  of  the  fifth  century  B.C.,  when  Egypt  was  just  being  opened  up  to  the 
foriMgner.  It  does  not  appear  that  Herodotus  knew  the  language  of  the 
country,  and  he  was,  therefore,  necessarily  debarred  from  attaining  as  intimate 
a  knowledge  of  the  people  as  might  otherwise  have  been  possible.  It  has 
been  susi)eete(l  also  that  the  Egyptian  priests  amused  themselves  not  a  little 
in  tilling  the  mind  of  Herodotus  with  tales  of  very  doubtful  authenticity. 
Hut  be  that  as  it  may,  Herodotus  had  a  keen  eye,  and  he  has  left  us  vivid  and 
interesting  descriptions  of  the  many  marvels  that  he  saw,  some  of  which  are 
here  presented.  In  making  these  citations  we  shall  not  for  the  moment 
attempt  the  role  of  the  critic,  accepting  rather  the  entertaining  narrative  just 
as  it  is  given. 

It  will  be  obvious  that  in  many  points  this  narrative  partakes  of  the 
ludicrous  ;  yet  even  these  portions  of  the  tale  have  their  value.  What 
Herodotus  tells  us  of  the  causes  of  the  rises  of  the  Nile,  for  example,  is  im- 
portant as  showing  the  attitude  of  Greek  thought  towards  this  singular 
phenomenon.  The  naive  recital  in  which  Herodotus  tells  how  the  wind  blows 
the  sun  from  his  course,  serves  in  itself  to  give  a  clew,  not  to  the  mind  of 
Herodotus  alone,  but  to  the  minds  of  his  contemporaries,  —  a  clew  which  will 
be  of  the  utmost  value  in  aiding  one  to  estimate  the  status  of  various  histori- 
cal reports  that  come  to  us  from  antiquity.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  what 
Herodotus  lias  to  tell  us  of  his  actual  observations  as  to  the  land  and  the 
manners  and  customs  of  its  people,  is  of  the  utmost  importance  as  the  con- 
temporary record  of  a  keen  observer,  and  may  be  accepted,  so  far  as  it  relates 
to  the  actual  observations  of  the  author,  as  historically  accurate  in  the  fullest 
modern  sense  of  the  word. 

Next  to  the  works  of  Herodotus,  the  amplest  description  of  Egypt  that 
has  come  down  to  us  from  antiquity  is  that  of  Diodorus  the  Sicilian.  This 
author  was  a  contemporary  of  Csesar  and  Augustus.  He  wrote  a  very 
famous  history  of  the  world  under  the  title  of  The  Historical  Library^  in 
forty  books,  of  which  only  about  eleven  have  reached  us  intact. 

It  is  not  clear  whether  Diodorus,  like  Herodotus,  visited  Egypt  in  person, 
but  he  at  least  was  familiar  with  all  the  knowledge  and  tradition  of  his  time 
relating  to  that  country.  He  lived  several  centuries  later  than  Herodotus, 
when  I'-gypt  had  long  been  the  field  of  foreign  invasion.  Whatever  the 
(ireek  and  the  Roman  had  been  able  to  learn  of  Egyptian  history  was  there- 
fore accessible  to  him,  and  what  he  has  to  tell  us  of  Egypt  has  the  peculiar 
merit  of  epitomising  })ractically  all  classical  knowledge  of  the  people  of  the 
Nile.  Practically  nothing  more  was  added  to  the  stock  of  Western  know- 
ledge regarding  Egyptian  history  from  his  day  till  the  nineteenth  century, 
(^ertain  statements  which  Diodorus  accepted  were  indeed  such  as  latter- 
day  scepticism  would  instinctively  reject,  but,  that  qualification  aside,  the 
history  of  Egypt  as  Diodorus  relates  it  was  practically  her  history  as  known 
to  the  Western  world  until  nineteenth  century  enterprise  found  the  key  to 


APPENDIX  A.      CLASSICAL   TRADITIONS 


269 


I 


the  Egyptian  monuments.  For  this  reason,  if  for  no  other,  the  story  of 
Diodorus  will  have  peculiar  and  lasting  interest ;  but  in  addition  to  this,  the 
narrative  has  intrinsic  merits  that  render  it  well  worthy  of  preservation. 

It  will  be  of  the  utmost  interest  here,  at  the  very  beginning,  to  compare 
and  contrast  his  account  of  Egypt  with  that  of  Herodotus.  If  we  shall  find 
in  it  certain  things,  such  as  his  account  of  the  spontaneous  generation  of 
mice  from  the  mud  of  the  Nile,  which  seem  to  justify  what  has  been  quoted 
from  the  critics  as  to  his  credulity,  we  shall  find,  on  the  other  hand,  in  his 
critical  analysis  of  the  different  stories  as  to  the  origin  of  the  Nile,  and,  in 
his  finally  correct  choosing  of  a  true  explanation  of  the  annual  rise  of  that 
river,  clear  proof  that  he  did  possess  and  did  sometimes  utilise  a  keen  critical 
judgment.  Meantime  it  will  be  equally  clear  that  he  possessed,  in  no  small 
degree,  a  capacity  to  write  interesting  history  very  different  from  the  more 
arid  records  which  make  up  some  of  his  later  annals. « 

Let  us  turn,  then,  to  the  pages  of  Herodotus  and  listen  to  a  classical 
account  of  the  Nile.  _ 

In  its  more  extensive  inun- 
dations, the  Nile  does  not  over- 
flow the  Delta  only,  but  part  of 
that  territory  which  is  called 
Libyan,  and  sometimes  the  Ara- 
bian frontier,  and  extends  about 
the  space  of  two  days'  journey  on 
each  side,  speaking  on  an  average. 
Of  the  nature  of  this  river  I 
could  obtain  no  certain  informa- 
tion, from  the  priests  or  from 
others.  It  was  nevertheless  my 
particular  desire  to  know  why 
the  Nile,  beginning  at  the  sum- 
mer solstice,  continues  gradually 
to  rise  for  the  space  of  one  hun- 
dred days,  after  which  for  the 
same  space  it  as  gradually  recedes, 
remaining  throughout  the  winter, 
and  till  the  return  of  the  sum- 
mer solstice,  in  its  former  low 
and  quiescent  state  :  but  all 
my  inquiries  of  the  inhabitants 
proved  ineffectual,  and  I  was  unable  to  learn  why  the  Nile  was  thus  dis- 
tinguished in  its  properties  from  other  streams.  I  was  equally  unsuccess- 
ful in  my  wishes  to  be  informed  why  this  river  alone  wafted  no  breeze  from 
its  surface. 

From  a  desire  of  gaining  a  reputation  for  sagacity,  this  subject  has  em- 
ployed the  attention  of  many  among  the  Greeks.  There  have  been  three 
different  modes  of  explaining  it,  two  of  which  merit  no  further  attention 
than  barely  to  be  mentioned  ;  one  of  them  affirms  the  increase  of  the  Nile  to 
be  owing  to  the  Etesian  winds,  which  by  blowing  in  an  opposite  direction, 
impede  the  river's  entrance  to  the  sea.  But  it  has  often  happened  that  no 
winds  have  blown  from  this  quarter,  and  the  phenomenon  of  the  Nile  has 
still  been  the  same.  It  may  also  be  remarked,  that  were  this  the  real  cause, 
the  same  events  would  happen  to  other  rivers,  whose  currents  are  opposed 
to  the  Etesian  winds,  which,  indeed,  as  having  a  less  body  of  waters,  and 


Head-dress  of  a  Queen  of  Ancient  Egypt 


2G8  THE   HISTORY   OF  EGYPT 

Who  would  give  up  the  Homeric  legends,  with  their  records  of  gods  and 
supernatural  heroes,  for  the  realistic  recitals  of  a  Thucydides  ?  Who  would 
give  up  the  myths  of  Greece  for  a  record  of  actual  wars  and  conquests? 
Fortunately  we  have  not  to  make  the  choice  ;  we  may  retain  the  one  record 
to  supplement  and  complete  the  other.  So  the  historian  should  do  with  the 
early  records  of  every  people,  wherever  accessible. 

Apart  from  the  monuments  of  the  Egyptians  themselves,  the  oldest 
account  of  this  people  which  has  come  down  to  us  in  profane  literature  is  that 
given  by  Herodotus.  This  account  has  peculiar  interest  because  it  is  given 
bv  an  eye-witness.  Herodotus  travelled  in  Egypt  some  time  about  the  begin- 
ning of  the  fifth  century  B.C.,  when  Egypt  was  just  being  opened  up  to  the 
foreigner.  It  does  not  appear  that  Herodotus  knew  the  language  of  the 
country,  and  he  was,  therefore,  necessarily  debarred  from  attaining  as  intimate 
a  knowledge  of  the  people  as  might  otherwise  have  been  possible.  It  has 
been  suspected  also  that  the  Egyptian  priests  amused  themselves  not  a  little 
in  tilling  the  mind  of  Herodotus  with  tales  of  very  doubtful  authenticity. 
Hut  l)e  that  as  it  may,  Herodotus  had  a  keen  eye,  and  he  has  left  us  vivid  and 
interesting  descrii)tions  of  the  many  marvels  that  he  saw,  some  of  which  are 
here  presented,  'in  making  these  citations  we  shall  not  for  the  moment 
attempt  the  role  of  the  critic,  accepting  rather  the  entertaining  narrative  just 
as  it  is  given. 

It  will  be  obvious  that  in  many  points  this  narrative  partakes  of  the 
ludicrous  ;  yet  even  these  portions  of  the  tale  have  their  value.  What 
Herodotus  tells  us  of  the  causes  of  the  rises  of  the  Nile,  for  example,  is  im- 
portant as  showing  the  attitude  of  Greek  thought  towards  this  singular 
phenomenon.  The  naive  recital  in  which  Herodotus  tells  how  the  wind  blows 
tlie  sun  from  his  course,  serves  in  itself  to  give  a  clew,  not  to  the  mind  of 
Herodotus  alone,  but  to  the  minds  of  his  contemporaries,  —  a  clew  which  will 
be  of  the  utmost  value  in  aiding  one  to  estimate  the  status  of  various  histori- 
cal reports  that  come  to  us  from  antiquity.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  what 
Herodotus  has  to  tell  us  of  his  actual  observations  as  to  the  land  and  the 
manners  and  customs  of  its  people,  is  of  the  utmost  importance  as  the  con- 
temporary record  of  a  keen  observer,  and  may  be  accepted,  so  far  as  it  relates 
to  the  actual  observations  of  the  author,  as  historically  accurate  in  the  fullest 
modern  sense  of  the  word. 

Next  to  the  works  of  Herodotus,  the  amplest  description  of  Egypt  that 
has  come  down  to  us  from  antiquity  is  that  of  Diodorus  the  Sicilian.  This 
author  was  a  contemporary  of  Caesar  and  Augustus.  He  wrote  a  very 
famous  history  of  the  world  under  the  title  of  The  Historical  Library^  in 
forty  books,  of  which  only  about  eleven  have  reached  us  intact. 

it  is  not  clear  whether  Diodorus,  like  Herodotus,  visited  Egypt  in  person, 
but  he  at  least  was  familiar  with  all  the  knowledge  and  tradition  of  his  time 
relating  to  that  country.  He  lived  several  centuries  later  than  Herodotus, 
when  Egypt  had  long  been  the  field  of  foreign  invasion.  Whatever  the 
Greek  and  the  Roman  had  been  able  to  learn  of  Egyptian  history  was  there- 
fore accessible  to  him,  and  what  he  has  to  tell  us  of  Egypt  has  the  peculiar 
merit  of  ei)itomising  practically  all  classical  knowledge  of  the  people  of  the 
Nile.  Practically  nothing  more  was  added  to  the  stock  of  Western  know- 
ledge regarding  Egyptian  history  from  his  day  till  the  nineteenth  century. 
Certain  statements  which  Diodorus  accepted  were  indeed  such  as  latter- 
day  scepticism  would  instinctively  reject,  but,  that  qualification  aside,  the 
history  of  Egypt  as  Diodorus  relates  it  was  practically  her  history  as  known 
to  the  Western  world  until  nineteenth  century  enterprise  found  the  key  to 


I 


APPENDIX  A.      CLASSICAL  TRADITIONS 


271 


again  reduced  ;  but  the  Nile  is  differently  circumstanced,  it  never  has  the 
benefit  of  rains,  whilst  it  is  constantly  acted  upon  by  the  sun,  —  a  sufficient 
reason  why  it  should  in  the  winter  season  be  proportionably  lower  than  in 
summer.  In  winter  the  Nile  alone  is  diminished  by  the  influence  of  the  sun, 
which  in  summer  attracts  the  water  of  the  rivers  indiscriminately  ;  I  impute, 
therefore,  to  the  sun  the  remarkable  properties  of  the  Nile. 

To  the  same  cause  is  to  be  ascribed,  as  I  suppose,  the  state  of  the  air  in 
that  country,  which  from  the  effect  of  the  sun  is  always  extremely  rarefied, 
so  that  in  the  higher  parts  of  Libya  there  prevails  an  eternal  summer.  If  it 
were  possible  to  produce  a  change  in  the  seasons,  and  to  place  the  regions  of 
the  north  in  those  of  the  south,  and  those  of  the  south  in  the  north,  the  sun, 
driven  from  his  place  by  the  storms  of  the  north,  would  doubtless  affect 
the  higher  parts  of  Europe,  as  it  now  does  those  of  Libya.  It  would 
also,  I  imagine,  then  act  upon  the  waters  of  the  Ister,  as  it  now  does  on  those 
of  the  Nile. 

That  no  breeze  blows  from  the  surface  of  the  river,  may,  I  think,  be  thus 
accounted  for  :  Where  the  air  is  in  a  very  warm  and  rarefied  state,  wind 
can  hardly  be  expected,  this  generally  rising 
in  places  which  are  cold.  Upon  this  subject 
I  shall  attempt  no  further  illustration,  but 
leave  it  in  the  state  in  which  it  has  so  long 
remained. 

In  all  my  intercourse  with  Egyptians, 
Libyans,  and  Greeks,  I  have  only  met  with 
one  person  who  pretended  to  have  any  know- 
ledge of  the  sources  of  the  Nile.  This  was 
the  priest  who  had  the  care  of  the  sacred 
treasures  in  the  temple  of  Minerva,  at  Sais. 
He  assured  me,  that  on  this  subject  he  pos- 
sessed the  most  unquestionable  intelligence, 
though  his  assertions  never  obtained  my 
serious  confidence.  He  informed  me,  that 
betwixt  Syene,  a  city  of  the  Thebaid,  and 
Elephantine,  there  were  two  mountains,  re- 
spectively terminating  in  an  acute  summit : 
the  name  of  the  one  was  Crophi,  of  the 
other  Mophi.  He  affirmed,  that  the  sources 
of  the  Nile,  which  were  fountains  of  un- 
fathomable depth,  flowed  from  the  centres 
of  these  mountains ;  that  one  of  these  streams 
divided  Egypt,  and  directed  its  course  to 
the  north  ;  the  other  in  like  manner  flowed 
towards  the  south,  through  Ethiopia.  To 
confirm  his  assertion,  that  those  springs 
were  unfathomable,  he  told  me,  that  Psam- 
metichus  [Psamthek  I],  sovereign  of  the 
country,  had  ascertained  it  by  experiment ; 
he  let  down  a  rope  of  the  length  of  several  thousand  orgyiie,  but  could 
find  no  bottom.  This  was  the  priest's  information,  on  tlie  truth  of  which 
I  presume  not  to  determine.  If  such  an  experiment  was  really  made,  there 
might  perhaps  in  these  springs  be  certain  vortices,  occasioned  by  the  rever- 
beration of  the  water  from  the  mountains,  of  force  sufficient  to  buoy  up  the 
sounding  line,  and  prevent  its  reaching  the  bottom. 


A  Water-carrier  on  the  Nile 


272  THE  HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 

I  was  not  able  to  procure  any  other  intelligence  than  the  above,  though 
I  so  far  carried  my  enquiry,  that,  with  the  view  of  making  observation,  I 
proceeded  myself  to  Elephantine :  of  the  parts  which  lie  beyond  that  city, 
I  can  only  speak  from  the  information  of  others.  Beyond  Elephantine  this 
country  becomes  rugged  ;  in  advancing  up  the  stream  it  will  be  necessary 
to  hale  tlie  vessel  on  each  side  by  a  rope,  such  as  is  used  for  oxen.  If  this 
should  give  way,  the  impetuosity  of  the  stream  forces  the  vessel  violently 
back  again.      To  this  place  from  Elephantine  is  a  four  days'  voyage. 

Thus,  without  computing  that  part  of  it  which  flows  through  Egypt,  the 
course  of  the  Nile  is  known  to  the  extent  of  four  months'  journey,  partly  by 
land  and  partly  by  water;  for  it  will  be  found  on  experience,  that  no  one  can 
go  in  a  less  tiine  from  Elephantine  to  the  Automoli.  It  is  certain  that  the 
Nile  rises  in  the  west,  but  beyond  the  Automoli  all  is  uncertainty,  this  part 
of  the  country  being,  from  the  excessive  heat,  a  rude  and  uncultivated  desert. 

It  may  not  be  improper  to  relate  an  account  which  I  received  from  cer- 
tain Cyren;eans.  On  an  expedition  which  they  made  to  the  oracle  of  Amnion, 
they  said  tliey  had  an  opportunity  of  conversing  with  Etearchus,  the  sover- 
eign of  the  country :  among  other  topics  the  Nile  was  mentioned,  and  it  was 
observeil,  that  the  particulars  of  its  source  were  hitherto  entirely  unknown. 
Etearchus  informed  them,  that  some  Nassamonians  once  visited  his  court; 
(these  are  a  people  of  Africa  who  inhabit  the  Syrtes,  and  a  tract  of  land 
which  from  thence  extends  towards  the  east)  on  his  making  enquiry  of  them 
concerning  the  deserts  of  Libya,  they  related  the  following  incident :  some 
young  men,  who  were  sons  of  persons  of  distinction,  had  on  their  coming  to 
man's  estate  signalised  themselves  by  some  extravagance  of  conduct.  Among 
other  things,  they  deputed  by  lot  five  of  their  companions  to  explore  the  soli- 
tudes f)f  Libya,  and  to  endeavour  at  extending  their  discoveries  beyond  all 
preceding  adventurers. 

All  that  part  of  Libya  towards  the  Northern  Ocean,  from  Egypt  to  the 
promontory  of  Soloeis,  which  terminates  the  third  division  of  the  earth, 
is  inhabited  by  the  different  nations  of  the  Libyans,  that  district  alone 
excepted,  in  possession  of  the  Greeks  and  Phoenicians.  The  remoter 
parts  of  Libya  beyond  the  sea-coast,  and  the  people  who  inhabit  its 
borders,  are  infested  by  various  beasts  of  prey;  the  country  yet  more  dis- 
tant is  a  parched  and  immeasurable  desert.  The  young  men  left  their  com- 
panions, i>eing  well  provided  with  water  and  with  food,  and  first  proceeded 
through  the  region  which  was  inhabited ;  they  next  came  to  that  which  was 
infested  by  wild  beasts,  leaving  which,  they  directed  their  course  westward, 
through  the  desert. 

After  a  journey  of  many  days,  over  a  barren  and  sandy  soil,  they  at 
length  discerned  some  trees  growing  in  a  plain  ;  these  they  approached, 
and  seeing  fruit  upon  them,  they  gathered  it.  Whilst  they  were  thus 
employed,  some  men  of  dwarfish  stature  came  where  they  were,  seized 
their  persons,  and  carried  them  away.  They  were  mutually  ignorant  of 
each  other's  language,  but  the  Nassamonians  were  conducted  over  many 
niarshy  grounds  to  a  city,  in  which  all  the  inhabitants  were  of  the  same 
diminutive  appearance,  and  of  a  black  colour.  This  city  was  washed  by  a 
great  river,  which  flowed  from  west  to  east,  and  abounded  in  crocodiles. 

Such  was  the  conversation  of  Etearchus,  as  it  was  related  to  me;  he 
added,  as  the  Cyreuicans  further  told  me,  that  the  Nassamonians  returned 
to  their  own  country,  and  reported  the  men  whom  they  had  met  to  be  all  of 
them  magicians.  The  river  which  washed  their  city,  according  to  the  con- 
jecture of  Etearchus,  which  probability  confirms,  was  the  Nile.     The  Nile 


APPENDIX  A.      CLASSICAL   TRADITIONS  273 

certainly  rises  in  Libya,  which  it  divides;  and  if  it  be  allowable  to  draw 
conclusions  from  things  which  are  well  known,  concerning  those  which  are 
uncertain  and  obscure,  it  takes  a  similar  course  with  the  Ister.  This  river, 
commencing  at  the  city  of  Pyrene,  among  the  Celtce,  flows  through  the 
centre  of  Europe.  These  Celtse  are  found  beyond  the  Columns  of  Her- 
cules ;  they  border  on  the  Cynesians,  the  most  remote  of  all  the  nations  who 
inhabit  the  western  parts  of  Europe.  At  that  point  which  is  possessed  by 
the  Istrians,  a  Milesian  colony,  the  Ister  empties  itself  into  the  Euxine. 

The  sources  of  the  Ister,  as  it  passes  through  countries  well  inhabited, 
are  sufficiently  notorious ;  but  of  the  fountains  of  the  Nile,  washing  as  it 
does  the  rude  and  uninhabitable  deserts  of  Libya,  no  one  can  speak  with 
precision.  All  the  knowledge  which  I  have  been  able  to  procure  from  the 
most  diligent  and  extensive  enquiries,  I  have  before  communicated.  Through 
Egypt  it  directs  its  course  towards  the  sea.  Opposite  to  Egypt  are  the  moun- 
tains of  Cilicia,  from  whence  to  Sinope,  on  the  Euxine,  a  good  traveller  may 
pass  in  five  days :  on  the  side  immediately  opposite  to  Sinope,  the  Ister  is 
poured  into  the  sea.  Thus  the  Nile,  as  it  traverses  Libya,  may  properly 
enough  be  compared  to  the  Ister.  But  on  this  subject  I  have  said  all  that 
I  think  necessary.^ 

ANOTHER   ANCIENT   ACCOUNT   OF   THE   NILE 

The  River  Nile,  says  Diodorus,  breeds  many  Creatures  of  several  Forms 
and  Shapes,  amongst  which.  Two  are  especially  remarkable,  the  Crocodile  and 
the  Horse  as  it's  call'd:  Amongst  these  the  Crocodile  of  the  least  Creature  be- 
comes the  greatest;  for  it  lays  an  Egg  much  of  the  bigness  of  that  of  a  Goose, 
and  after  the  young  is  hatcht,  it  grows  to  the  length  of  Sixteen  Cubits,  and 
lives  to  the  Age  of  a  Man :  It  wants  a  Tongue,  but  has  a  Body  naturally  arm'd 
in  a  wonderful  manner.  For  its  Skin  is  cover'd  all  over  with  Scales  of  an 
extraordinary  hardness  ;  many  sharp  Teeth  are  rang'd  on  both  sides  its  Jaws, 
and  Two  of  them  are  much  bigger  than  the  rest.  This  Monster  does  not 
only  devour  Men,  but  other  Creatures  that  come  near  the  River.  His  Bites 
are  sharp  and  destructive,  and  with  his  Claws  he  tears  his  Prey  cruelly  in 
Pieces,  and  what  Wounds  he  makes,  no  Medicine  or  Application  can  heal. 
The  Egyptians  formerly  catcht  these  Monsters  with  Hooks,  baited  with  raw 
Flesh  ;  but  of  later  times,  they  have  us'd  to  take  'em  with  strong  Nets  like 
Fishes  ;  sometimes  they  strike  them  on  the  Head  with  Forks  of  Iron,  and  so 
kill  them.  There's  an  infinite  Multitude  of  these  Creatures  in  the  River 
and  the  Neighbouring  Pools,  in  regard  they  are  great  Breeders,  and  are 
seldom  kill'd.  For  the  Crocodile  is  ador'd  as  a  God  by  some  of  the  In- 
habitants ;  ^nd  for  Strangers  to  hunt  and  destroy  them  is  to  no  purpose, 
for  their  Flesh  is  not  eatable.  But  Nature  has  provided  relief  against  the 
increase  of  this  destructive  Monster ;  for  the  Ichneumon,  as  it's  call'd 
(of  the  Bigness  of  a  little  Dog)  running  up  and  down  near  the  Water- 
side, breaks  all  the  Eggs  laid  by  this  Beast,  wherever  he  finds  them  ; 
and  that  which  is  most  to  be  admir'd,  is,  that  he  does  this  not  for  Food 
or  any  other  Advantage,  but  out  of  a  natural  Instinct  for  the  meer  Benefit 
of  Mankind. 

The  Beast  call'd  the  River  Horse,  is  Five  Cubits  long,  Four  Footed,  and 
cloven  Hoof'd  like  to  an  Ox.  He  has  Three  Teeth  or  Tushes  on  either  side 
his  Jaw,  appearing  outwards  larger  than  those  of  a  Wild- Boar  ;  as  to  his 
Ears,  Tayl  and  his  Neighing,  he's  like  to  a  Horse.  The  whole  Bulk  of  his 
Body  is  not  much  unlike  an  Elephant ;  his  Skin  is  firmer  and  thicker  almost 


274 


THE   HISTORY   OF  EGYPT 


than  any  other  beast.  He  lives  both  on  Land  and  Water;  in  the  Day  time 
he  lies  at  the  Bottom  of  the  River,  and  in  the  Night  time  comes  forth  to 
Land,  and  feeds  upon  the  Grass  and  Corn.  If  this  Beast  were  so  fruitful 
as  to  brincT  fortli  Young  every  Year,  he  would  undo  the  Husbandman,  and 
destroy  a  LM'eat  part  of\ho  Corn  of  Egypt.  He's  likewise  by  the  help  of 
many  Hands  often  cauglit,  being  struck  with  Listruments  of  Iron;  for 
when  he  is  f»)und,  they  liem  him  round  with  their  Boats,  and  those  on 
Hoard  wound  him  with  forked  Instruments  of  Iron,  cast  at  him  as  so  many 
Darts;  and  liaving  strong  Ropes  to  the  Irons,  they  fix  in  him,  they  let  him 
go  till' he  loses  Ids' Blood",  and  so  dies:  His  Flesh  is  extraordinary  hard,  and 
of  ill  digestion.  There's  nothing  in  his  inner  Parts  that  can  be  eaten,  neither 
his  Bowels,  nor  any  other  of  his  Intrails. 

Besides  these  before  mention'd,  Nile  abounds  with  multitudes  of  all  sorts 
of  Fish ;  not  only  such  as  are  fresh  taken  to  supply  the  Inhabitants  at  hand, 
but  an  innumerable  Number  likewise  which  they  salt  up  to  send  Abroad. 
To  conclude,  no  River  in  the  World  is  more  Beneficial  and  Serviceable  to 
Mankind,  than  Nile. 


A.si  iKM   HtiYPTiAN  Boat,  showing  the  Method  of  using  Kuddek,  Sail,  and  Oars 


Its  Inundation  begins  at  the  Summer  Solstice,  and  increases  till  the 
Equinoctial  in  Autumn;  during  which  time  he  brings  in  along  with  him 
new  Soyl,  and  waters  as  well  the  Till'd  and  Improv'd  Ground  as  that  which 
lies  waste  and  untill'd,  as  long  as  it  pleases  the  Husbandman;  for  the  Water 
flowing  gently  and  by  degrees,  they  easily  divert  its  Course,  by  casting  up 
small  Banks  of  Earth ;  and  then  by  opening  a  Passage  for  it,  as  easily  turn 
it  over  their  Land  again,  if  they  see  it  needful.  It's  so  very  advantageous 
to  the  Inhabitants,  and  done  with  so  little  pains,  that  most  of  the  Country 
People  turn  in  their  Cattel  into  the  sow'd  Ground  to  eat,  and  tread  down 
the  Corn,  and  Four  or  Five  Months  after  they  reap  it.  Some  lightly  run 
over  the  Surface  of  the  Earth  with  a  Plow,  after  the  Water  is  fallen,  and 
gain  a  mighty  Crop  without  any  great  Cost  or  Pains :  But  Husbandry 
amongst  all  other  Nations  is  very  laborious  and  chargable,  only  the  Egyp- 
tians gather  their  Fruits  with  little  Cost  or  Labour.  That  part  of  the  Coun- 
try likewise  where  Vines  are  ])lanted  after  this  watering  by  the  Nile,  yields 
a  most  plentiful  Vintage.  The  Fields  that  after  the  Inundation  are  pastur'd 
by  their  Flocks,  yield  them  this  advantage,  that  the  Sheep  Yean  twice  in  a 


APPENDIX  A.      CLASSICAL  TRADITIONS  275 

Year,  and  are  shorn  as  often.  This  Increase  of  the  Nile  is  wonderful  to 
Beholders,  and  altogether  incredible  to  them  that  only  hear  the  Report ;  for 
when  other  Rivers  about  the  Solstice  fall  and  grow  lower  all  Summer  long, 
this  begins  to  increase,  and  continues  to  rise  every  day,  till  it  comes  to  that 
height  that  it  overflows  almost  all  Egypt ;  and  on  the  contrary  in  the  same 
manner  in  the  Winter  Solstice,  it  falls  by  degrees  till  it  wholly  returns  into 
its  proper  Channel.  And  in  regard  the  Land  of  Egypt  lies  low  and  Cham- 
pain,  the  Towns,  Cities  and  Country  Villages  that  are  built  upon  rising- 
ground  (cast  up  by  Art)  look  like  the  Islands  of  the  Cyclades :  Many  of 
the  Cattel  sometimes  are  by  the  River  intercepted,  and  so  are  drown'd ; 
but  those  that  fly  to  the  higher  Grounds  are  preserv'd.  During  the  time 
of  the  Inundation,  the  Cattel  are  kept  in  the  Country  Towns  and  small 
Cottages,  where  they  have  Food  and  Fodder  before  laid  up  and  prepar'd  for 
them.  But  the  common  People  now  at  liberty  from  all  Imployments  in  the 
Field,  indulge  themselves  in  Idleness,  feasting  every  day,  and  giving  them- 
selves up  to  all  sorts  of  Sports  and  Pleasures.  Yet  out  of  fear  of  the  Inun- 
dation, a  Watch  Tower  is  built  in  Memphis,  by  the  Kings  of  Egypt,  where 
those  that  are  imploy'd  to  take  care  of  this  concern,  observing  to  what  height 
the  River  rises,  send  Letters  from  one  City  to  another,  acquainting  them  how 
many  Cubits  and  Fingers  the  River  rises,  and  when  it  begins  to  decrease ; 
and  so  the  People  coming  to  understand  the  Fall  of  the  Waters,  are  freed 
from  their  fears,  and  all  presently  have  a  foresight  what  plenty  of  Corn  they 
are  like  to  have ;  and  this  Observation  has  been  Registred  from  time  to  time 
by  the  Egyptians  for  many  Generations. 

There  are  great  Controversies  concerning  the  Reasons  of  the  overflowing 
of  Nile,  and  many  both  Philosophers  and  Historians  have  endeavour'd  to 
declare  the  Causes  of  it.  Some  who  have  attempted  to  give  their  Rea- 
sons, have  been  very  wide  from  the  Mark.  For  as  for  Hellanicus,  Cad- 
mus, Hecatseus,  and  such  like  ancient  Authors,  they  have  told  little  but 
frothy  Stories,  and  meer  Fables.  Herodotus,  above  all  other  Writers  very 
industrious,  arid  well  acquainted  with  General  History,  made  it  his  Business 
to  find  out  the  Causes  of  these  things,  but  what  he  says  is  notwithstanding 
very  doubtful,  and  some  things  seem  to  be  repugnant  and  contradictory  one 
to  another. 

No  Writer  hitherto  has  pretended  that  he  himself  ever  saw  or  heard  of 
any  one  else  that  aftirm'd  he  had  seen  the  Spring-heads  of  Nile  :  All  there- 
fore amounting  to  no  more  but  Opinion  and  Conjecture,  the  Priests  of  Egypt 
affirm  that  it  comes  from  the  Ocean,  which  flows  round  the  whole  Earth : 
But  nothing  that  they  say  is  upon  any  solid  grounds,  and  they  resolve 
Doubts  by  things  that  are  more  doubtful ;  and  to  prove  what  they  say,  they 
bring  Arguments  that  have  need  to  be  proved  themselves. 

Thales,  who  is  reckon 'd  one  of  the  Seven  Wise  Men  of  Greece,  is  of  Opin- 
ion that  the  Etesean  Winds  that  beat  fiercely  upon  the  Mouth  of  the  River, 
give  a  check  and  stop  to  the  Current,  and  so  hinder  it  from  falling  into  the 
Sea,  upon  which  the  River  swelling,  and  its  Channel  fiU'd  with  Water,  at 
length  overflows  the  Country  of  Egypt,  which  lies  flat  and  low.  Though 
this  seem  a  plausible  Reason,  yet  it  may  be  easily  disprov'd.  For  if  it  were 
true  what  he  says,  then  all  the  Rivers  which  run  into  the  Sea  against  the 
Etesean  Winds  would  overflow  in  like  manner ;  which  being  never  known 
in  any  other  part  of  the  World,  some  other  reason  and  more  agreeable  to 
Truth  must  of  necessity  be  sought  for.  Anaxagoras  the  Philosopher  ascribes 
the  Cause  to  the  melting  of  the  Snow  in  Ethiopia,  whom  the  Poet  Euripides 
(who  was  his  Scholar)  follows. 


276 


THE   HISTORY   OF  EGYPT 


Neither  is  it  any  hard  Task  to  confute  this  Opinion,  since  it's  apparent  to 
all,  that  by  reason  of  the  parching  Heats,  there's  no  Snow  in  Ethiopia  at  that 
time  of  the  Year.  For  in  these  Countries  there's  not  tlie  least  Sign  either  of 
Frost,  Cold  or  any  other  effects  of  Winter,  especially  at  the  time  of  the  over- 
flowing of  Nile.  And  suppose  there  be  abundance  of  Snow  in  the  higher 
Parts  of  Ethiopia,  yet  what  is  affirm'd  is  certainly  false  :  For  every  River 
that  is  swell'il  with  Snow,  fumes  up  in  cold  Fogs,  and  thickens  the  Air;  but 
about  Nile,  only  above  all  other  Rivers,  neither  mists  gather,  nor  are  there 
any  cold  Breezes,  nor  is  the  Air  gross  and  thick.  Herodotus  says  that  Nile 
is  such  in  its  own  nature,  as  it  seems  to  be  in  the  time  of  its  increase  ;  for 
that  in  Winter,  when  the  Sun  moves  to  the  South,  and  runs  its  daily  course 
directly  over  Africa,  it  exliales  so  much  Water  out  of  Nile,  that  it  decreases 
against  Nature ;  and  in  Summer  when  the  Sun  returns  to  the  North,  the 
Rivers  of  Greece,  and  the  Rivers  of  all  other  Northern  Countries,  fall  and 
decrease  ;  and  tlierefore  that  it  is  not  so  strange  for  Nile  about  Summer  time 
to  increase,  and  in  Winter  to  fall  and  grow  lower.    But  to  this  it  may  be  an- 


rr^     ^^-^  V^.-V*' 


Colossal  Seated  Figures  of  Gods 

swer'd,  that  if  the  Sun  exhale  so  much  moisture  out  of  Nile  in  Winter  time, 
it  would  do  the  like  in  other  Rivers  in  Africa,  and  so  they  must  fall  as  well 
as  Nile,  wliich  no  where  happens  throughout  all  Africa,  and  therefore  this 
Author's  Reason  is  frivolous  ;  for  the  Rivers  of  Greece  rise  not  in  the  Winter, 
by  reason  of  the  remoteness  of  the  Sun,  but  by  reason  of  the  great  Rains  that 
fall  at  that  time.  Ephorus,  who  gives  the  last  account  of  the  thing,  en- 
deavours to  ascertain  the  Reason,  but  seems  not  to  find  out  the  Truth. 

The  whole  Land  of  Egypt  (says  he)  is  cast  up  from  the  River,  and  the 
Soyl  is  of  a  loose  and  spungy  nature,  and  has  in  it  many  large  Clifts  and 
hollow  Places,  wherein  are  abundance  of  Water,  which  in  the  Winter-time 
is  frozen  up,  and  in  the  Summer  issues  out  on  every  side,  like  Sweat  from 
the  Pores,  which  occasions  the  River  Nile  to  rise.  This  Writer  does  not 
only  lictray  his  own  Ignorance  of  the  nature  of  Places  in  Egypt,  that  he 
never  saw  them  himself,  but  likewise  that  he  never  was  rightly  inform'd  by 
any  that  was  acquainted  with  them.  And  indeed  no  Man  is  to  expect  any 
certainty  from  Ephorus,  who  may  be  palpably  discern'd  not  to  make  it  his 
business  in  many  things  to  declare  the  Truth. 


APPENDIX  A.      CLASSICAL   TRADITIONS  277 

The  Philosophers  indeed  in  Memphis  have  urg'd  strong  Reasons  of  the 
Increase  of  Nile,  which  are  hard  to  be  confuted  ;  and  though  they  are  im- 
probable, yet  many  agree  to  them.  For  they  divide  the  Earth  into  Three 
Parts,  one  of  which  is  that  wherein  we  inhabit ;  another  quite  contrary  to 
these  Places  in  the  Seasons  of  the  Year  ;  the  Third  lying  between  these  Two, 
which  they  say  is  uninhabitable  by  reason  of  the  scorching  heat  of  the  Sun  ; 
and  therefore  if  Nile  should  overflow  in  the  Winter-time,  it  would  be  clear 
and  evident  that  its  Source  would  arise  out  of  our  Zone,  because  then  we 
have  the  most  Rain  :  But  on  the  contrary  being  that  it  rises  in  Summer,  it's 
very  probable  that  in  the  Country  opposite  to  us  it's  Winter-time,  where 
then  there's  much  Rain,  and  that  those  Floods  of  Water  are  brought  down 
thence  to  us  :  And  therefore  that  none  can  ever  find  out  the  Head-Springs 
of  Nile,  because  the  River  has  its  Course  through  the  opposite  Zone  ;  which 
is  uninhabited.  And  the  exceeding  sweetness  of  the  Water,  they  say,  is 
the  Confirmation  of  this  Opinion  ;  for  passing  through  the  Torrid  Zone,  the 
Water  is  boil'd,  and  therefore  this  River  is  sweeter  than  any  other  in  the 
World  ;  for  Heat  does  naturally  dulcorate  Water.  But  this  reason  is  easily 
refuted  ;  for  it's  plainly  impossible  that  the  River  should  rise  to  that  height, 
and  come  down  to  us  from  the  opposite  Zone  ;  especially  if  it  be  granted 
that  the  Earth  is  round.  But  if  any  yet  shall  be  so  obstinate  as  to  affirm  it  is 
so  as  the  philosophers  have  said,  I  must  in  short  say  it's  against  and  contrary 
to  the  Laws  of  Nature. 

For  being  they  hold  Opinions  that  in  the  nature  of  the  things  can  hardly 
be  disprov'd,  and  place  an  inhabitable  part  of  the  World  between  us  and 
them  that  are  opposite  to  us  ;  they  conclude,  that  by  this  device,  they  have 
made  it  impossible,  and  out  of  the  reach  of  the  Wit  of  Man  to  confute  them. 
But  it  is  but  just  and  equal,  that  those  who  affirm  any  thing  positively, 
should  prove  what  they  say,  either  by  good  Authority  or  strength  of  Reason. 
How  comes  it  about  that  only  the  River  Nile  should  come  down  to  us  from 
the  other  opposite  Zone  ?  Have  we  not  other  Rivers  that  this  may  be  as 
well  apply'd  to  ?  As  to  the  Causes  alledg'd  for  the  sweetness  of  the  Water, 
they  are  absurd  :  For  if  the  Water  be  boyl'd  with  the  parching  Heat, 
and  thereupon  becomes  sweet,  it  would  have  no  productive  quality,  either 
of  Fish  or  other  Kinds  of  Creatures  and  Beasts  ;  for  all  Water  whose 
Nature  is  chang'd  by  Fire,  is  altogether  incapable  to  breed  any  living 
thing,  and  therefore  being  that  the  Nature  of  Nile  contradicts  this  decoction 
and  boyling  of  the  Water,  we  conclude  that  the  Causes  alledg'd  of  its  in- 
crease are  false. 

But  to  the  true  cause,  Agartharchides  of  Cnidus  comes  nearest.  For  he 
says,  tliat  in  the  Mountainous  parts  of  Ethiopia,  there  are  Yearly  continual 
Rains  from  the  Summer  Solstice  to  the  Equinox  in  Autumn,  and  therefore 
there's  just  cause  for  Nile  to  be  low  in  the  Winter,  which  then  flows  only  from 
its  own  natural  Spring-heads,  and  to  overflow  in  Summer  through  the  abund- 
ance of  Rains.  And  though  none  hitherto  have  been  able  to  give  a  Reason  of 
these  Inundations,  yet  he  says  his  Opinion  is  not  altogether  to  be  rejected;  for 
there  are  many  things  that  are  contrary  to  the  Rules  of  Nature,  for  which 
none  are  able  to  give  any  substantial  Reason.  That  which  happens  in  some 
parts  of  Asia,  he  says,  gives  some  confirmation  to  his  Opinion.  For  in  the 
Confines  of  Scythia,  near  Mount  Caucasus,  after  the  Winter  is  over,  he 
affirms  that  abundance  of  Snow  falls  every  Year  for  many  Days  together : 
And  that  in  the  Northern  Parts  of  India,  at  certain  Times,  there  falls  abund- 
ance of  Hail,  and  of  an  incredible  Bigness :  And  that  near  the  River  Hydas- 
pis,  in  Summer-time,  it  rains  continually  ;  and  tlie  same  happens  in  Ethiopia 


278 


THE  HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 


for  many  Days  together  ;  and  that  this  disorder  of  the  Air  whirling  about, 
occasions  many  Storms  of  Rain  in  Places  near  adjoyning  ;  and  that  there- 
fore it's  no  wonder  if  the  Mountainous  Parts  of  Ethiopia,  which  lies  much 
hitrher  than  Egypt,  are  soakt  with  continual  Rams,  wherewith  the  River 
beincT  fiird,  overflows;  especially  since  the  natural  Inhabitants  of  the  Place 
alhrS,  that  thus  it  is  in  their  Country.  And  though  these  things  now  re- 
lated are  in  their  nature  contrary  to  those  in  our  own  Climates,  yet  we  are 
not  for  that  Reason  to  disbelieve  them.  For  with  us  the  South  Wind  is 
cloudy  and  boysterous,  whereas  in  Ethiopia  it's  calm  and  clear  ;  and  that  the 
North  Winds  in  Europe  are  fierce  and  violent,  but  in  those  Regions  low  and 
almost  insensible.  .  ^      r   * 

But  however  (after  all)  though  we  could  heap  up  variety  of  Arguments 
against  all  these  Authors  concerning  the  Inundation  of  Nile,  yet  those  which 
we  have  before  alledg'd  shall  suffice,  lest  we  should  transgress  those  bounds 
of  Brevity  which  at  the  first  we  propos'd  to  our  selves. 

A   GREEK   VIEW   OF   THE   ORIGINS   OF   EGYPTIAN    HISTORY 

The  Egyptians  report,  says 
Diodorus,  that  at  the  beginning 
of  the  World,  the  first  Men  were 
created  in  Egypt,  both  by  rear- 
son  of  the  happy  Climate  of  the 
Country,  and  the  nature  of  the 
River  Nile.  For  this  River  being 
very  Fruitful,  and  apt  to  bring 
forth  many  animals,  yields  of  it 
self  likewise  Food  and  Nourish- 
ment for  the  things  produc'd. 
For  it  yields  the  Roots  of  Canes, 
the  Fruit  of  the  Lote-Tree, 
the  Egyptian  Bean,  that  which 
they  call  Corseon,  and  such  like 
Rarities,  always  ready  at  hand. 
And  that  all  living  Creatures  were  first  produc'd  among  them,  they  use 
this  Argument,  that  even  at  this  day,  about  Thebes  at  certain  Times,  such 
vast  Mice  are  bred,  that  it  causes  admiration  to  the  Beholders  ;  some  of  which 
to  the  Breast  and  Fore-feet  are  animated  and  begin  to  move,  and  the  rest 
of  the  Body  (which  yet  retains  the  nature  of  the  Soyl)  appears  without 
form. 

Whence  it's  manifest,  that  in  the  beginning  of  the  World,  through  the 
Fertileness  of  the  Soyl  the  first  Men  were  form'd  in  Egypt,  being  that  in 
no  otlier  parts  of  the  World  any  of  these  Creatures  are  produc'd  ;  only  in 
Egypt  these  supernatural  Births  may  be  seen. 

The  first  Generation  of  Men  in  Egypt,  therefore  contemplating  the 
Beauty  of  the  Superior  World,  and  admiring  with  astonishment  the  frame 
and  order  of  the  Universe,  judg'd  there  were  Two  chief  Gods  that  were 
Eternal,  that  is  to  say,  The  Sun  and  the  Moon,  the  first  of  which  they 
eall'd  Osiris,  and  the  other  Isis,  both  Names  having  proper  Etymologies  ; 
for  Osiris  in  the  Greek  Language,  signifies  a  Thing  with  many  Eyes,  which 
may  be  very  properly  apply'd  to  the  Sun  darting  his  Rays  into  every 
Corner,  and  as  it  were  with  so  many  Eyes  viewing  and  surveying  the 
whole  Land  and  Sea. 


Wall  Imscbiption  with  Figures  in  Red 
(Now  In  the  British  Maseiim) 


APPENDIX  A.      CLASSICAL  TRADITIONS  279 

Some  also  of  the  antient  Greek  Mythologists  call  Osiris  Dionysus,  and 
sirname  him  Sirius.  Some  likewise  set  him  forth  cloath'd  with  the 
spotted  Skin  of  a  Fawn  (call'd  Nebris)  from  the  variety  of  Stars  that 
surround  him. 

Isis  likewise  being  interpreted,  signifies  Antient,  that  Name  being 
ascrib'd  to  the  Moon  from  Eternal  Generations.  They  add  likewise  to 
her,  Horns,  because  her  Aspect  is  such  in  her  Increase  and  in  her  Decrease, 
representing  a  Sickle  ;  and  because  an  Ox  among  the  Egyptians  is  offer'd 
to  her  in  Sacrifice.  They  hold  that  these  Gods  govern  the  whole  World, 
cherishing  and  increasing  all  things  ;  and  divide  the  Year  into  Three  Parts 
(that  is  to  say.  Spring,  Summer,  and  Autumn)  by  an  invisible  Motion  per- 
fecting their  constant  course  in  that  time  :  And  though  they  are  in  their 
Natures  very  differing  one  from  another,  yet  they  compleat  the  whole  Year 
with  a  most  excellent  Harmony  and  Consent.  They  say  that  these  Gods 
in  their  Natures  do  contribute  much  to  the  Generation  of  all  things,  the  one 
being  of  a  hot  and  active  Nature,  the  other  moist  and  cold,  but  both  having 
something  of  the  Air ;  and  that  by  these,  all  things  are  brought  forth  and 
nourish'd :  And  therefore  that  every  particular  Being  in  the  Universe  is 
perfected  and  compleated  by  the  Sun  and  Moon,  whose  Qualities,  as  before 
declar'd,  are  Five ;  A  Spirit  or  quickning  Efficacy,  Heat  or  Fire,  Dryness  or 
Earth,  Moisture  or  Water,  and  Air,  of  which  the  World  does  consist,  as  a 
Man  made  up  of  Head,  Hands,  Feet,  and  other  parts.  These  Five  they 
reputed  for  Gods,  and  the  People  of  Egypt  who  were  the  first  that  spoke 
articulately,  gave  Namete  projDcr  to  their  several  Natures,  according  to  the 
Language  they  then  spake.  And  therefore  they  call'd  the  Spirit  Jupiter, 
which  is  such  by  Interpretation,  because  a  quickning  Influence  is  deriv'd 
from  this  into  all  Living  Creatures,  as  from  the  original  Principle  ;  and 
upon  that  account  he  is  esteem'd  the  common  Parent  of  all  things. 

Fire  they  call'd  by  Interpretation  Vulcan,  and  him  they  had  in  Venera- 
tion as  a  Great  God,  as  he  that  greatly  contributed  to  the  Generation  and 
Perfection  of  all  Beings  whatsoever. 

The  Earth,  as  the  Common  Womb  of  all  Productions,  they  call'd 
Metera,  as  the  Greeks  in  process  of  time,  by  a  small  alteration  of  one  Letter, 
and  an  omission  of  Two  Letters,  call'd  the  Earth  Demetra,  which  was 
antiently  call'd  Gen  Metera,  or  the  Mother  Earth. 

Water  or  Moisture,  the  Antients  call'd  Oceanus  ;  which  by  Interpreta- 
tion is  a  nourishing  Mother,  and  so  taken  by  some  of  the  Grecians. 

But  the  Egyptians  account  their  Nile  to  be  Oceanus,  at  which  all  the 
Gods  were  Born.  For  in  Egypt  only  among  all  the  Countries  in  the  World, 
are  many  Cities  built  by  the  ancient  Gods,  as  by  Jupiter,  Sol,  Mercurj-, 
Apollo,  Pan,  Elithia,  and  many  others. 

To  the  Air  they  gave  the  Name  of  Minerva,  signifying  something  proper 
to  the  nature  thereof,  and  call'd  her  the  Daughter  of  Jupiter,  and  counted  a 
Virgin,  because  the  Air  naturally  is  not  subject  to  Corruption,  and  is  in  the 
highest  part  of  the  Universe  ;  whence  rises  the  Fable,  that  she  was  the  issue 
of  Jupiter's  Brain  :  They  say  she's  call'd  also  Tritogeneia,  or  Thrice  Begot- 
ten, because  she  changes  her  natural  Qualities  thrice  in  the  Year,  the  Spring, 
Summer,  and  Winter  ;  and  that  she  was  call'd  Glaucopis,  not  that  she  hath 
Grey  Eyes  (as  some  of  the  Greeks  have  suppos'd,  for  that's  a  weak  Conceit) 
but  because  the  Air  seems  to  be  of  a  Grey  Colour,  to  the  view.  They  report 
likewise,  that  these  Five  Gods  travel  through  the  whole  World,  representing 
themselves  to  Men  sometimes  in  the  shapes  of  Sacred  living  Creatures,  and 
sometimes  in  the  Form  of  Men,  or  some  other  Representation.     And  this  is 


280  THE   HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 

not  a  Fable,  but  very  possible,  if  it  be  true,  that  these  generate  all  things  ; 
and  the  Poet  [Homer]  who  travell'd  into  Egypt,  in  some  part  of  his  Works, 
affirms  this  Appearance,  as  he  learnt  it  from  their  Priests, 

The  Gods  also  like  Strangers  come  from  far 
In  divers  Shapes  within  the  Towns  appear, 
Viewing  Men's  good  and  wicked  Acts. 

And  these  are  the  Stories  told  by  the  Egyptians  of  the  Heavenly  and 
Immortal  Tiods.  And  besides  these,  they  say  there  are  others  that  are  ler- 
restrial,  which  were  begotten  of  these  former  Gods,  and  were  Originally 
Mortal  men,  but  by  reason  of  their  Wisdom  and  Beneficence  to  all  Man- 
kind, have  obtain'd  Immortality,  of  which  some  have  been  kings  ot 
E<'vpt.  Some  of  whom  by  interpretation,  have  had  the  same  Names 
wkh  tiie  Celestial  Gods,  others  have  kept  their  own  proper  Names.  For 
thev  report  that  Sol,  Saturn,  Rhea,  Jupiter  (surnam'd  by  some  Ammoii), 
Juiio,  Vulcan,  Vesta,  and  lastly,  Mercury,  reign'd  in  Egypt  ;  and  that  Sol 
was  the  lirst  King  of  Egypt,  whose  Name  was  the  same  with  the  Celestial 
Planet  call'd  Sol. 

Hut  there  are  some  of  the  Priests  who  affirm  Vulcan  to  be  the  first}  of 
Kings,  and  that  he  was  advanced  to  that  Dignity  upon  the  account  of  being 
the  tirst  that  found  out  the  use  of  Fire,  which  was  so  beneficial  to  all  Man- 
kind. For  a  Tree  in  the  Mountains  hapning  to  be  set  on  Fire  by  Lightning, 
the  Wood  next  adjoyning  was  presently  all  in  a  Flame ;  and  Vulcan 
thereupon  coming  to  the  Place,  was  mightily  refresht  by  the  heat  of  it, 
being  then  Winter  Season  ;  and  when  the  Fire  began  to  fail,  he  added 
more  combustible  Matter  to  it,  and  by  that  means  preserving  it,  call'd  in 
other  Men  to  enjoy  the  Benefit  of  that  which  he  himself  was  the  first 
Inventer,  as  he  gave  out. 

Afterwards  they  say  Saturn  reign'd,  and  marry'd  his  Sister  Rhea,  and 
that  he  begat  of  her  Osiris  and  Isis  ;  but  others  say,  Jupiter  and  Juno, 
who  for  their  great  Virtues,  rul'd  over  all  the  World.  That  of  Jupiter  and 
Juno  were  born  Five  Gods,  one  upon  every  day  of  the  Five  Egyptian  inter- 
calary Days.  The  Names  of  these  Gods  are  Osiris,  Isis,  Typhon,  Apollo 
and  Venus.  That  Osiris  was  interpreted  Bacchus,  and  Isis  plainly  Ceres. 
That  Osiris  marry'd  Isis,  and  after  he  came  to  the  Kingdom,  did  much,  and 
perform'd  many  things  for  the  common  Benefit  and  Advantage  of  Mankind. 
For  he  was  the  first  that  forbad  Men  eating  one  another  ;  and  at  the  same 
time  Isis  found  out  the  way  of  making  of  Bread  of  Wheat  and  Barley,  which 
before  grew  here  and  there  in  the  Fields  amongst  other  common  Herbs  and 
Grass,  and  the  use  of  it  unknown  :  And  Osiris  teaching  the  way  and  manner 
of  Tillage,  and  well  management  of  the  Fruits  of  the  Earth,  this  change  of 
Food  became  grateful  ;  both  because  it  was  naturally  sweet  and  delicious, 
and  Men  were  thereby  restrain'd  from  the  mutual  Butcheries  of  one  another: 
For  an  evidence  of  this  first  finding  out  the  use  of  these  Fruits,  they  alledge 
an  antient  Custom  amongst  them  :  For  even  at  this  day,  in  the  time  of 
Harvest,  the  Inhabitants  offer  the  first  Fruits  of  the  Ears  of  Corn,  howling 
and  wailing  about  the  Ilandfuls  ihey  offer,  and  invoking  this  Goddess  Isis  : 
And  this  they  do  in  return  of  due  Honour  to  her  for  that  Invention  at  the 
first.  In  some  Cities  also,  when  they  celebrate  the  Feast  of  Isis  in  a  Pom- 
pous Procession,  they  carry  about  Vessels  of  Wheat  and  Barley,  in  memory 
of  the  first  Invention,  by  the  care  and  industry  of  this  Goddess.  They  say 
likewise,  that  Isis  made  many  Laws  for  the  good  of  Human  Society,  whereby 


APPENDIX  A.      CLASSICAL   TRADITIONS  281 

Men  were  restrain'd  from  lawless  Force  and  Violence  one  upon  another,  out 
of  fear  of  Punishment.  And  therefore  Ceres  was  call'd  by  the  ancient 
Greeks,  Themophorus  (that  is)  Lawgiver,  being  the  Princess  that  first  con- 
stituted Laws  for  the  better  Government  of  her  People. 

Osiris  moreover  built  Thebes  in  Egypt,  with  an  Hundred  Gates,  and  call'd 
it  after  his  Mother's  Name  :  But  in  following  Times,  it  was  call'd  Diospolis, 
and  Thebes  ;  of  whose  first  Founder  not  only  Historians,  but  the  Priests  of 
Egypt  themselves,  are  much  in  doubt.  For  some  say  that  it  was  not  built 
by  Osiris,  but  many  Years  after  by  a  King  of  Egypt,  whose  History  we  shall 
treat  of  hereafter  in  its  proper  place.  They  report  likewise,  that  he  built 
Two  magnificent  Temples,  and  Dedicated  them  to  his  Parents,  Jupiter  and 
Juno  ;  and  likewise  Two  Golden  Altars,  the  greater  to  the  great  God  Jupi- 
ter ;  the  other  to  his  Father  Jupiter,  who  had  formerly  reign'd  there,  whom 
they  call  Amnion.  That  he  also  erected  Golden  Altars  to  other  Gods,  and 
instituted  their  several  Rites  of  Worship,  and  appointed  Priests  to  have  the 
Oversight  and  Care  of  the  Holy  things.  In  the  time  of  Osiris  and  Isis,  Pro- 
jectors and  ingenious  Artists  were  in  great  honour  and  Esteem  ;  and  there- 
fore in  Thebes  there  were  then  Goldsmiths  and  Braziers,  who  made  Arms 
and  Weapons  for  the  Killing  of  Wild  Beasts,  and  other  Listruments  for  the 
husbanding  of  the  Ground,  and  improvement  of  Tillage  ;  besides  Images  of 
the  Gods,  and  Altars  in  Gold.  They  say  that  Osiris  was  much  given  to 
Husbandry,  that  he  was  the  Son  of  Jupiter,  brought  up  in  Nysa,  a  Town  of 
Arabia  the  Happy,  near  to  Egypt,  call'd  by  the  Greeks  Dionysus,  from  his 
Father,  and  the  Place  of  his  Education. 

Here  near  unto  Nysa  (they  say)  he  found  out  the  use  of  the  Vine,  and 
there  j)lanting  it,  was  the  first  that  drank  Wine ;  and  taught  others  how  to 
plant  it  and  use  it,  and  to  gather  in  their  Vintage,  and  to  keep  and  preserve 
it.  Above  all  others,  he  most  honoured  Hermes,  one  of  an  admirable  Inge- 
nuity, and  quick  Invention,  in  finding  out  what  might  be  useful  to  Mankind. 
This  Hermes  was  the  first  (as  they  report)  that  taught  how  to  speak  dis- 
tinctly and  articulately,  and  gave  Names  to  many  things  that  had  none 
before.  He  found  out  Letters,  and  instituted  the  Worship  of  the  Gods ; 
and  was  the  first  that  observ'd  the  Motion  of  the  Stars,  and  invented  Musick; 
and  taught  the  manner  of  Wrestling ;  and  invented  Arithmetick,  and  the 
Art  of  curious  Graving  and  Cutting  of  Statues.  He  first  found  out  the 
Harp  with  Three  Strings,  in  resemblance  of  the  Three  Seasons  of  tlie  Year, 
causing  Three  several  Sounds,  the  Treble,  Base  and  Mean.  The  Treble,  to 
represent  the  Summer ;  The  Base,  the  Winter ;  anc"  the  Mean,  the  Spring. 
He  was  the  first  that  taught  the  Greeks  Eloquence  ;  thence  he's  call'd  Her- 
mes, a  Speaker  or  Interpreter.  To  conclude,  he  was  Osiris's  Sacred  Scribe, 
to  whom  he  communicated  all  his  Secrets,  and  was  chiefly  steer'd  by  his  Ad- 
vice in  every  thing.  He  (not  Minerva,  as  the  Greeks  affirm)  found  out  the 
use  of  the  Olive-tree,  for  the  making  of  Oyl. 

It's  moreover  reported,  that  Osiris  being  a  Prince  of  a  publick  Spirit,  and 
very  ambitious  of  Glory,  rais'd  a  great  Army,  with  which  he  resolv'd  to  go 
through  all  parts  of  the  World  that  were  inhabited,  and  to  teach  Men  how  to 
plant  Vines,  and  to  sow  Wheat  and  Barly.  For  he  hop'd  that  if  lie  could 
civilize  Men,  and  take  them  off  from  their  rude  and  Beast-like  Course  of 
Lives,  by  such  a  publick  good  and  advantage,  he  should  raise  a  Foundation 
amongst  all  Mankind,  for  his  immortal  Praise  and  Honour,  which  hapi)en'd 
accordingly.  For  not  only  that  Age,  but  Posterity  ever  after  honour'd 
those  among  the  chiefest  of  their  (xods,  that  first  found  out  their  proper 
and  ordinary  Food.     Having  therefore  settl'd  his  Affairs  in  Egypt,  and 


282  THE   HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 

committed  the  Government  of  his  whole  Kinordom  to  his  Wife  Isis,  he  join'd 
with  her  Mercury,  as  her  chief  Councellor  of  State,  because  he  far  excell'd 
all  others  in  Wisdom  and  Prudence.  But  Hercules  his  near  Kinsman,  he 
left  (ienenil  of  all  his  Forces  witliin  his  Dominions,  a  Man  admir'd  by  all  for 
his  Valour  and  Strenrjth  of  Body.  As  to  those  parts  which  lay  near  Phoe- 
nicia, and  upon  the  Sea-Coasts  of  them,  he  made  Busiris  Lord  Lieutenant, 
and  of  Kthio{)ia  and  Lvl)ia,  Anteus. 

Then  marchinj,'  out  of  Egypt,  he  began  his  Expedition,  taking  along  with 
him  his  Brother,  whom  tiie  Greeks  call'd  Apollo.  This  Apollo  is  reported 
to  have  discover'd  the  Laurel-Tree,  which  all  Dedicate  especially  to  tliis 
God.  To  Osiris  they  attribute  the  finding  out  of  the  Ivy-Tree,  and  dedicate 
it  to  him,  as  the  Greeks  do  to  Bacchus:  And  therefore  in  the  Egyptian 
Tongue,  they  call  Ivy  Osiris's  Plant,  which  they  prefer  before  the  Vine  in 
all  their  Sacrifices,  because  this  loses  its  Leaves,  and  the  other  always  con- 
tinues fresh  and  green:  Which  Rule  the  Ancients  have  observ'd  in  other 
Plants,  tiiat  are  always  green,  dedicating  Mirtle  to  Venus,  Laurel  to  Apollo, 
and  the  Olive-Tree  to  Pallas. 

It's  said,  that  Two  of  his  Sons  accompany'd  their  Father  Osiris  in  this 
Expedition,  one  call'd  Anubis,  and  the  other  Macedo,  both  valiant  Men: 
Both  of  them  wore  Coats  of  Mail,  that  were  extraordinary  remarkable, 
cover'd  with  the  Skins  of  such  Creatures  as  resembled  them  in  Stoutness 
and  Valour.  Anubis  was  cover'd  with  a  Dog's,  and  Macedon  with  the  Skin 
of  a  Wolf ;  and  for  this  reason  these  Beasts  are  religiously  ador'd  by  the 
Egyptians.  He  had  likewise  for  his  Companion,  Pan,  whom  the  Egyptians 
have  in  great  Veneration;  for  they  not  only  set  up  Images  and  Statues  up 
and  down  in  every  Temple,  but  built  a  City  in  Thebides  after  his  Name, 
call'd  by  the  Inhabitants  Chemmin,  which  by  interpretation  is  Pan's  City. 
There  went  along  with  them  likewise  those  that  were  skilful  in  Husbandry, 
as  Maro  in  the  planting  of  Vines,  and  Triptolemus  in  sowing  of  Corn,  and 
gathering  in  the  Harvest. 

All  things  being  now  prepar'd,  Osiris  having  vow'd  to  the  Gods  to  let 
his  Hair  grow  till  he  return'd  into  Egypt,  marclit  away  through  Ethiopia; 
and  for  that  very  Reason  it's  a  piece  of  Religion,  and  practis'd  among  the 
Egyptians  at  tliis  Day,  that  those  that  travel  Abroad,  suffer  their  Hair  to 
grow,  till  they  return  Home.  As  he  pass'd  through  Ji^thiopia,  a  Company  of 
Satyrs  were  presented  to  him,  who  (as  it's  reported)  were  all  Hairy  down  to 
their  Loyns :  F'or  Osiris  was  a  Man  given  to  Mirth  and  Jollity,  and  took 
great  pleasure  in  Musick  and  Dancing;  and  therefore  carry 'd  along  with 
him  a  Train  of  Musicians,  of  whom  Nine  were  Virgins,  most  Excellent 
Singers,  and  expert  in  many  other  things  (whom  the  Greeks  call  Muses)  of 
whom  Apollo  was  the  Captain ;  and  thence  call'd  the  Leader  of  the  Muses: 
Upon  this  account  the  Satyrs,  who  are  naturally  inclin'd  to  skipping,  danc- 
ing and  singing,  and  all  other  sorts  of  Mirth,  were  taken  in  as  part  of  the 
Army :  For  Osiris  was  not  for  War,  nor  came  to  fight  Battels,  and  to  decide 
Controversies  by  the  Sword,  every  Country  receiving  him  for  his  Merits 
and  Virtues,  as  a  (Jod.  In  Ethiopia  having  instructed  the  Inhabitants  in 
Husbandry,  and  Tillage  of  the  Ground,  and  built  several  stately  Cities 
among  them,  he  left  there  beliind  him  some  to  be  Governors  of  the  Country, 
and  others  to  be  (Jatherers  of  his  Tribute. 

Wiiile  they  were  thus  imploy'd,  'tis  said  that  the  River  Nile,  about  the 
Dogdays  (at  which  time  it  uses  to  be  the  highest)  broke  down  its  Banks, 
and  overllow'd  the  greatest  part  of  Egypt,  and  that  part  especially  where 
Prometheus  govern'd,  insomuch  as  almost  all  the  Inhabitants  were  drown'd  ,• 


APPENDIX  A.      CLASSICAL  TRADITIONS  283 

so  that  Prometheus  was  near  unto  Killing  of  himself  for  very  grief  of 
heart ;  and  from  the  sudden  and  violent  Eruption  of  the  Waters,  the  River 
was  call'd  Eagle. 

Hercules,  who  was  always  for  high  and  difficult  enterprizes,  and  ever  of 
a  stout  Spirit,  presently  made  up  the  Breaches,  and  turn'd  the  River  into  its 
Channel,  and  kept  it  within  its  ancient  Banks  ;  and  therefore  some  of  the 
Greek  Poets  from  this  fact  have  forg'd  a  Fable,  That  Hercules  kill'd  the 
Eagle  that  fed  upon  Prometheus  his  Heart.  The  most  ancient  Name  of 
this  river  was  Oceames,  which  in  the  Greek  pronunciation  is  Oceanus  ;  after- 
wards caird  Eagle,  upon  the  violent  Eruption.  Lastly  it  was  call'd  Egyptus, 
from  the  Name  of  a  King  that  there  reign'd.  The  last  Name  which  it  still 
retains,  it  derives  from  Nileus,  a  King  of  those  Parts. 

Osiris  being  come  to  the  Borders  of  Ethiopia,  rais'd  high  Banks  on  either 
side  of  the  River,  lest  in  the  time  of  its  Inundation  it  should  overflow  the 
Country  more  than  was  convenient,  and  make  it  marisli  and  boggy;  and 
made  Floodgates  to  let  in  the  Water  by  degrees,  as  far  as  was  necessary. 
Thence  he  pass'd  through  Arabia,  bordering  upon  the  Red  Sea  as  far  as  to 
India,  and  the  utmost  Coasts  that  were  inhabited:  He  built  likewise  many 
Cities  in  India,  one  of  which  he  call'd  Nysa,  willing  to  have  a  remembrance 
of  that  in  Egypt  where  he  was  brought  up.  At  this  Nysa  in  India,  he 
planted  Ivy,  which  grows  and  remains  here  only  of  all  other  Places  in  India, 
or  the  Parts  adjacent.  He  left  likewise  many  other  Marks  of  his  being  in 
those  Parts,  by  which  the  latter  Inhabitants  are  induc'd  to  believe,  and  do 
affirm  that  this  God  was  born  in  India. 

He  likewise  addicted  himself  much  to  hunting  of  Elephants ;  and  took 
care  to  have  Statues  of  himself  in  every  place,  as  lasting  Monuments  of  his 
Expedition.  Thence  passing  to  the  rest  of  Asia,  he  transported  his  Army 
through  the  Hellespont  into  Europe  ;  and  in  Thrace  he  kill'd  Lycurgus 
King  of  the  Barbarians,  who  oppos'd  him  in  his  Designs.  Then  he  order'd 
Maro  (at  that  time  an  Old  Man)  to  take  care  of  the  Planters  in  that  Coun- 
try, and  to  build  a  City,  and  call  it  Maroneo,  after  his  own  Name.  Macedon 
his  Son  he  made  King  of  Macedonia,  so  calling  it  after  him.  To  Triptolemus 
he  appointed  the  Culture  and  Tillage  of  the  Land  in  Attica.  To  conclude, 
Osiris  having  travell'd  through  the  whole  World,  by  finding  out  Food  fit 
and  convenient  for  Man's  Body,  was  a  Benefactor  to  all  Mankind.  Where 
Vines  would  not  grow  and  be  fruitful,  he  taught  the  Inhabitants  to  make 
Drink  of  Barley,  little  inferiour  in  strength  and  pleasant  Flavour  to  Wine 
it  self.  He  brought  back  with  him  into  Egypt  the  most  pretious  and  richest 
things  that  ever  place  did  afford  ;  and  for  the  many  Benefits  and  Advantages 
that  he  was  the  Author  of,  by  the  common  Consent  of  all  Men,  he  gain'd  the 
Reward  of  Immortality  and  Honour  equal  to  the  Heavenly  Deities. 

After  his  Death,  Isis  and  Mercury  celebrated  his  Funeral  with  Sacrifices 
and  other  Divine  Honours,  as  to  one  of  the  Gods,  and  instituted  many  Sacred 
Rites  mystical  Ceremonies  in  Memory  of  the  mighty  Works  wrought  by  this 
Hero,  now  Deify'd.  Antiently  the  Egyptian  Priests  kept  the  manner  of  the 
Death  of  Osiris  secret  in  their  own  Registers  among  themselves  ;  but  in  after- 
times  it  fell  out,  that  some  that  could  not  hold,  blurted  it  out,  and  so  it  came 
Abroad.  For  they  say  that  Osiris,  while  he  govern'd  in  Egypt  with  all  Jus- 
tice imaginable,  was  Murder'd  by  his  wicked  Brother  Typhon ;  and  that  he 
mangled  his  dead  Body  into  Six  and  Twenty  Pieces,  and  gave  to  each  of  his 
Confederates  in  the  Treason  a  Piece,  by  that  means  to  bring  them  all  within 
the  same  horrid  Guilt,  and  thereby  the  more  to  ingage  them  to  advance  him 
to  the  Throne,  and  to  defend  and  preserve  him  in  the  Possession. 


284 


THE   HISTORY   OF  EGYPT 


But  Isis,  the  Sister  and  Wife  likewise  of  Osiris,  with  the  assistance  of  her 
Son  Orus,  revent,'M  his  Death  upon  Typhon  and  his  Complices,  and  possess'd 
her  self  of  tlie  Kingdom  of  Egypt.  ^It's  said  the  Battel  was  fought  near  a 
River  not  far  off  a  Town  now  call'd  Antiea  in  Arabia,  so  call'd  from 
Anteus,  whom  Hercules  slew  in  the  time  of  Osiris.  She  found  all  the  Pieces 
of  his  Body,  save  his  i'rivy  Members  ;  and  having  a  desire  to  conceal  her 
Husband's  Burial,  yet  to  have  him  honour'd  as  a  God  by  all  the  Egyptians, 
she  thus  contriv'd'it.  She  clos'd  all  the  Pieces  together,  cementing  them 
witli  \Vax  and  Aromatiek  Spices,  and  so  brought  it  to  the  shape  of  a  Man  of 
the  bigness  of  Osiris  ;  then  she  sent  for  the  Priests  to  her,  one  by  one,  and 
swore^them  all  that  they  shoidd  not  discover  what  she  should  then  intrust 


An  K.iviTiAN   Hi 


them  witli.  Then  she  told  them  privately  that  they  only  should  have  the 
Burial  of  the  King's  Body;  and  recounting  the  many  good  Works  he  had 
df)ne,  charg'd  them  to  bury  the  Body  in  a  proper  place  among  themselves, 
and  to  pay  unto  him  all  Divine  Honour,  as  to  a  God.  That  they  should 
Dedicate  to  him  one  of  tlie  Beasts  bred  among  them,  wliich  of  them  they 
pleas'd,  and  that  while  it  was  alive,  they  should  pay  it  the  same  Veneration 
as  they  did  before  to  Osiris  himself  ;  and  wlien  it  was  dead,  that  they  should 
Worship  it  with  the  same  Adoration  and  Worship  given  to  Osiris.  But  being 
willing  to  incourage  the  Priests  to  these  Divine  Othces  by  Profit  and  Advan- 
tage, she  gave  them  the  Tliird  part  of  the  Country  for  the  Maintenance  of 
the  Service  of  the  Gods  and  their  Attendance  at  the  Altars. 

In  memory,  therefore,  of  Osiris's  good  Deeds,  being  incited  thereunto  by 
the  Commands  of  the  Queen,  and  in  expectation  of  their  own  Profit  and 
Advantage,  the  I'riests  exactly  perform'd  every  thing  that  Isis  injoin'd  them ; 


APPENDIX  A.      CLASSICAL  TRADITIONS 


286 


and  therefore  every  Order  of  the  Priests  ut  this  Day  are  of  opinion  that  Osiris 
is  bury'd  anion^  them.  And  they  have  those  Beasts  in  great  Veneration, 
that  were  so  long  sinee  thus  consecrated  ;  and  renew  their  Mournings  for 
Osiris  over  the  Graves  of  those  Beasts.  Tliere  are  Two  sacred  JiuUs  espe- 
cially, the  one  call'd  Apis,  and  the  other  Miievis,  that  are  Consecrated  to 
Osiris,  and  reputed  as  Gods  generally  })y  all  the  J^^gyptians.  For  this  Crea- 
ture of  all  others  was  extraordinarily  serviceable  to  the  lirst  In  venters  of 
Husbandry,  both  as  to  the  sowing  C(wn,  and  other  Advantages  concerning 
Tillage,  of  which  all  reapt  the  Benefit.  Lastly,  they  say,  that  after  the  Death 
of  Osiris,  Isis  made  a  Vow  never  to  Marry  any  other  Man,  and  spent  the  rest 
of  her  Days  in  an  exact  Administration  of  Justice  among  her  Subjects,  excel- 
ling all  other  Princes  in  her  Acts  of  (irace  and  Bounty  towards  her  own 
People  ;  and  therefore  after  her  Death,  she  was  numbred  among  the  Gods, 
and  as  sucli  had  Divine  Hcmour  and  Veneration,  and  was  buri'd  at  Memphis, 
where  they  shew  lun-  Sepulchre  at  this  day  in  the  (irove  of  Vulcan. 

Yet  there  are  some  that  deny  that  these  Gods  are  liuri'd  at  Memphis  ; 
but  near  the  Mountains  of  Ethiopia  and  Egypt,  in  the  Isle  of  Nile,  lying  near 
to  a  place  call'd  Pliilas,  and  upon  that  account  also  nam'd  the  Holy  Field. 
They  confirm  this  by  undoubted  Signs  and  Marks  left  in  this  Island, 
as  by  a  Sepulchre  built  and  erected  to  Osiris,  religiously  lleverenc'd 
by  all  the  Priests  of  Egypt,  wherein  are  laid  up  Three  Hundred  and 
Threescore  Bowls,  which  certain  Priests,  appointed  for  that  purpose,  fill 
every  Day  with  Milk,  and  call  upon  the  Gods  by  Name,  with  Mourning  and 
Lamentation. 

The  several  parts  therefore  of  Osiris  being  found,  they  report  were  bury'd 
in  this  manner  before  related;  but  his  Privy-members  (they  say)  were  thrown 
into  the  liiver  by  Typhon,  because  none  of  his  Partners  would  receive  them  ; 
and  yet  that  they  were  divinely  honour'd  by  Isis ;  for  she;  commanded  an 
Image  of  this  very  part  to  be  set  up  in  the  Temples,  and  to  be  religiously 
ador'd  ;  and  in  all  their  Ceremonies  and  Sacrific(;s  to  tliis  God,  she  ordered 
that  part  to  be  held  in  divine  Veneration  and  Honour.  And  therefore  the 
Grecians,  after  they  had  learn'd  the  Rites  (jf  the  Feasts  of  Jiacchus,  and  the 
Orgian  Solemnities  from  the  Egyptians  in  all  tlu.'ir  Mysteries  and  Sacrifices 
to  this  God,  they  ador'd  that  Member  by  the  Name  of  Phallus. 

From  Osiris  and  Isis,  to  the  Reign  of  Alexander  the  Great,  who  Ijuilt  a 
City  after  his  own  Name,  the  Egyptian  Priests  reckon  above  Ten  Thousand 
Years,  or  (as  some  write)  little  less  than  Three  and  Twenty  Thousand  Years. 
They  affirm,  that  those  that  say  this  (iod  Osiris  was  born  at  TIkjIjcs  in  Boe- 
tia  of  Jupiter  and  Semele,  relate  that  which  is  false.  For  they  say  that 
Orpheus  after  he  came  into  Egypt,  was  initiated  into  the  Sacred  Mysteries 
of  Bacchus  or  Dionysus,  and  being  a  special  Friend  to  the  Thebans  in  Boetia, 
and  of  great  esteem  among  them,  to  manifest  his  Gratitude,  transfcrr'd  the 
Birth  of  Bacchus  or  Osiris  over  into  Greece. 

And  that  the  Common  Peo])le,  partly  out  of  Ignorance,  and  ])artly  out  of 
a  desire  they  had  that  this  Ciod  should  be  a  (irc(;ian,  readily  riu^eiv'd  these 
Mysteries  and  Sacred  Rites  among  them  ;  and  that  Orpheus  t(j()l<  the  occa- 
sion following  to  fix  the  Birth  of  the  (iod  and  his  Rites  and  Ceremonies 
among  the  (J reeks  :  As  thus,  ('admus  (they  say)  was  born  at  Thebes  in 
Egypt,  and  amongst  other  Children  begat  Semele  :  'I'hat  she  was  got  with 
Child  by  one  unknown,  and  was  delivcr'd  at  Seven  Months  end  of  a  Child 
very  like  to  Osiris,  as  tlie  Eg-yj)tians  describe  him.  But  such  Births  are  not 
us'd  to  live,  either  because  it  is  not  tlie  pleasure  of  the  Gods  it  should  be  so,  or 
that  the  Law  of  Nature  will  not  admit  it.     The  Matter  coming  to  ('admus 


284 


THE   HISTORY   OF  EGYPT 


But  Isis,  the  Sister  and  Wife  likewise  of  Osiris,  with  the  assistance  of  her 
Son  Orus,  reven<'\l  his  Death  upon  Typhon  and  his  Complices,  and  possess'd 
her  self  of  tlie  Kingdom  of  Egypt.  It's  said  the  Battel  was  fought  near  a 
River  not  far  off  a  Town  now  call'd  Antiea  in  Arabia,  so  call'd  from 
Anteus,  whom  Hercules  slew  in  the  time  of  Osiris.  She  found  all  the  Pieces 
of  his  'Body,  save  his  Privy  Members  ;  and  having  a  desire  to  conceal  her 
Husband's  Burial,  yet  to  have  him  honour'd  as  a  God  by  all  the  Egyptians, 
she  thus  contriv'd'it.  She  clos'd  all  the  Pieces  together,  cementing  them 
with  Wax  and  Aromatick  Spices,  and  so  brought  it  to  the  shape  of  a  Man  of 
the  bigness  of  Osiris  ;  then  she  sent  for  the  Priests  to  her,  one  by  one,  and 
swore^them  all  that  they  should  not  discover  what  she  should  then  intrust 


An   K(;vi'tian   Hr 


them  witli.  Then  slie  told  them  privately  that  they  only  should  have  the 
Burial  of  the  King's  Body;  and  recounting  the  many  good  Works  he  had 
done,  charg'd  tliem  to  bury  the  Body  in  a  proper  place  among  themselves, 
and  to  pay  unto  him  all  Divine  Honour,  as  to  a  God.  That  they  should 
Dedicate  to  liim  one  of  tlie  Beasts  bred  among  them,  which  of  them  they 
ph-as'd,  and  that  while  it  was  alive,  they  should  pay  it  the  same  Veneration 
a-s  they  did  before  to  Osiris  himself  ;  and  when  it  was  dead,  that  they  should 
Worshij)  it  with  the  same  Adoration  and  Worship  given  to  Osiris.  But  being 
willing  to  incourage  the  Priests  to  these  Divine  Offices  by  Profit  and  Advan- 
tage, she  gave  them  the  Tliird  part  of  the  Country  for  the  Maintenance  of 
the  Service  of  the  Gods  and  their  Attendance  at  the  Altars. 

In  memory,  tlierefore,  of  Osiris's  good  Deeds,  being  incited  thereunto  by 
the  ('ounnands  of  the  Queen,  and  in  expectation  of  their  own  Profit  and 
Advantage,  the  Priests  exactly  performed  every  thing  that  Isis  injoin'd  them ; 


.va^^avavav>javavaw7>>j>j:^; 


APPENDIX  B.  THE  PROBLEM  OF  EGYPTIAN 
CHRONOLOGY 


The  Egjrptians  that  pretended  so  great  antiquity,  three  hundred 
kings  before  Amasis  :  and  as  Mela  writes,  13,000  years  from  the  be- 
ginning of  their  chronicles,  that  bragged  so  much  of  their  knowledge 
of  old,  for  they  invented  arithmetic,  astronomy,  geometry  ;  of  their 
wealth  and  power,  that  vaunted  of  20,000  cities  ;  yet  at  the  same  time 
their  idolatry  and  superstition  was  most  gross;  they  worshipped,  so 
Diodorus  Siculus  records,  sun  and  moon  under  the  name  of  Isis  and 
Osiris,  and  after,  such  men  as  were  beneficial  to  them,  or  any  creature 
that  did  them  good.  In  the  city  of  Bubasti  they  adored  a  cat,  saith 
Herodotus,  ibis  and  storks,  an  ox  (saith  Pliny),  leaks  and  onions, 
Manobius. 

Porrum  et  caepe  deos  imponere  nubibus  ausi, 

Hos  tu  Nile  deos  colis.        — Burton's  Anatomy  of  Melancholy. 

Notwithstanding  the  light  thrown  upon  Egyptian  history  by  the  rec- 
ords from  the  monuments,  the  lists  of  the  priest  Manetho  still  form  the  basis 
of  all  computations  of  Egyptian  chronology  of  the  earlier  periods.  There  are 
several  reasons  for  this.  In  the  first  place,  tlie  records  themselves,  though 
in  the  aggregate  wonderfully  voluminous,  yet,  so  far  as  deciphered,  cover, 
after  all,  only  scattered  bits  of  the  long  periods  of  time  involved.  Mostly 
the  individual  records  are  the  glorifications  of  the  deeds  of  a  single  king. 
Some  kings  left  scanty  records,  and  often  even  these  were  wilfully  destroyed 
by  some  subsequent  ruler  of  another  dynasty.  Or,  a  king  might  leave  the 
record  of  his  predecessor,  but  substitute  his  own  name  for  the  rightful  one 
in  the  chronicle.  Even  the  great  Ramses  II  was  guilty  of  such  an  act  as 
this.  The  fact  of  such  tampering  with  the  record  would  generally  be  per- 
ceptible, but  it  may  not  be  so  easy  to  determine  whose  was  the  rightful  name 
which  the  falsifier  erased. 

Much  more  important  than  this,  however,  is  the  obstacle  that  arises  from 
the  fact  that  the  Egyptians,  like  all  other  nations  of  antiquity,  lacked  a  fixed 
era  from  which  to  reckon.  They  computed  years  with  reasonable  accuracy, 
but  they  never  reckoned  long  periods  consecutively  from  any  single  date. 
Hence  the  record  of  any  particular  king  stands  more  or  less  by  itself,  or 
associated  at  most  with  recent  predecessors.  If  the  records  of  some  of  these 
predecessors  have  been  lost,  the  gap  may  be  of  such  a  doubtful  character  as 
to  throw  uncertainty  upon  the  chronology  of  long  periods,  or,  indeed,  of 
the  entire  remoter  history.  Thus  it  is  that  the  records  from  the  monuments, 
despite  their  great  historic  value  and  absorbing  personal  interest,  do  not  in 
themselves,  as  yet,  suffice  to  reveal  in  its  entirety  the  history  of  the  long  suc- 
cession of  Egyptian  dynasties.  But  fortunately  these  contemporary  records 
have  been  found  in  many  cases  to  accord  marvellously  with  Manetho's  lists. 
Hence  the  faith  in  these  lists  as  a  whole  has  been  greatly  strengthened,  and 
the  historian  of  to-day,  in  basing  his  Egyptian  chronology  upon  Manetho 

287 


288  THE  HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 

for  the  periods  not  covered  by  known  monuments,  is  by  no  means  working 
altogether  in  the  dark.  It  is  true  that  there  have  been  two  schools  of  opinion 
as  to  how  far  this  reliance  should  be  carried  :  one  school  contending  very 
warmly  that  Manetho's  lists  are  probably  in  i)laces  the  records  of  contempo- 
raneous dynasties,  —  it  being  known  that  the  government  was  in  many 
periods  divided,  —  and  hence  that  the  entire  period  of  time  required  for  the 
dynasties  as  listed  must  be  materially  shortened  ;  the  other  school  maintain- 
im--  that  Manetho  himself  took  note  of  such  contemporaneous  dynasties  and 
eli'iuinatt'd  them  from  his  list,  retaining  only  a  single  line  of  what  he  regarded 
as  le<^ntimate  succession. 

For  the  general  student,  it  really  does  not  matter  greatly  which  of  these 
views  is  correct.  The  general  accuracy  of  Manetho  is  admitted  on  all  hands, 
and  the  monuments  sustain  him  to  the  extent  of  making  sure  a  long  list  of 
dynasties,  whether  or  not  his  exact  number  be  admitted.  When  we  recall 
that  Manetho  himself  was,  relatively  speaking,  a  modern,  living  in  the 
third  century  B.C.,  and  hence  writing  about  periods  that  were,  even  accord- 
ing to  minimum  estimates,  farther  separated  from  his  age  than  he  is  from 
our  own,  it  would  not  seem  strange  if  he  should  have  made  some  mistakes. 
But  it  is  well  enough  also  to  remember  that  his  lists  would  probably  not 
have  been  challenged  with  so  much  fervour  in  our  time,  had  it  not  been  for 
certain  ulterior  bearings  of  this  question  of  chronology.  The  clew  will  be 
evident  to  whoever  notices  that  in  the  different  estimates  of  Egyptian 
chronology  the  older  historians  —  those  of  the  earlier  decades  of  the  nine- 
teenth century  —  are  pretty  generally  the  ardent  advocates  of  a  lower  or 
more  recent  date  for  the  beginning  of  the  first  dynasty. 

In  a  word,  during  the  period  when  the  question  of  the  antiquity  of  man 
was  still  matter  of  ardent  controversy,  even  the  most  fair-minded  historian 
could  not  help  letting  his  prejudice  on  that  subject  influence  his  judgment 
regarding  Egyptian  chronology.  The  year  2349  B.C.,  which  his  Bible  margin 
had  taught  him  to  recall  as  a  date  when  the  history  of  mankind  began  anew 
after  an  all-devastating  flood,  stood  out  in  his  mind  as  a  danger  mark  that 
he  must  not  let  himself  be  carried  past  if  he  could  possibly  avoid  it.  If  he 
preferred  the  Septuagint  reckoning,  he  gained  a  few  centuries  more  of  lee- 
way, say  till  3250  B.C.,  but  this  was  the  ultimate  limit,  behind  which  no 
evidence  could  carry  him. 

Meantime  historians  who  had  not  this  bias  were  unequivocally  fixing  the 
beginning  of  the  Egyptian  dynasties  a  thousand  years  or  so  farther  back. 
But  their  reckoning  could  count  for  nothing  in  the  general  verdict  so  long 
as  the  old  estimate  of  man's  antiquity  was  held.  No  sooner,  however,  had 
it  come  to  be  generally  conceded  that  the  long-authoritative  dates  were 
incorrect,  than  a  reaction  set  in  among  the  Egyptologists.  Once  it  was 
conceded  that  man  had  been  an  inhabitant  of  the  earth  for  hundreds  of 
thousands  of  years,  and  that  the  years  of  his  early  civilisation  must  reach 
bacrk  into  the  tens  of  thousands,  the  form  of  the  bias  of  the  average  searcher 
into  ancient  history  was  changed.  That  very  human  tendency  which  makes 
OIK!  like  to  exc(d  liis  neighbour,  caused  the  Egyptologists  now  to  vie  with 
their  oidy  competitors,  the  Assyriologists,  in  lengthening  out  their  records, 
instead  of  shortening  them.  We  do  not  mean  that  a  bias  was  consciously 
admitted  in  one  case  or  the  other  ;  but  historians  are  human,  and  their 
judgments,  like  those  of  other  mortals,  are  never  altogether  free  from  human 
prejudice. 

The  clear  and  simple  fact  seems  to  be,  that  no  knowledge  is  at  hand  that 
enables  the  historian  to  fix  with  certainty  the  remoter  dates  of  Egyptian  his- 


APPENDIX  B.     THE   PROBLEM   OF  EGYPTIAN   CHRONOLOGY     289 

tory.  The  very  most  that  can  be  done,  at  present,  is  to  determine  minimum 
dates,  as  is  done  by  the  most  recent  German  writers  of  authority,  and  to  con- 
tent ourselves  with  stating  these,  understanding  that  they  make  no  pretence 
to  absolute  accuracy.  When  Professor  Meyer,  for  example,  says  that  the 
minimum  date  for  the  founding  of  the  Old  Memphis  Kingdom  by  King 
Menes  is  3180  B.C.,  he  does  not  at  all  imply  that  Mariette  is  wrong  in  fixing 
the  same  event  at  5004  B.C.,  or  about  two  thousand  years  earlier.  He  simply 
means  that  in  the  present  state  of  knowledge  he  does  not  feel  justified  in 
choosing  a  definite  date ;  he  is  certain,  however,  that  the  true  date  cannot  be 
placed  later  than  3180  B.C. 

Some  such  latitude  as  this  we  must  admit,  then,  in  dealing  with  ancient 
Egyptian  chronology.  Of  course  the  amount  of  possible  variation  progres- 
sively decreases  as  we  come  down  the  ages  ;  but  the  chronology  does  not 
become  absolutely  fixed  until  we  reach  the  comparatively  recent  period  of 
King  Psamthek  I,  who  reigned  from  near  the  middle  of  the  seventh 
century  before  our  era. 

Fortunately,  however,  these  uncertainties  of  exact  chronology  need  inter- 
fere but  little  with  our  interest  and  enjoyment  in  considering  Egyptian  his- 
tory. Chronology  is,  indeed,  as  Professor  Petrie  has  phrased  it,  "the 
backbone  of  history."  But  this  applies  rather  to  the  general  sequence  of 
events  than  to  the  exact  citation  of  years  ;  and  fortunately  there  is  no  un- 
certainty at  all  about  the  sequence  of  important  events  in  Egyptian  history, 
even  from  the  remotest  times.  We  may  not  know  the  exact  year  in  which 
the  great  Pyramid  was  built  ;  but  we  do  know  exactly  who  built  it,  and  the 
names  and  deeds  of  his  predecessors  and  successors,  as  well  as  the  general 
epoch  in  which  the  events  took  place.  For  the  purpose  of  any  one  but  the 
specialist,  we  could  scarcely  ask  more  than  this.  And  a  like  certainty 
attaches  to  all  other  of  the  really  great  epochs  of  Egyptian  history.  The 
general  student  may  feel  quite  content  with  the  degree  of  precision  of  the 
attainable  records  ;  and,  paying  but  slight  attention  to  the  less  important 
dynasties,  may  well  fix  his  attention  upon  those  culminating  periods  when 
the  great  deeds  were  accomplished  which  render  the  history  of  Egypt  mem- 
orable for  all  generations  of  men.  The  first  of  these  periods,  and  the  one 
which  now  claims  our  attention,  was  the  epoch  of  the  so-called  Old  Kingdom 
of  Memphis  —  the  epoch  of  the  ushering  in  of  Egyptian  history,  as  known 
to  succeeding  generations  ;  yet  also  the  epoch  of  the  building  of  the  Pyra- 
mids —  the  most  gigantic  and  permanent  structures  ever  created  by  human 
minds  and  human  hands. 

Apart  from  questions  of  chronology,  the  sequence  of  chief  events  in 
Egyptian  history  is  now  fairly  established  and  accepted  by  all  schools  of 
Egyptologists.  This  course  of  history  proper  we  have  followed  under  guid- 
ance of  specialists  who  have  devoted  their  lives  to  the  elucidation  of  this 
subject.  It  may  be  well,  however,  to  repeat  a  word  of  warning  that  has 
already  been  said  as  to  the  incompleteness  of  the  records  on  which  this  narra- 
tive is  based.  It  is  one  thing  to  assert  that  the  main  events  of  Egyptian 
history  are  known  in  proper  sequence,  and  it  is  quite  another  to  assume  that 
a  knowledge  of  all  the  events  of  that  history  is  accessible.  In  point  of  fact, 
it  must  be  freely  admitted  that  our  knowledge  of  Egyptian  history  as  a 
whole  is  meagre  indeed.  Here  and  there  a  great  event  or  a  great  name 
stands  out  prominently,  but  there  are  long  stretches  of  time  between,  when 
not  so  much  as  the  name  of  a  single  man  is  known  in  many  generations. 

Generally  speaking,  however,  the  periods  marked  by  dearth  of  records 
may  be  presumed  to  be  periods  equally  marked  by  dearth  of  great  events  ; 

H.  W.  —  VOL.  I.   U 


290  THE    HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 

and  in  one  sense  our  history  of  these  distant  times  assumes  truer  relation  of 
perspective  than  can  ])ossibly  be  given  to  the  chronicle  of  later  periods  which 
are  replete  with  insignificant  and  bewildering  details  of  minor  events. 
Without  scruple  or  regret,  therefore,  we  may  here  and  there  condense  the 
narrative  of  many  generations  of  Egyptian  history  into  a  line  or  paragraph, 
while  giving  extended  treatment  to  the  deeds  and  accomplishments  of  a  few 
great  heroes  who  make  Egyptian  history  illustrious. 

But  l)efore  turning  to  the  history  proper,  it  will  be  well  to  make  a  more 
detailed  examination  of  the  chronological  foundations  on  which  our  know- 
ledge rests.  Eduard  Meyer  has  outlined  them  succinctly. «  From  our  sources 
of  information,  he  says,  it  is  evident  that  we  can  place  ourselves  on  certain 
chronological  ground  for  Egyptian  history. 

Manetlio  has  rightly  retained  its  general  outline.  He  divides  the  kings, 
from  the  foundation  of  the  kingdom  by  Menes  until  the  fall  of  the  last 
Darius,  into  tliirty-one  ruling  houses,  or  dynasties.  His  division  does  not 
seem  to  be  always  correct ;  for  instance,  the  Turin  papyrus  makes  several 
more  divisions  out  of  the  1st  Dynasty.  Nevertheless,  Manetho's  order  has 
long  been  commonly  accepted,  and  for  many  reasons  its  further  retention 
ct)mmends  itself. 

The  Turin  papyrus  just  mentioned  seems  to  have  been  written  under 
Ramses  HI,  as  the  name  of  this  king  appears  in  the  accounts  on  the  back. 
It  contains  a  record  of  the  Egyptian  kings  (the  dynasties  of  the  gods 
precede  them),  with  a  statement  of  the  years  of  their  reigns,  and  to  some 
(k'gree  of  their  ages.  Unfortunately  the  papyrus  is  much  mutilated,  and 
amidst  luimerous  small  fragments  there  exist  only  a  few  large  pieces.  But 
it  is  possible  to  obtain  a  general  view  of  the  papyrus  by  putting  the  most 
important  fragments  into  their  right  places.  It  contains  (if  pages  have  not 
been  torn  off  at  the  end)  ten  columns  of  from  twenty -seven  to  twenty-eight 
lines,  and  it  mentions  about  two  hundred  and  twenty  kings'  names,  from 
Menes  until  before,  or  during,  the  Hyksos  period. 

Tliese  are  divided  into  dynasties,  which  are  sometimes  specified  only  by 
a  title,  and  sometimes  by  the  word  "  reigned "  being  repeated  after  the 
king's  name.  Under  the  longer  lists  totals  are  given.  In  the  few  cases 
where  the  figures  of  the  papyrus  have  been  verified  by  the  help  of  the 
memorials,  they  have  been  found  to  be  correct.  However,  the  author  is 
guilty  of  a  great  error  in  the  total  of  the  Xllth  Dynasty. 

The  gaps  in  the  papyrus  are  partially  filled  by  the  royal  monumental 
tablets,  which  are  altogether  of  a  funereal  character  —  a  later  king  or  citizen 
is  shown  offering  sacrifice  to  the  old  rulers. 

Tliree  lists  carry  liistorical  weight : 

(1)  The  tablet  of  Seti  I  in  Abydos,  discovered  in  1864  and  quite  com- 
plete, contains  seventy-six  names.  The  tablet  of  Ramses  II,  now  in  London, 
is  a  copy  of  this. 

(2)  The  tablet  of  Tehutimes  III  from  Karnak,  now  in  the  Louvre,  very 
much  injured  and  promiscuously  put  together,  contains  sixty-one  names. 

(3)  The  tal)let  from  the  tomb  of  Tunrei  at  Saqqarah  (under  Ramses 
II,  discovered  in  1860),  contains  fifty-one  names,  of  which  forty-seven 
remain. 

Manetho's  list  in  its  different  editions  comes  next  to  these  accounts. 
It  was  long  thought  that  by  putting  it  in  its  original  form,  we  should  arrive 
at  a  safe  basis  of  Egyptian  chronology.  A  more  careful  examination,  how- 
ever, shows  us  that  Manetho  is  not  to  be  trusted.  Where  we  can  verify  his 
figures  in  the   more   ancient   periods   they   are   almost   without   exception 


APPENDIX   B.     THE   PROBLEM  OF  EGYPTIAN  CHRONOLOGY    291 

wrong,  and  this  from  no  fault  of  the  copyists  and  makers  or  extractors ;  there 
are  constant  confusion  and  gaps  in  the  succession  of  names.  Numerous 
examples  of  such  errors  may  be  seen  in  the  comparison  of  Manetho's  list 
with  the  monuments.  It  is  only  about  the  XXth  Dynasty  that  his  figures 
seem  to  be  reliable.  Another  circumstance  must  be  added.  According  to 
Manetho's  arrangement,  the  dynasties  follow  each  other,  so  that  he  includes 
a  Theban  and  a  contemporaneous  Hyksos  family  in  the  XVIIth  Dynasty, 
and  does  not  reckon  each  one  as  a  separate  ruling  house.  In  truth,  such 
contemporaneous  governments  did  repeatedly  take  place,  and  consequently 
they  must  reduce  the  dates  of  Manetho,  even  if  the  numbers  be  correct. 
King  Menes  would  not,  according  to  Manetho  (under  Unger's  calculation), 
be  placed  in  the  year  5613  B.C.,  but  considerably  later. 

So  we  must  give  up  the  search  for  absolute  dates  as  hopeless,  and  limit 
ourselves  to  an  approximate  computation  of  the  periods  of  Egyptian  history. 
The  genealogies  of  the  ruling  houses,  as  well  as  those  of  private  people, 
are  of  great  service,  for  where  we  can  trace  a  pedigree  through  long  periods, 
we  are  able  to  give  an  approximate  estimate  of  the  number  of  generations. 
Thus  we  arrive  at  the  "  minimum "  dates,  with  which  we  must  content 
ourselves  for  the  present. 

For  the  long  periods  from  the  Vllth  to  the  Xlth  Dynasties  and  from  the 
XlVth  to  the  XVIIth,  which  are  almost  completely  destitute  of  monuments, 
the  dates  are  extremely  problematic.  The  dates  therefore  given  for  the 
Xllth  Dynasty,  for  the  Pyramid  period  and  for  Menes,  only  prove  that  they 
cannot  well  be  put  later,  whilst  they  leave  the  way  open  for  any  one  to  put 
them  farther  back.& 

The  lists  of  Manetho,  above  referred  to,  are  so  important  as  to  require 
fuller  notice. 

MANETHO'S   TABLE   OF  THE   EGYPTIAN   DYNASTIES 


Length 

Years 

Years 

Dynasty 

of  Dynasty 

Capital 

Province 

of 
Years 

before 
Hegira 

before 
Christ 

I 

Thinis     . 

.    Harabat-el-Madf  uneh .     . 

Girgeh ,     .     . 

253 

5626 

5004 

II 

Thinis     . 

.    Harabat-el-Madfaneh 

Girgeh .     .     . 

302 

5373 

4751 

III 

Memphis 

.    Mitrahineh    .     .     . 

Gizeh    .     .     . 

214 

6071 

4449 

IV 

Memphis 

.    Mitrahineh    . 

Gizeh    .     .     . 

284 

4857 

4235 

V 

Memphis 

.    Mitrahineh    . 

Gizeh    .     .     . 

248 

4573 

3951 

VI 

Elephantine 

.    Gezireh-Assuan 

Esneh  .     .     . 

203 

4325 

3703 

VII 

Memphis 

.    Mitrahineh    . 

Gizeh    .     .     . 

70  days 

4122 

3500 

VIII 

Memphis 

.    Mitrahineh    . 

Gizeh   .     .     . 

142 

4122 

3500 

IX 

Heracleopol 

IS  .    Ahnas-el-Medineh 

Beni  Suef .     . 

109 

3980 

3358 

X 

Heracleopol 

IS  .    Ahnas-el-Medineh 

Beni  Suef .     . 

185 

3871 

3249 

XI 

Thebes    . 

.    Medinet  Habu    . 

Keneh  -> 
Keneh/    '     ' 

213 

3686 

3064 

XII 

Thebes    . 

.    Medinet  Habu 

XIII 

Thebes    . 

.    Medinet  Habu 

Keneh.     .     . 

453 

3173 

2861 

XIV 

Xois  .     . 

.    Sakha  .     .     . 

Menuiieh  .     . 

184 

3020 

2398 

XV 

Hyksos   . 

.     .San.     .     .     . 

Sharkieh  -j 

XVI 

Hyksos  . 

.    San.     .     .     . 

Sharkieh  ■     . 

511 

2836 

2214 

XVII 

Hyksos  . 

.    San .... 

Sharkieh  J 

XVIII 

Thebes    . 

.    Medinet  Habu 

Keneh  .     .     . 

241 

2325 

1703 

XIX 

Thebes    . 

.    Medinet  Habu 

Keneh  .     .     . 

174 

2084 

1462 

XX 

Thebes    . 

.    Medinet  Habu 

Keneh.     .     . 

178 

1910 

1288 

29^ 


THE   HISTOEY   OF  EGYPT 


Dynaaty 


Name 
of  Dynasty 


Capital 


Tears 

Years 
before 
Ilegira 

130 

1732 

170 

1602 

8i) 

1432 

6 

1343 

50 

1337 

138 

1287 

121 

1149 

7 

1028 

21 

1021 

38 

1000 

8 

962 

Tears 
before 
Christ 


XXI 

XXII 


Taiiis .     . 
Bubastis . 


XXIII  I  Tanis. 


XXIV 

Sais    .     .     . 

XXV 

Ethiopian    . 

XXVI 

Sais    .     .     . 

XXVII 

Persian   .     . 

^XVIII 

Sais    .     .     . 

XXIX 

Mendes  .     . 

XXX 

Sebennytes . 

XXXI 

Persian   .     . 

San Sharkieh 

Tel-Basta Sliarkieh 

San Sliarkieh 

Sa-el-IIa£;ar Gliarbieh 

Sa-el-IIaj,'ar Gharbieb 

Sa-el-IIagar Gharbieb 

Sa-el-IIagar Gharbieb 

Sa-el-Hagar Gharbieb 

Ashmun-el-Ruman      .     .  Dakalieh 

Sanianiuli Gharbieb 

Samauudi Gharbieb 

End  of  list  according  to  Manetho 


1110 
980 
810 
721 
715 
666 
527 
400 
399 
378 
340 


X  X  \'  II 

27 
275 
411 

954 
927 
652 

241 

332 

XXXIII 

(ireek 

305 

XXXIV 

lioniau    . 

30 

Edict  of  Theodosius    .     . 

A.D. 

381 

No  one  can  help  being  struck  by  the  enormous  total  to  which  Manetho's 
summing  up  of  the  dynasties  brings  us.  By  means  of  the  Egyptian  priest's 
lists  we  are  in  truth  carried  back  to  the  times  that  for  all  other  peoples  are 
purely  mythical,  but  for  Egypt  are  certainly  historic. 

Embarrassed  by  this  fact  and  finding  no  other  means  of  discrediting 
Manetho's  authenticity  and  veracity,  some  modern  writers  have  supposed 
that  Egypt  has  been  at  various  periods  of  its  history  divided  into  several 
kingdoms,  and  that  ]\Ianetho  gives  us  as  successive  some  royal  families 
whose  reigns  were  in  fact  simultaneous. 

According  to  these  authorities  the  Vth  Dynasty,  for  example,  would  have 
reigned  at  Memphis  at  the  same  time  that  the  Vlth  governed  at  Ele- 
phantine. It  is  not  necessary  to  demonstrate  the  advantages  of  such  an 
arrangement.  By  bringing  certain  dates  closer  together  and  by  correcting 
others  it  is  possible  by  an  ingenious  and  clever  arrangement  of  the  dynasties 
to  shorten  almost  at  will  the  space  of  time  covered  by  Manetho's  lists  ;  thus 
while,  in  the  table,  we  have  the  date  5G26  a.h.,  that  is,  before  the  Hegira, 
[5004  ij.c]  as  that  of  the  foundation  of  the  Egyptian  monarchy,  other 
writers  like  Biinsen  do  not  go  farther  back  than  4245  a.h.  or  3623  B.C. 

On  whose  side  does  the  truth  lie  ?  The  more  one  studies  the  question, 
the  more  it  is  seen  how  dillicult  it  is  to  reply.  The  greatest  of  all  obstacles 
to  the  establisliment  of  a  definite  Egyptian  chronology  is  that  the  Egyptians 
never  had  a  clironology  proper.  The  employment  of  an  era,  properly  so 
called,  was  unknown  to  them,  and  up  to  the  present  time  it  has  never  been 
proved  that  they  reckoned  otherwise  than  by  the  years  of  the  reign.  And 
moreover  tliese  years  were  far  from  having  a  fixed  point  of  beginning,  since 
sometimes  they  began  at  the  commencement  of  the  year  in  which  the  preced- 
ing king  died,  and  sometimes  with  the  coronation  of  the  new  king.  What- 
ever may  be  the  apparent  precision  of  its  calculations,  modern  science  will 
always  be  batlled  in  its  attempts  to  establish  that  which  the  Egyptians 
themselves  did  not  possess.^ 


BRIEF  REFERENCE-LIST   OF  AUTHORITIES  BY  CHAPTERS 

[The  letter  «  is  reserved  for  Editorial  Matter] 


Chapter  I.     The  Egyptian  Race  and  Its  Origin 

>>  Eduard  Meyer,  Oeschichte  der  Alien  Aegyptens.  —  f«  W.  M.  Flinders  Petrie,  from  the 
article  "Egyptology"  in  the  New  Volumes  of  the  Ninth  Edition  of  the  EncyclopcBdia  Brilan- 
nica,  —ff  Adolf  Erman,  Aegyplen  und  Aegyplisches  Leben  im  Alterlhum. 

Chapter  II.     The  Old  Memphis  Kingdom 

^  Eduard  Meyer,  OescMchU  des  Alterthums.  —  **  A.  Wiedemann,  Aegyplische  Oeschichte. 

—  eDioDORUS  SicuLus,  The  Historical  Library  (translated  from  the  Greek  by  G.  Booth). — 
/G.  C.  C.  Maspero,  The  Dawn  of  Civilisation  (translated  from  the  French  by  M.  L.  McClure). 

—  9  Samuel  Birch,    translation  of  the  Inscription  of  Una  in  Records  of  the  Past. — ''H.  C. 
Brugsch,  Oeschichte  Aegyptens  unter  den  Pharaonen. 

Chapter  III.    The  Old  Theban  Kingdom 


^  H.  C.  Brugsch,  Oeschichte  Aegyptens  unter  den  Pharaonen.  —  "  (j  q  q  Maspero,  His- 
toire  ancienne  des  peuples  de  V  Orient. — ''Herodotus,  The  History  of  Herodotus  (translated 
from  the  Greek  by  William  Beloe).  — «  William  Beloe,  Translator  of  the  History  of  Herodotus. 
—  /K.  R.  Lepsius,  Letters  fro7u  Egypt,  Ethiopia,  and  the  Peninsula  of  Sinai  (translated  from 
the  German  by  Leonora  and  Joanna  B.  Horner).  —  sr  Eduard  Meyer,  Oeschichte  des  Alter- 
thums. —  'I  W.  N.  Flinders  Petrie,  A  History  of  Egypt.  — 'Plavius  Josephus,  The  Works  of 
Josephus  (translated  from  the  Greek  by  William  Whiston).  —    Manetho,  cited  by  Josephus. 


Chapter  IV.     The  Restoration 

^  Samuel  Birch,  Records  of  the  Past.  —  «  G.  C.  C.  Maspero,  The  Struggle  of  the  Nations 
(translated  from  the  French  by  M.  L.  McClure).  —  '^  G.  C.  C.  Maspero,  Histoire  ancienne  des 
peuples  de  V  Orient. 

Chapter  V.    The  Nineteenth  Dynasty 

«>G.  C.  C.  Maspero,  Histoire  ancienne  des  peuples  de  l' Orient.  —  "Eduard  Meyer,  Oe- 
schichte des  Alterthums.  — <*  H.  C.  Brugsch,  Oeschichte  Aegyptens  unter  den  Pharaonen. 

Chapter  VI.    The  Finding  of  the  Royal  Mummies 
^  G.  C.  C.  Maspero,  La  Trouvaille  de  Deir-el-Bahari. 

Chapter  VII.    The  Period  op  Decay 

''G.  C.  C.  Maspero,  The  Struggle  of  the  iVa^tons  (translated  from  the  French  by  M.  L. 
McClure).  — "G.  C.  C.  Maspero,  Histoire  ancieyme  des  peuples  de  V Orient.  —  <*  Eduard  Meyer, 

Oeschichte  des  Alterthums. 


Chapter  VIII.     The  Closing  Scenes 

''L.  M^NAKD,  Histoire  des  anciens  peuples  de  I' Orient. — "  Diodorus  Siculus,  T^c  Histor- 
ical Library  (translated  from  the  Greek  by  Q.  Booth).  —  <*  Eduard  Meyer,  Oeschichte  des  Al- 
terthums. 


292 


THE   HISTORY   OF  EGYPT 


Djsuatj 


XXI 
XXII 
XXIIl 
XXIV 


Name 
of  Dyuttsty 


Taiiis.     .  . 

Bubastis .  . 

Tan  is.     .  . 

Sais    .     .  . 

XXV  1  Ethiopian  . 

XXVI  I  Sais    .     .  . 

XXVII  '  Persian   .  . 

XXVIII     Sais    .     .  . 

XXIX  I  Mtndes  .  . 
XXX  I  Sebennytes. 

XXXI  '  Persian  .  . 


XXXII 
XXXIII 
XXXIV 


Macedonian 
Greek  .  . 
Roman    .     . 


Capital 


San Sharkieh 

Tel-Basta Sharkieli 

San Sharkieh 

Sa-el-Hasar Gharbieh 

Sa-el-Hagar Gharbieh 

Sa-el-Hagar Gharbieh 

Sa-el-IIagar Gharbieh 

Sa-el-IIauar Gharbieh 

Ashmun-el-Ruman      .     .  Dakalieh 

Samanudi Gharbieh 

Samanudi Gharbieh 

End  of  list  according  to  Manetho 


PMict  of  Theodosius 


Length 

of 
Years 


130 
170 

89 
G 

50 

138 

121 

7 

21 

38 


Years 
before 
llegira 


1732 
1602 
1432 
1343 
1337 
1287 
1149 
1028 
1021 
1000 
962 


Years 
before 
Christ 


27 

954 

275 

927 

411 

652 

241 

1110 
980 
810 
721 
715 
665 
527 
406 
399 
378 
340 


381 


No  one  can  lielp  being  struck  by  the  enormous  total  to  which  Manetho's 
summing  up  of  the  dynasties  brings  us.  By  means  of  the  Egyptian  priest's 
lists  we  are  in  truth  carried  back  to  the  times  that  for  all  other  peoples  are 
purely  mythical,  but  for  Egypt  are  certainly  historic. 

Embarrassed  by  this  fact  and  finding  no  other  means  of  discrediting 
Manetho's  autlienticity  and  veracity,  some  modern  writers  have  supposed 
that  Egypt  has  l)een  at  various  periods  of  its  history  divided  into  several 
kingdoms,  and  that  Manetlio  gives  us  as  successive  some  royal  families 
whose  reigns  were  in  fact  simultaneous. 

Accor<ling  to  these  authorities  the  Vth  Dynasty,  for  example,  would  have 
reigned  at  Memphis  at  the  same  time  that  the  Vlth  governed  at  Ele- 
phantine. It  is  not  necessary  to  demonstrate  the  advantages  of  such  an 
arrangement.  By  bringing  certain  dates  closer  together  and  by  correcting 
others  it  is  possible  hy  an  ingenious  and  clever  arrangement  of  the  dynasties 
to  shorten  almost  at  will  the  space  of  time  covered  by  Manetho's  lists  ;  thus 
while,  in  the  table,  we  have  the  date  5626  a.h.,  that  is,  before  the  Hegira, 
[r)004  n.c]  as  that  of  the  foundation  of  the  Egyptian  monarchy,  other 
writers  like  Bunsen  do  not  go  farther  back  than  4245  A.H.  or  3623  B.C. 

On  whose  side  does  the  truth  lie  ?  The  more  one  studies  the  question, 
the  more  it  is  seen  how  difficult  it  is  to  reply.  The  greatest  of  all  obstacles 
to  the  establishment  of  a  definite  Egyptian  chronology  is  that  the  Egyptians 
never  had  a  chronology  proper.  The  employment  of  an  era,  properly  so 
called,  was  unknown  to  them,  and  up  to  the  present  time  it  has  never  been 
proved  that  they  reckoned  otherwise  than  by  the  years  of  the  reign.  And 
moreover  these  years  were  far  from  having  a  fixed  point  of  beginning,  since 
sometimes  they  began  at  the  commencement  of  the  year  in  which  the  preced- 
ing king  died,  and  sometimes  with  the  coronation  of  the  new  king.  What- 
ever may  be  the  apparent  precision  of  its  calculations,  modern  science  will 
always  be  baffled  in  its  attempts  to  establish  that  which  the  Egyptians 
themselves  did  not  possess.^ 


A   GENERAL   BIBLIOGRAPHY   OF   EGYPTIAN   HISTORY 


BASED  ON  THE  WORKS  QUOTED,  CITED,  OR  EDITORIALLY  CONSULTED  IN 
THE  PREPARATION  OF  THE  PRESENT  HISTORY,  WITH  CRITICAL  AND 
BIOGRAPHICAL  NOTES 


In  the  preparation  of  the  present  work  the  editors  have  had  occasion  to  consult  a  very 
number  of  books,  in  addition  to  those  actually  quoted.  Not  all  of  these  are  here 
listed;  neither  is  any  effort  made  to  have  the  present  bibliography  complete  in  other 
respects.  Many  names  of  recent  works  that  might  easily  be  added  are  purposely  omitted 
because  of  the  facility  with  which  the  student  will  come  upon  them.  On  the  other  hand, 
a  good  many  works  are  included  because  their  very  obscurity  would  lead  to  their  being 
overlooked.  Some  of  these  had  great  importance  in  their  day,  and  must  be  looked  to  by 
any  one  who  would  appreciate  the  history  of  development  and  research  in  this  field.  Others 
had  at  best  only  incidental  imjiortance,  yet  should  not  be  quite  forgotten.  Brief  critical 
estimates  are  in  many  cases  added  to  orientate  the  would-be  investigator ;  and  in  the  case 
of  the  more  important  authorities,  biographical  notes  are  also  appended. 

Adams,  W.  M.,  The  Mystery  of  Ancient  Egypt.  The  New  Review,  1893 ;  The  House 
of  the  Hidden  Places.  London,  1895. — .ffilianus,  Claudius,  The  Variable  History  of 
^lianus.     London,  1576. 

Claudius  ^lianus  was  a  Roman  citizen  who  lived  in  the  second  century  a.d.,  the  exact 
date  being  uncertain.  Though  a  Roman,  he  preferred  Greek  to  Latin,  and  wrote  all  his 
works  in  the  former  language.  He  has  been  denominated  the  "  honey-tongued,"  from  the 
character  of  his  style,  and  the  "  sophist,"  from  his  teaching  rhetoric.  Two  of  his  works 
are  still  extant :  the  Varia  Historia,  from  which  our  excerpts  are  taken,  and  a  book  on 
natural  history,  which  enjoyed  great  repute  in  later  classical  and  medi?eval  times.  Both  of 
these  works  are  written  apparently  without  system,  though  the  author  himself  declared 
that  it  was  his  intention  to  shift  from  one  topic  to  another  to  keep  up  the  reader's 
interest.  The  work  on  natural  history,  having  of  course  no  other  than  an  antiquarian 
interest  in  modern  times,  has  never  been  translated ;  but  the  Varia  Historia  has  been 
rendered  into  English  twice;  the  quaint  old  translation  of  Fleming,  made  in  1576,  being 
the  one  which  we  select  for  our  excerpts.  The  value  of  this  work  depends  largely  upon 
the  fact  that  it  is  made  up  from  the  writings  of  still  more  ancient  historians  whose  works 
are  mainly  lost. 

Am^lineau,  E.,  La  Geographic  de  I'Egypte  k  I'epoque  copte.  Paris,  1893;  Resumd  de 
I'histoire  de  I'Egypte.  Paris,  1894;  Les  nouvelles  fouilles  d'Abydos,  Angero ;  Les  Moines 
^gyptiens.  Paris,  1890 ;  La  morale  egyptienne.  Paris,  1892  ;  Les  idees  morales  dans  I'Egyjite 
ancienne.  Paris,  1895 ;  Essai  sur  revolution  historique  et  philosophique  des  idees  morales 
dans  I'Egypte  ancienne.  Paris,  1896;  Histoire  de  la  sepulture  et  des  fundrailles  dans 
I'ancienne  Egypte.  Paris,  1890.  —  Anonymous,  Ausfiilirliches  Verzeichniss  der  aegypti- 
schen  Altertumer,  Gipsabgiisse  und  Papyrus  der  Berl.  Samml.     Berlin,  1894. 

Batten,  S.  H.,  Pharaoh  of  the  Exodus.  Melbourne,  1880.  — B^n^dite,  G.,  Le  temple 
de  Philaj.  Paris,  1895.  — Berkley,  E.,  Pharaohs  and  their  People.  London,  1884.— 
Birch,  S.,  Records  of  the  Past.  London,  18  vols.,  1873;  Egypt  to  300  n.c.  London,  1875; 
Two  Tablets  of  the  Ptolemaic  Period  (Archeologia,  vol.  39).     London,  1863. 


29G        A   GENERAL   BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  EGYPTIAN   HISTORY 


Dr.  Samuel  Birch  was  born  in  London,  3rd  November,  1813 ;  died  there  27th  December, 
1885.  He  was  a  scholar  of  recognised  profundity  and  also  of  remarkable  versatility.  He 
went  early  to  the  Hritish  Museum  in  the  dei.artn'ient  of  antiquities,  his  specialty  at  that 
time  being  Chines*-.  Later  on  he  became  chief  of  the  department  of  antiquities,  including 
oriental,  classical,  medi;eval,  and  early  British  archajology.  He  became  recognised  as  an 
expert  in  all  these  dei)artmentH,  and  his  publications  cover  almost  the  entire  range  of 
archicologj'.  He  was  an  innovator  in  both  Assyriology  and  Egyptology.  In  the  latter  field 
his  publications  are  many  and  varied,  one  of  the  mo.st  important  being  his  Grammar  of  the 
Kgyi'tian  Language,  which  was  incorporated  with  the  great  work  on  Egyptian  history  by 
Baron  Bun.seu.  As  the  .science  of  Egyptology  was  then  in  a  transition  state,  this  and  the 
other  works  of  Dr.  Birch  are  of  course  now  sujierseded,  though  by  no  means  rendered  value- 
less. Out'  of  the  most  important  editorial  tasks  of  Dr.  Birch  was  the  bringing  out  of  a 
series  known  a.s  The  Reconls  of  the  Past,  which  consisted  of  translations  from  Egyptian 
and  .Vssyrio-Bahy Ionian  records.  Dr.  Birch  himself  contributed  several  of  these.  He  also 
had  the"  di.stiiictiou  of  being  the  first  translator  of  the  Egyptian  Book  of  the  Dead.  To 
some  extent  Dr.  Birch  suffered  from  his  versatility;  being  known  in  so  many  fields,  he  is 
not  thought  of  pn'-eminently  in  connection  with  any  one  of  them,  but  he  will  always  be 
remenilx-red  as  an  innovator  in  the  field  of  Egj'ptology. 

Bokh.  .v.,  .^^anetIlo  und  die  Hundstern-Periode.  Berlin,  184.5.  —  Borchardt,  Zur 
Gt'scliiciitf  (It  I'yrainidon,  Ztschr.  fiir  Aegypt.  Spr.,  1894.  —  Boudier,  E.,  Vers  egyptiens, 
metricpie  deniotique.  I'aris,  1897.  — Breasted,  I.  II.,  De  hymnis  in  solem  sub  rege  Anieno- 
phide  IV  conceptis.  Berlin,  1894.  —  Brimmer,  ]\I.,  Egypt.  Three  Essays  on  the  History, 
Religion,  and  Art  of  Egypt.  Boston.  1891.  —  Brugsch,  H.  C,  Geschichte  Aegyptens  unter 
«Ien  Pharaonen.  Leipsic,  1877,  2  vols.  Genesis  of  the  Earth  and  of  Man.  London,  1880. 
Die  aegyjitischen  Altertiimer  in  Berlin.  Berlin,  1857.  Recueil  des  monuments  egyptiens. 
Leipsic,  18G'J-18(!3.  Dictionnaire  geographique  de  I'ancienne  Egypte.  Leipsic,  1877- 
issn.  Thesaurus  inscriptionum  aigyptiarum.  Leipsic,  1883-1891.  Religion  und  ^Mytho- 
Idgie  der  alten  aegypter.  Leipsic,  1890.  Die  aegjq^tologie,  Abriss  der  Entzifferungen 
un<I  Forschungen.     Leipsic,  1891. 

Ileinrich  Carl  Brugsch  was  born  at  Berlin,  1827 ;  died  there,  1894.  He  belonged  to  that 
rather  large  company  of  German  investigators,  who  are  at  once  scholars  and  diplomatists. 
His  residence  in  Egypt  was  not  as  an  ordinary  tourist  or  investigator,  but  as  an  officer 
of  the  Egyptian  (Jovornment,  with  the  title  of  Bey  and  later  of  Pasha.  Like  his  famous 
countrymen,  Niebuhr  and  Bunsen,  before  him,  he  found  time  in  the  midst  of  official  duties 
for  a  wi<le  range  of  scholarly  activities,  and  he  soon  became  known,  not  only  as  one  of  the 
foremost  Egy|)tologists,  but  as  incomparably  the  highest  authority  on  one  form  of  the 
Egyptian  writing,  namely,  the  demotic.  His  History  of  Ef/>/pt  under  the  Pharaohs,  derived 
entin'ly  from  the  monuments,  is  a  work  of  the  most  standard  authority.  It  is,  in  the 
main,  a  work  rather  for  the  scholar  than  for  the  general  public;  but  it  is  by  no  means 
without  })opular  interest,  and,  notwithstanding  its  bulk,  it  has  been  translated  into  English. 
The  readi-r  will  recall  that  we  have  based  our  chronology  upon  the  system  of  Dr.  Brugsch, — 
a  .tyst«'m  confefwedly  artificial,  which,  however,  meets  the  difficulties  of  the  subject  perhaps 
belter  than  any  other  yet  devised. 

Budge,  E.  \.  W.,  The  Book  of  the  Dead.  London,  1895;  Egyptian  Ideas  of  the  Future 
Lif.-.  London,  1899;  f^gvptian  Magic.  London,  1899  ;  The  Mummy :  Chapters  on  Egyptian 
Funeral  Arclia'ology.  Cambridge,  1893;  Egypt  in  the  Neolithic  and  Archaic  Periods. 
London  and  New  York,  1902. 

I-Jmest  A.  Wallis  Budge,  M.A.,  Litt.D.,  D.Lit.,  F.S.A.,  Keeper  of  Assyrian  and  Egyptian 
Antifjuities,  British  Museum.  Dr.  Budge  has  at  once  the  profundity  and  the  versatility  of 
his  famous  predecessor  at  the  British  Museum,  Dr.  Birch.  The  list  of  his  writings  on 
oricmtal  archa-ology  is  much  too  long  to  be  cited  in  full  here.  Among  other  things  he  has 
put  \yonld-be  stmlents  of  the  subject  under  lasting  obligations  by  preparing  an  elementary 
treatise  on  the  Egyptian  language,  and  following  it  up  with  a  more  advanced  work  for  the 
u-se  of  the  student.  He  has  also  made  an  elaborate  translation  of  the  Book  of  the  Dead, 
utilising  the  recent  advances  in  the  knowledge  of  Egyptian  hieroglyphics  to  improve  upon 
the  f..rm<'r  transialiuns.  His  latest  work  in  this  field  is  a  popular  history  of  Egypt,  in  eight 
volumes,  published  at  London,  1902.  In  addition  to  his  recognised  profound  "scholarship. 
Dr.  Budge  ha.s  in  a  high  degree  the  capacity  for  literary  presentation,  and  he  has  not  felt 
himself  above  considering  the  needs  of  the  unscholarly  piiblic  and  of  the  beginner  in 
oriental  studies.  Thus  his  catalogue  of  Egyptian  antiquities  at  the  British  Museum, 
which  Ls  ostensibly  only  a  guide-book  to  the  collection  there,  is  in  itself  a  work  of  real 
lit^irary  merit,  which  would  .serve  as  a  valuable  introduction  to  the  study  of  archaeology 
even  if  placed  in  the  hands  of  students  who  have  not  access  to  the  collection  which  it 
specifically  describes. 

Bunsen,  C.  K.  J.,  Egypt's  Place  in  Universal  History.     London,  1848-1867. 


WITH   CRITICAL   aVXD   BIOGRAPHICAL   NOTES 


207 


Baron  Christimi  Karl  Josias  von  Bunsen  was  born  at  Korbach,  Germany,  25th  August, 
1791,  and  died  at  Bonn,  iSth  November,  1860.  Baron  Bunsen  had  the  original  instincts  of 
the  scholar,  as  proved  by  his  numerous  writings ;  but  it  was  his  fate  to  be  shifted  early  in 
life  from  the  field  of  professional  scholarship  to  that  of  the  diplomatist,  and  his  researches 
were  carried  on  under  somewhat  disadvantageous  circumstances.  He  had  come  early  under 
the  influence  of  Xiebuhr,  aud  had  planned  a  life  of  scholarship ;  but  becoming  the  hitor  of 
Frederick  William  III,  and  being  advanced  through  royal  influence  to  a  diplomatic  post  in 
Rome,  and  afterwards  in  London,  he  came  to  be  more  widely  known  as  a  dii)lomatist  and 
statesman  than  as  a  scholar.  Nevertheless,  he  contributed  much  to  a  popular  knowledge  of 
history,  tlirough  his  Aegijptens  Stelle  in  der  Weltgeschichte,  and  its  English  translation 
as  above.  It  had  a  wide  circulation,  and  did  perhaps  more  than  almost  any  other  single 
work  to  popularise  the  relatively  new  subject  of  Egj^ptology.  His  Gott  in  der  Geschichte 
(God  in  History)  also  had  greal  popularity.  The  eminently  philosophical  character  of 
these  writings  is  valued  even  at  the  present  day,  though  it  must  be  conceded  that  the  point 
of  view  regarding  many  of  the  subjects  treated  has  quite  radically  changed  in  the  past  half 
century.  It  follows  that  the  interest  in  Baron  Bunsen's  books  must  to  a  large  extent  be 
antiquarian  rather  than  historical  at  the  present  day,  though  they  cannot  be  ignored  by  any 
one  who  wishes  to  have  a  full  comprehension  of  the  growth  and  development  of  the  science 
of  Egyptology. 

Cailliaud,  F.,  Travels  in  the  Oases  of  Thebes.  London,  1829.  —  Casanova,  Memoirs 
on  the  History  and  Archeology  of  Egypt.  —  Chabas,  J.  F.,  in  Birch's  Records  of  the  Past. 
London,  1873,  12  vols. ;  Etude  sur  I'antiquite  historique.  Paris,  1873 ;  Melanges  Egypto- 
logiques.     Chalons,  18G3-1873. 

Joseph  Francois  Chabas  was  born  2nd  January,  1817,  in  Brian9on ;  died  17th  May,  1882, 
at  Versailles.  He  was  a  specialist  in  Eg^-ptolog}-,  who  wrote  widely  and  was  recognised  as 
an  authority  of  importance.  He  is  best  known  to  the  English  reader  through  certain  trans- 
lations, notably  of  the  inscriptions  on  the  obelisks,  published  in  Birch's  Records  of  the 
Past.  He  produced  no  general  historical  work,  such  as  would  have  brought  his  name 
before  the  public  at  large,  and  hence  he  is  less  familiarly  known  than  many  other  Egj-ptolo- 
gists  of  less  worth. 

Chaill^-Long,  C,  L'Egypte  et  ses  provinces  perdues.  Paris,  1892.  —  Champollion,  J.  F., 
L'Egypte  sous  les  Pharaohs.  Paris,  1814;  Descriptions  de  I'Egypte.  etc.;  De  I'ecriture  hie- 
ratiques  des  anciens  Egyptiens.  Paris,  1824: ;  Precis  du  Systeme  Hieroglyphique  des  anciens 
^gyptiens.  Paris,  1824,  2  vols.;  Monuments  de  I'Egypte  et  de  la  Nubie.  Paris,  1835- 
1845,  4  vols. 

Jean  Francois  Champollion  was  born  at  Figeac,  Lot,  France,  23rd  December,  1790 ;  died 
at  Paris,  4th  March,  1832.  Champollion's  work  has  received  comprehensive  attention  in 
our  text  (see  Egypt,  Chapter  XI)  in  connection  with  the  interpretation  of  the  hiero- 
glyphics, in  which  work  Champollion  was  an  innovator  of  the  first  rank.  His  fame  rests 
chiefly  upon  this  accomplishment,  but  his  entire  life  was  devoted  to  Eg^-ptology,  and  he 
would  have  been  remembered  always  as  one  of  the  fathers  of  the  science,  even  had  he  not 
been  the  chief  originator  in  the  particular  work  of  interpreting  the  hieroglyphics.  Natu- 
rally much  of  his  work  has  been  superseded  by  more  recent  investigations.  This  must  be  true, 
in  the  nature  of  things,  of  the  work  of  any  innovator  in  science ;  but,  as  we  have  seen,  the 
whole  modern  scieuce^of  Egyptology  rests  securely  on  the  foundation  which  Champollion  laid. 

Charmes,  G.,  L'Egyjjte  archeol.  hist.  lit.  Paris,  1891.  —  Chesney,  I.,, The  Land  of 
the  Pyramids.  London,  1884.  —  Clot-Beg,  A.  B.,  Aper^u  general  sur  I'Egypte.  Paris, 
1840 ;'De  la  peste  observee  en  Egy^pte.  Paris,  1840;  Description  de  I'Egypte;  Coup  d'ceil 
sur  la  peste  et  les  quarantaines.  "Paris,  1851.  —  Cook,  F.  C,  Records  of  the  Past.  London, 
1873,  18  vols.  —  Cooper,  W.  A.,  Short  History  of  Eg}-ptian  Monuments.  London,  1876. — 
Cory,  I.  P.,  Ancient  Fragments  of  Phoenician,  Chaldean,  Egyptian,  and  other  writers. 
London,  1826,  second  edition,  1832. 

This  work  has  been  revised  by  E.  Richmond  Hodges  in  an  edition  published  in  1876, 
containing  some  improvements  but  lacking  the  original  Greek  and  Latin  texts.  The  work 
is  purely  a  compilation  consisting  solely  of  fragmentary  remains  of  various  classical  authors. 
It  gathers  into  a  single  work  a  great  variety  of  matter,  much  of  which  was  hitherto  inac- 
cessible to  the  average  scholar;  fragments,  many  of  which  give  us  an  int^ercsting  view  of 
various  historical  characters.  We  shall  liave  occasion  to  quote  some  of  these  excerpts  in 
other  connections.  The  original  work  contained  certain  Neo-Platonic  forgeries  known  as 
the  Oracles  of  Zoroaster,  the  Hermetic  Creed,  and  the  Orphic  and  IMhagorean  fragments 
which  are  discarded  by  the  editor  of  the  new  edition  as  being  of  doubtful  authenticity  and 
little  value.  Even  these,  however,  have  an  antiquarian  interest,  and  the  fact  that  the 
excerpts  are  given  in  the  original  languages  as  well  as  in  the  translation,  makes  the  earlier 
edition  of  the  work,  as  published  by  Cory  himself,  still  particularly  valuable. 


29G        A  GENERAL  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  EGYPTIAN   HISTORY 

Dr.  Samuel  Birch  was  born  in  London,  3rd  November,  1813 ;  died  there  27th  December, 
1885.  He  wa-s  a  scholar  of  recogniseil  profundity  and  also  of  remarkable  versatility.  He 
went  early  to  the  liriti.sh  Museum  in  the  departn^ient  of  antiquities,  his  specialty  at  that 
time  being  Chiuest-.  Later  on  he  became  chief  of  the  department  of  antiquities,  including 
oriental,  classical,  uiediaival,  and  early  British  archiwology.  He  became  recognised  as  an 
exi^ert  in  all  these  departments,  and  his  publications  cover  almost  the  entire  range  of 
archieolot^v.  He  wa.s  an  innovator  in  both  Assyriology  and  Egyptology.  In  the  latter  field 
his  publiciitioiis  are  many  and  varied,  one  of  the  most  important  being  his  Grammar  of  the 
Kgvptian  Language,  which  was  incorporated  with  the  great  work  on  Egyptian  history  by 
Baroii  Hun.sen.  As  the  science  of  Egyptology  was  then  in  a  transition  state,  this  and  the 
other  works  of  Dr.  Birch  are  of  course  now  sui>erseded,  though  by  no  means  rendered  value- 
less. One  of  the  most  important  editorial  tasks  of  Dr.  Birch  was  the  bringing  out  of  a 
series  known  as  The  Records  of  the  Past,  which  consi-sted  of  translations  from  Egyptian 
an<l  .\ssyrio-Iial»y Ionian  records.  Dr.  Birch  himself  contributed  several  of  these.  lie  also 
had  tli.'"di.stinctiou  of  being  the  first  translator  of  the  Egyptian  Book  of  the  Dead.  To 
.Home  extent  Dr.  Birch  suffered  from  his  versatility;  being  known  in  so  many  fields,  he  is 
not  thought  of  pn'-fminently  in  connection  with  any  one  of  them,  but  he  will  always  be 
remenilK-red  as  an  innovator  in  the  field  of  Egyptology. 

Bokh,  .v.,  .\LiiietIio  und  die  Hundstern-Periode.  Berlin,  184.5.  —  Borchardt,  Zur 
Gf'sdiii'lit.'  dtM-  I'yrainiden,  Ztschr.  fiir  Aegypt.  Spr.,  189-1.  —  Boudier,  E.,  Vers  egyptiens, 
metrique  deniotiiiue.  Paris,  1897.  — Breasted,  T.  II.,  De  hymnis  in  solem  sub  rege  Ameno- 
pliidft  IVconceptis.  Berlin,  189L  —  Brimmer,  M.,  Egypt.  Three  Essays  on  the  History, 
Keligion.  and  Art  of  Egypt.  Boston,  18!)  1.  — Brugsch,  H.  C,  Geschichte  Aegyptens  unter 
den  Pliaraonen.  Leipsic,  1877,  2  vols.  Genesis  of  the  Earth  and  of  Man.  London,  1880. 
Dif  aegyptischen  AltertUmer  in  Berlin.  Berlin,  1857.  Recueil  des  monuments  egyptiens. 
L»'ip.sic,  1802-1803.  Dictionnaire  geographique  de  I'ancienne  Egypte.  Leipsic,  1877- 
isso.  Thesaurus  inscriptionum  icgyptiarum.  Leipsic,  1883-1891.  Religion  und  Mytho- 
logi.>  der  alten  aegypter.  Leipsic,  1890.  Die  aegyptologie,  Abriss  der  Entzifferungen 
un<i  Forschungen.     Leipsic,  1891. 

Ileinrich  Carl  Brugsch  was  born  at  Berlin,  1827 ;  died  there,  1894.  He  belonged  to  that 
rather  large  company  of  German  investigators,  who  are  at  once  scholars  and  diplomatists. 
His  residence  in  Eg\']:it  was  not  as  an  ordinary  tourist  or  investigator,  but  as  an  otficer 
of  the  Egyptian  Government,  with  the  title  of  Bey  and  later  of  Pasha.  Like  his  famous 
countrymen,  Xiebuhr  and  Bunsen,  before  him,  he  found  time  in  the  midst  of  official  duties 
for  a  wide  range  of  sch(jlarly  activities,  and  he  soon  became  known,  not  only  as  one  of  the 
foremost  Kgyptologists,  but  as  incomparably  the  highest  authority  on  one  form  of  the 
Egyptian  writing,  namely,  the  demotic.  His  History  of  Egupt  under  the  Pharaohs,  derived 
entin-ly  from  the  monuments,  is  a  work  of  the  most  standard  authority.  It  is,  in  the 
main,  a  work  rather  for  the  scholar  than  for  the  general  public;  but  it  is  by  no  means 
without  f)opular  interest,  and,  notwithstanding  its  bulk,  it  has  been  translated  into  English. 
TFic  read>'r  will  recall  that  we  have  based  our  chronology  upon  the  system  of  Dr.  Brugsch, — 
a  «yst«'m  confessedly  artificial,  which,  however,  meets  the  difficulties  of  the  subject  perhaps 
better  than  any  other  yet  devised. 

Budge.  E.  A.  \V.,  Tiie  Book  of  the  Dead.  London,  1895;  Egyptian  Ideas  of  the  Future 
Life.  Ivoudon.  1.S99;  Egyptian  Magic.  London,  1899  ;  The  Mummy  :  Chapters  on  Egyptian 
Euneral  Arcli;i;ology.  Cambridge,  1893;  Egypt  in  the  Neolithic  and  Archaic  Periods. 
London  and  New  York,  1902. 

Enient  A.  Wallis  Budge,  M.A.,  Litt.D.,  D.Lit.,  F.S.A.,  Keeper  of  Assyrian  and  Egyptian 
Anticpiities,  British  Museum.  Dr.  Budge  has  at  once  the  profundity  and  the  versatility  of 
his  famous  predecessor  at  the  British  Museum,  Dr.  Birch.  The  list  of  his  writings  on 
oriental  ardijeology  is  much  too  long  to  be  cited  in  full  here.  Among  other  things  he  has 
put  would-I.e  stii.lents  of  the  subject  under  lasting  obligations  by  preparing  an  elementary 
treatise  on  tlip  lygyptian  language,  and  following  it  up  with  a  more  advanced  work  for  the 
iLse  of  the  student.  He  has  also  made  an  elaborate  translation  of  the  Book  of  the  Dead, 
utili.Hmg  the  recent  advances  in  the  knowledge  of  Egyptian  hieroglyphics  to  improve  upon 
tiie  f(.rm«T  translations.  His  latest  work  in  this  field  is  a  popular  historv  of  Egypt,  in  eight 
volumes,  published  at  London,  1902.  In  addition  to  his  recognised  profound  "scholarship. 
Dr.  Budge  has  in  a  high  degree  the  capacity  for  literary  presentation,  and  he  has  not  felt 
him.«<elf  above  consid«!ring  tlie  needs  of  the  nnscholarly  public  and  of  the  beginner  in 
oriental  studies.  Thus  his  catalogue  of  Egyptian  antiquities  at  the  British  Museum, 
which  is  ostensibly  only  a  guide-book  to  the  collection  there,  is  in  itself  a  work  of  real 
literary  merit,  which  would  serve  as  a  valuable  introduction  to  the  study  of  archaeology 
even  if  placed  in  the  hands  of  students  who  have  not  access  to  the  collection  which  it 
spprifically  dpsrrihes. 

Bunsen,  C.  K.  J.,  Egypt's  Place  in  Universal  History.     London,  1848-1867. 


WITH   CRITICAL  AND   BIOGRAPHICAL  NOTES 


299 


following  the  precedent  of  here  and  there  a  forerunner  such  as  Heeren,  has  written  a  strictly 
popular  work  on  the  life  of  the  ancient  Egyptians  that  is  by  far  the  most  complete  treatise 
on  the  subject  attempted  since  the  time  of  Wilkinson.  The  reader  will  not  have  overlooked 
the  masterly  characterisation  of  Egyptian  history  which  Professor  Erman  has  written  for 
the  present  work. 

Ferguson,  J.,  History  of  Architecture.     London,  1874,  4  vols. 

James  Ferguson  was  born  at  Ayr,  Scotland,  22nd  January,  1808 ;  died  9th  January,  1886. 
The  personal  history  of  Ferguson  is  quite  unlike  that  of  ahuost  any  other  Anglo-Saxon  of 
similar  achievements  except  Grote ;  but  is  in  some  ways  closely  suggestive  of  the  great 
historian  of  Greece.  It  even  more  closely  resembles  the  life  of  Schliemann,  the  great 
German,  whose  rediscovery  of  Troy  has  made  his  name  familiar  to  every  one.  Like 
Schliemann  Ferguson  devoted  the  years  of  his  early  manhood  to  a  purely  commercial 
pursuit,  and  like  him  he  followed  this  pursuit  with  such  success  as  to  acquire  a  fortune, 
which  enabled  him  to  retire  while  still  in  the  prime  of  manhood.  Oddly  enough,  the  parallel 
between  these  two  lives  is  made  still  closer  by  the  fact  that  the  particular  commodity  with 
which  each  dealt  chiefly  was  indigo.  But  beyond  this  the  parallel  no  longer  holds,  for  the 
seat  of  Schliemann's  commercial  activities,  as  will  he  recalled,  was  Russia,  while  Ferguson 
made  his  fortune  in  India.  No  sooner  had  Ferguson  acquired  a  fortune  that  would  justify 
him  in  retiring,  than  he  turned  at  once  to  a  field  of  study  that  undoubtedly  stood  in  need  of 
investigation,  and  made  that  study  his  life-work.  Guided  by  the  same  energy  and  judgment 
that  gained  him  a  fortune  in  his  commercial  pursuits,  Ferguson  soon  made  himself  master 
of  the  subject  of  architecture,  and  presently  came  to  be  known  as  the  chief  authority  on 
the  history  of  architectui-e  in  antiquity. 

Fleay,  I.  G.,  Egyptian  Chronology.  London,  1899  (Jour.  Brit.  Archeol.  Assoc,  1899). — 
Fries,  S.  A.,  1st  Israel  jemals  in  Aegypten  gewesen?     In  Sphinx,  I,  207-221. 

^Gagnol,  Cours  d'histoire  ancienne  des  peuples  de  I'Orient.  Tours,  1891.  —  Ganeval,  L., 
L'Egypte.  Lyon,  1882.  —  Gardner,  A.,  Xaukratis.  London,  1889.  —  Gau,  F.  C,  Antiquites 
de  la  Xubie,  ou  monuments  inedits  des  bords  du  Xil.  Paris,  1822.  —  Geyersburg,  C,.  H.  de, 
Egypt  and  Palestine  in  Primitive  Times.  London,  189.5.  —  Girard,  Description  de  I'Egypte. 
—  Golenischeff,  imperial  Inventaire  de  la  Collection  egyptienue  de  I'Ermitage.  St.  Peters- 
burg, 1891.  —  Gradenwitz,  O.,  Einfiihrung  in  die  Papyruskunde.  Leipsic,  1900.  Grand- 
bey,  Rapport  sur  les  temples  egyptiens.  Cairo,  1888.  —  Gravierre,  I.  de  la.  La  marine  des 
Ptole'mees.  Paris,  1885,  2  vols.  —  Groff,  AV.,  La  fille  de  Pharaoh.  Cairo.  —  Gruson,  IL, 
Im  Reiche  des  Litches  (Pyramiden  nach  den  altesten  Quellen) .  Braunschweig,  1893.  —  Gui- 
met,  Plutarque  et  I'Egypte.  Paris,  1898.  —  Gutschmid,  A.  von,  Kleine  Schriften, 
vol.  1.     Schriften  zur  Aegyptologie.     Leipsic,  1889. 

Haldvy,  Jos.,  Revue  Semitique  d'epigraphie  et  d'histoire  ancienne.  Paris,  1893.  —  Hark- 
ness,  M.  E.,  Egj-ptian  Life  and  History,  London,  1884.  —  Heeren,  A.  H.  L.,  Ideen  ueber 
die  Politik,  den  Verkehr  und  den  Handel  der  vornehmsten  Vdlker  der  Alten  Welt,  3  edit. 
Gottingen,  1815,  4  vols.  English  translation :  Historical  Researches,  etc.  Oxford,  1878, 
5  vols. 

Arnold  Hermann  Ludwig  Heeren  was  bom  at  Arbergen,  near  Bremen,  1760;  died  at 
Gottingen,  1842.  Tl  celebrated  author  of  Historical  Researches  into  the  Politics,  Intercourse, 
and  Trade  of  the  Carthaginians,  Ethiopians,  and  Egyptians  was,  during  the  greater  part  of 
his  life.  Professor  of  History  at  Gottingen  ;  he  had,  however,  earlier  in  his  career,  filled 
the  chair  of  Philosophy  in  the  same  university,  and  the  happy  mingling  of  the  philosophi- 
cal with  the  historical  cast  of  mind  is  at  all  times  evidenced  in  his  writings.  The  historical 
writings  of  Professor  Heeren  cover  a  wide  field,  but  his  greatest  renown  was  achieved  with 
his  History  of  the  Nations  of  Antiquity.  In  this  Professor  Heeren  broke  new  ground.  His 
scheme  of  treatment  was  quite  different  from  that  of  any  one  who  had  preceded  him.  His 
intention  was  not  so  much  to  elucidate  the  political  history,  as  to  deal  with  those  commer- 
cial relations  and  social  customs  which,  after  all,  are  the  chief  foundations  of  a  nation's 
life.  In  particular  he  was  perhaps  the  first  great  historian  who  fully  grasped  the  import  of 
the  commercial  relations  of  ancient  nations.  He  made  himself  master  of  all  knowledge 
obtainable  in  his  day  bearing  on  this  topic,  and  his  work  at  once  took  rank  as  the  foremost 
authority  on  its  subject.  So  much  as  this  goes  almost  without  saying,  for  hardly  any  one 
attains  to  professorship  in  a  German  university  who  has  not  the  qualities  of  scholarship  cal- 
culated to  make  him  an  authority  on  any  topic  which  he  will  undertake  to  treat.  But, 
what  is  much  more  unusual  among  the  Germans,  Professor  Heeren  had  also  the  gift  of 
style.  His  work  is  not  only  authoritative,  but  readable.  Indeed,  in  this  regard,  it  is  sur- 
passed even  now  by  very  few  works  in  the  domain  of  history.  As  evidence  of  this  charac- 
teristic, the  works  of  Professor  Heeren  were  at  once  translated  both  into  French  and  into 


298       A   GENERAL  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  EGYPTIAN  HISTORY 

Cougny,  G.,  L'art  antique  (L'P^gjTte.etc.)-  Paris,  1891.  —  Cusieri.,  Storia  fisica  e  politi- 
cia  dell  'Egitto  delle  prime  meiuorie  de  suoi  abitanti  al  1842.     Florence,  1862,  2  vols. 

Daresay,  I.,  Contribution  a  I'etude  de  la  21feme  dynastie  egyptienne  in  Rev.  Archeol. 
3e  s.Ti.-  27.  —  Davis.  Ch.  H.  S.,  The  Book  of  the  Dead.  New  York;  Egyptian  Mythology. 
In  Hibli;i,  \'I.  H.  —  Daunou.  P.  C.  F.,  Cours  d'etudes  historiques.  Paris,  1842,  20  vols.— 
DiodoruB  Siculus.  The  Historical  Library.     London,  1700. 

A  .s«)iiiewlKit  L'xt^'uded  account  of  Diodnrus  and  his  work  will  be  found  in  Part  I  in 
the  chapter  on  world  histories,  and  a  further  note  in  Egypt,  Appendix  A,  p.  268.  It  is  un- 
necessary to  Muikf  further  comment  here,  beyond  mentioning  the  translation  from  which  our 
excerpts" iir.-  made.  This,  as  will  be  seen,  was  published  just  at  the  beginning  of  the  eigh- 
teenth century;  but  it  has  never  been  superseded,  few  scholars  having  cared  to  undertake 
the  ta.sk  of  translating  an  author  whose  works  are  so  voluminous.  Even  were  more  recent 
translations  available?the  one  we  have  used  would  still  have  been  selected,  because  of  the 
quiiinttiess  of  its  diction,  which,  as  has  been  suggested,  conveys  to  the  average  reader  a 
bett.T  i.I--;i  of  the  original  language  than  would  a  more  modem  rendering. 

Driault.  K.,  La  Question  d'Orient  depuis  ses  origines  jusqu'  k  nos  jours.  Paris,  1898.— 
DUmichen.  ./.,  (n-ographie  des  alten  Aegyptens.  Berlin,  1887;  Bauurkunde  der  Tempel- 
aulagen  von  Dendera.  Leipsic,  186.5;  Ilistorisclie  Inschriften.  Leipsic,  1867-1869,  2  vols.; 
Der  (Jrosspalasi  .les  Petuamenap.  Leipsic,  18.04;  Karte  des  Stadtgebietes  von  Memphis  und 
benachbarter  Districte.  Leipsic,  1895;  Die  Flotte  einer  aegyptischen  Konigin.  Leipsic, 
1868. 

Johannes  Dilmichen  was  born  15th  October,  1833,  in  Weisholz,  Germany;  died  7th  Feb- 
ruary, 189  J,  at  Strassburg.  Dr.  Diimichen  was  a  student  of  Lepsius  and  Brugsch,  and  he 
devo"ted  his  entire  life  to  Egj'ptology.  He  made  several  journeys  to  Egypt  and  wrote  exten- 
sively regarding  the  arch;eological  features  of  the  subject.  His  works  are  mainly  technical, 
and  "while  very  valuable  for  specialists,  are  not  always  equally  interesting  to  the  general 
reafler.  What  would  have  been  perhaps  his  most  important  contribution,  his  comprehen- 
sive liistory  of  Egypt  undertaken  for  the  Onckeu  series,  was  incomplete  at  the  time  of  his 
death;  having  dealt  only  with  the  geographical  and  archaeological  features.  The  work 
was  completed  by  Eduard  Meyer  (see  below). 

Duncker,  M.,  Geschichte  "des  Alterthums.  Berlin,  1855,  1877,  etc.,  6  vols;  History  of 
Anti(piity  (translated  liy  Evelyn  Abbott).     London,  1877,  6  vols. 

Miuiinllinn  Wolfganrf  Duncker  was  born  15th  October,  1811,  at  Berlin;  died  21st  July, 
1896.  Tiie  writings  of  Duncker  cover  a  wide  range  of  historical  subjects,  but  he  will 
chiefly  bo  remembered  for  his  History  of  Antiquity,  which  took  rank  on  publication  as  the 
most  important  contribution  to  the  subject.  It  was  improved  in  successive  editions,  and 
wa.s  translated  into  English.  Its  merits  of  style  are  unusually  great  for  a  German  work, 
and,  needless  to  say,  it  was  built  on  authorities  with  the  usual  German  comprehensiveness 
of  view.  Dealing  with  the  subject  of  oriental  history,  however,  it  is  necessarily  out  of 
date  regarding  many  subjects,  and  the  more  scientific,  if  somewhat  less  popular,  work  of 
Meyer  has  latterly  superseded  it  to  a  large  ext>ent. 

zniers,  G.,  Egypt.    London,  1880  ;  Uber  das  hieroglyph.  Schriftsystem,  Berlin,  1875. 

Gfnrff  Moritz  Ebers  was  born  1st  March,  1837;  died  August,  1898.  The  name  of  Ebers  is 
probably  better  known  to  the  general  public  than  that  of  any  other  Egyptologist.  But  the 
average  reader  of  his  very  popular  novels  is  not  perhaps  aware  that  the  author  was  a  technical 
KKyp^<'l"Rt'»t  f*f  the  highest  rank.  Embers  made  personal  explorations  in  Egypt,  the  most 
notanle  result  being  the  discovery  of  the  papyrus  which  has  since  borne  his  name,  —  a 
remarkable  document  dealing  with  the  practice  of  medicine  in  old  Egypt,  which  remains 
our  chief  source  of  knowledge  regarding  this  subject. 

Erman,  A.,  Aegypt<?n  und  aegyptisches  Leben  in  Altertum.  Tiibingen,  1887;  Life  in 
Ancient  Egypt.  London,  1894;  Die  Entstehung  eines  Totentextbuches,  in  Ztschr.  fiir 
Aegypt.     .Spr.  no.  32,  1894. 

/v.  Adolf  Ermnn,  Professor  of  Egy])tology  in  the  University  of  Berlin,  Director  of  the 
Berlin  Egyptian  MuseuTu,  member  of  the  Royal  Prussian  Academy  of  Sciences,  at  Berlin, 
etc.,  was  born  31st  October,  18.54,  at  Berlin.  Profeasor  Erman  is  the  successor  of  Lepsius 
in  the  chair  of  Egyptology  at  the  University  of  Berlin,  and  it  is  felt  that  the  mantle  of  the 
great  Egyptologist  has  fallen  on  worthy  shoulders.  Professor  Erman's  writings  have 
mainly  had  to  do  with  grammatical  and  literary  investigations.  His  editions  of  the 
romances  of  old  Egypt  are  models  of  scholarly  interpretation.  They  give  the  original 
hieratic  text  with  translations  irito  Egyptian  hieroglyphics,  into  Latin,  and  into  German. 
Such  works  are,  of  course,  intended  chiefly  for  the  scholar.  Persons  capable  of  such  works 
of  scholarship  are  .seldom  interested  in  the  exact  manner  of  presentation  of  their  subject, 
and  very  generally  they  scorn  popular  treatment  in  their  writings.     But  Professor  Erman, 


WITH  CRITICAL   AND   BIOGRAPHICAL  NOTES  301 

gists.  In  his  maturer  years  he  had  a  professorship  in  Berlin,  itself  a  matter  of  distinction 
in  that  land  of  scholarship.  He  made  excursions  to  Egypt  in  an  official  capacit}^  and 
familiarised  himself  at  first  hand  with  the  monuments  and  records  that  were  his  life  study. 
As  a  writer  Professor  Lepsius  was  less  distinguished  than  some  of  his  confreres  in  the  field 
though  all  that  he  wrote  had,  of  course,  the  stamp  of  the  highest  authority.  His  letters 
from  Egypt  and  Nubia,  being  of  a  more  popular  character  than  his  other  writings,  were 
translated  into  English  and  widely  circulated.  It  must  be  admitted,  however,  that  his 
descriptions  of  the  famous  ruins  have  interest  rather  because  they  reflect  the  opinions  of  a 
great  scholar  than  because  of  their  intrinsic  literary  merit. 

Lieblein,  Aegyptische  Chronologic,  Christiana,  1SG3 ;  Recherches  sur  la  chronoloo-ie 
egyptienne.  Paris,  1873;  Hieroglyph.  Namenwdrterbuch,  Leipsic,  1871-1892;  Index 
alphabethique  de  tous  les  mots  contenus  dans  le  livre  des  morts.  Paris,  1875;  Gammel- 
aegyptisk  Religion  populaert  fremstillet,  Christiana,  1883-188.5 ;  Handel  und  Schiffahrt  auf 
dem  Roten  Meer  in  alten  Zeiten.  Leipsic,  1887 ;  Le  livre  egyptien  que  mon  noin  fleurisse. 
Leipsic,  1895.  —  Loret,  V.,  L'Egypte  aux  temps  des  Pharaohs.  Paris,  1889;  La  flora 
pharaohnique.     Paris,  1892. 

Mahler,  Ed.,  Materialen  zur  Chronologie  des  alten  Aegyptens  in  Ztschr.,  fiir  iig.  Spr. 
no.  32,  1894.  —  Mallet,  D.,  Les  premiers  etablissements  des  Grecs  en  Egypte.  Paris,  1893. 
—  Magrizi,  Description  topographique  et  historique  de  I'l^lgypte.  Paris,  1895.  (Trans, 
from  Arabic).  —  Mariette,  Choix  des  monuments  et  des  dessins.  Paris,  1856 ;  Le  Serapeum 
de  Memphis.  Paris,  1857-18(36,  9  parts ;  Aper^u  de  I'histoire  de  I'Egypte.  Paris,  1804  ;  Nou- 
yelle  table  d'Abydos.  Paris,  1865 ;  Fouilles  executees  en  Egypte,  en  Nubie,  et  au  Soudan. 
Paris,  1867  ;  Abydos  description  des  fouilles.  Paris,  1870-188U,  2  vols.;  Catalogue  general  des 
monuments  dAbydos.  Paris,  1880 ;  Dendera  :  description  generale  du  grand  temple  de 
cette  ville.  Paris,  1870-1880,  5  vols.;  Les  papyrus  egyptiens  du  musee  Bolaq.  Paris,  1871- 
1873,  3  vols.;  Karnak,  Etude  historique  et  archeol.  Paris,  1875;  Deinri  al-Bahari.  Paris, 
1877 ;  Monuments  Divers.  Paris,  1872-1889 ;  Les  Mastabas  de  I'ancien  empire,  ed.  by 
G.  Maspero.    Paris,  1882-1886 ;  Voyage  dans  la  Haute-Egypte.    Paris,  1878  (2nd  ed.,  1893). 

August  Eduard  Mariette  was  born  12th  February,  1821,  at  Boulogne;  died  18th  January, 
1881,  at  Bulaq.  He  was  one  of  the  most  assiduous  workers,  and  came  to  be  one  of  the 
greatest  authorities  in  the  field  of  Eg>^:itology.  He  early  made  explorations  in  Egypt,  and 
after  founding  the  famous  Museum  at  Bulaq  spent  the  remainder  of  his  life  on  the  ground, 
almost  incessantly  occupied  with  explorations  and  with  the  interpretation  of  his  archaeolog- 
ical finds.  His  first  famous  excavations  were  made  at  Memphis,  about  the  middle  of  the 
nineteenth  century;  later  on  he  excavated  the  famous  temple  of  Abydos.  His  publications 
are  very  numerous,  but  they  are  chiefly  of  a  scholarly  rather  than  a  popular  character.  He 
was  the  highest  authority  on  the  hieratic  form  of  Egyptian  writing.  Notwithstanding  the 
technical  character  of  much  of  his  writing,  he  had  a  wide  popular  reputation,  partly  due  to 
his  official  position  as  director  of  the  iNIuseum  at  Bulaq.  Like  most  Frenchmen,  Mariette 
could  write  in  a  popular  vein  when  he  chose,  and  his  Aper(;u,  above  noted  (translated 
into  English  by  Miss  Mary  Brodrick  under  the  title  of  Outlines  of  Ancient  Eyijptian  History) 
is  one  of  the  most  entertaining  popular  studies  of  the  subject. 

Martine,  Histoire  du  monde  oriental  dans  I'antiquite'.  Paris,  1894.  —  Maspero,  G., 
Du  genre  epistolaire  chez  les  egyptiens.  Paris,  1872;  Sur  quelques  papyrus  du  Louvre. 
Paris,  1875;  l^^tudes  egyptiennes.  Paris,  1879-1882;  Histoire  ancienne  des  peuples  de 
rOrient.  Paris,  1886,  4th  ed. ;  L'archeologie  egyptienne.  Paris,  1887;  Les  contes  popu- 
laires  de  I'Egypte  ancienne.  Paris,  1889;  Les  niomies  royales  de  Deir  et  Bahari.  Paris, 
1889;  Lectures  historiques ;  histoire  ancienne;  Egypte,  Assyrie.  Paris,  1890;  Histoire 
ancienne  des  ]ieuples  de  I'Orient  classique.  Paris,  1895 ;  The  Struggle  of  the  Nations.  Soc. 
Prom.  Chr.  Know.  London,  1896;  Etudes  de  mythologie  et  (l'archeologie  egyptienne. 
Paris,  1893;  The  Dawn  of  Civilisation.  Soc.  Prom.  Chr.  Know.  London,  1897;  Manual  of 
Egyptian  Architology.  Paris,  1893 ;  La  carriere  administrative  de  deux  hauts  fonctionnaires 
Egyptiens  vers  la  fin  de  la  HI  dynastie,  in  Journal  asiati(iue,  Vol.  XV. 

Gaston  Cainille  Charles  Maspero  was  born  at  Paris  24th  June,  1846;  meinber  of  the  In- 
stitute, formerly  Professor  of  Egyptian  Archaeology  and  Ethnology  in  the  College  de  France, 
more  recently  Director  of  the  Egyptian  Museum  at  Bulaq.  Professor  Maspero  is  one  of  the 
most  famous  of  living  orientalists,  and  since  the  death  of  Mariette  Pasha,  whose  work 
he  has  continued  in  Egypt,  he  is  doubtless  the  most  authoritative  of  French  Egyptologists, 
While  making  a  specialty  of  this  field,  however,  he  has  by  no  means  confined  liimself  to  it. 
and  his  brilliant  writings  cover  the  entire  field  of  oriental  antiquity.  While  Professor 
Maspero  is  known  everywhere  to  scholars,  and  recognised  by  tliem,  as  an  authority  on  the 
topics  of  which  he  treats,  his  fame  as  a  popular  writer  is  still  wider.  In  fact  in  this  field 
he.  perhaps,  has  no  peer  among  Egyptologists  and  orientalists,  living  or  dead.  His  work 
entitled  Les  Origines  has  been  translated  into  English,  under  the  title  of    The  Dawn  of 


302       A  GENERAL  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  EGYPTIAN  HISTORY 

Civilisation,  as  have  also  its  companion  volumes,  one  of  which  bears  the  striking  title  of 
The  Struggle  of  the  Nations,  but  these  more  elaborate  works  in  no  wise  detract  from  the 
importance  and  authority  of  the  brilliant  earlier  Histoire  du  peuple  de  V Orient,  from  which 
we  shall  have  occasion  to  make  numerous  extracts,  and  which,  for  some  unaccounta- 
ble reason,  has  not  hitlierto  been  made  accessible  to  English  readers.  The  gift  of  style  is 
no  rarity  among  French  historians,  but  Professor  Maspero  has  it  in  a  degree  miusual  even 
among  hLs  compatriots,  and  the  whole  range  of  historical  literature  can  show  few  works 
which  combine  tiie  qualities  of  authority  and  readableness  in  a  higher  degree  than  his. 

Melida,  Historia  del  arte  Egipcio.  IMadrid,  1899.  —  M^moires,  publiees  par  les  mem- 
bres  de  la  mission  archeologique  fran9aise  au  Caire  sous  la  direction  de  Maspero;  Memoirs 
of  the  Egypt  E.\ploration  Fund.  London.  —  Menard,  L.,  La  vie  privee  des  anciens. 
Paris,  188(>-188;},  J  vols.;  L'histoire  des  anciens  peuples  de  I'Orient.  Paris,  1883.  These 
works  are  valuable  because  of  their  admirable  style.  They  are  the  work  of  one  who 
is  a  writer.  ratluT  than  an  Egj-ptologist ;  nevertheless,  they  are  based  on  a  careful  study  of 
the  authorities,  and  they  may  be  turned  to  with  confidence.  —  Meglin,  F.,  Histoire  de 
I'Egvpte.  Paris,  1823. —  Meyer,  E.,  Geschichte  des  alten  Aegypteus.  Berlin,  1887  ;  Ge- 
Hchicht*.'  des  Altertiiums.     Stuttgart,  1884,  etc.,  5  vols,  (in  progress). 

Juluitnl  Mfi/er  was  born  in  18.}5,  at  Hamburg,  Germany ;  he  is  at  present  ordinary 
Professor  of  Ancient  History  in  the  University  of  HaUe,  of  which  university  he  is  also  a 
graduate.  Professor  Meyer's  historical  studies,  from  the  outset,  have  looked  particularly 
to  the  history  of  antiquity.  Quite  early  in  life  he  developed  a  plan  for  writing  a  compre- 
hensive history  of  both  oriental  and  classical  antiquity,  and  the  first  volume  of  this  work, 
under  the  title  of  Ginchichte  des  AUert/tums,  appeared  in  188L  It  is,  in  some  regards, 
the  most  valuable  history  of  antiquity  as  yet  written,  combining,  as  it  does,  the  character- 
istic (pialities  of  German  scholarship,  with  a  degree  of  condensation  very  unusual  in  Ger- 
njan  works,  and  a  fair  measure  of  popularity  of  style.  The  first  volume  of  Professor 
Meyer's  history  deals  solely  with  the  nations  of  the  Orient,  and  it  furnishes  perhaps  the 
best  available  outline  for  the  studies  of  any  one  who  would  undertake  a  full  investigation  of 
Egyptian  history.  Unfortunately  the  work  is  out  of  print ;  but  a  new  edition  is  promised. 
Tlie  more  extended  work  on  Egyptian  history  was  contributed  to  the  Oncken  series. 

Milne,  History  of  Eg^-pt  under  Roman  Rule.  London,  1899.  —  Minutoli,  tJber  die 
aegypt.  Piijments  und  Maltechuik  der  Alten.  1892. — Molchow,  E.,  Aegypten  und  Paliis- 
tiiia.  Zurich,  1S81.  —  Mook,  F.,  Aegypten's  vormetallische  Zeit.  Wiirzburg,  1880. — 
Morgan.  Fouilles  a  Dahschour.  Wien,  189");  Catalogue  des  monuments  et  inscriptions  de 
rEijyple  antique  par  Morgan.  Bouriant,  Legrain,  Jequier  et  Barsant.  Wien,  1891.  (Valu- 
able technieal  works.)  —  Muller,  W.  Max,  Who  were  the  Ancient  Ethiopians?  Philadel- 
phia, 1891 ;  Asien  und  Aegypten  nach  altaegyptischen  Denkmiilern.     Leipsic,  1895. 

Naville,  The  Temple  of  Deir  al-Bahari.  London,  1894 ;  The  Store-city  of  Pithom  and 
the  Koute  of  the  Exodus.  London,  1888.  (Valuable  works  of  an  original  explorer.)  — 
Norovitch,  L'Europe  et  I'Egypte.     Paris,  1898. 

Ollivier-Beauregard,  La  caricature  ^gyptienne.  Paris,  1894.  —  Osburn,  W.,  Monu- 
mental History  of  Egypt.  London,  1854.  "(Of  antiquarian  interest.)  —  Oxley,  W.,  Egypt. 
London,  1884. 


Palmer,  W..  Egyptian  Chronicles.  London,  1861,  2  vols.  — Parsons,  A.  R.,  New  Light 
from  the  (Jreat  I'yramid.  New  York,  1894.  —  Parthey,  I.  F.  O.,  Erdkunde  des  alten 
Aeyyptetis.  —  Paturet,  La  condition  juridique  de  la  femme  dans  I'ancienne  Egypte.  Paris, 
iH.'itj.  — Pensa,  G.,  Les  Cultures  de  I'Egypte.  Paris,  1897.  — Pentaur,  in  Brugsch's  Egypt. 
London,  ls.il.  -J  vols.  (The  work  ascribed  to  Pentaur  is  a  poem  describing  the  exploits  of 
Kamses  II.  like  the  Battle  of  Kndesh.  Pentaur,  however,  is  not  the  author  of  it,  but 
merely  tiie  transcriber  of  one  copy  of  this  poem.  See  p.  212.)  —  Perring,  I.  S.,  Pyramids  of 
Gizeh.  Ix)ndon.  18.^9-1842,  ;j  vols.  — Perrot  and  Chipiez,  Histoire  de  I'art  dans  de 
rantiquitd.  Paris,  1881-1889.  (The  series  of  works  on  ancient  art  by  these  French  authors 
constitutes  one  of  the  most  important  contributions  to  the  subject  ever  written.  The  works 
are  acce.s.sible  in  an  English  translation.)  — Petrie,  W.  M.  F.,  A  History  of  Egypt  from  the 
Earliest  I  lines  to  the  XVIth  Dynasty.  London,  1894 ;  Inductive  Metrology.  London,  1877 ; 
llans.  Descriptions,  and  Theories.  London,  1880;  The  Pyramids  and  Temples  of  Gizeh. 
London.  1883;  Tanis  L  London,  1885;  Tanis  II,  Nebesheh  and  Defenneh.  London,  1887; 
Waukratis  L  Ix)ndon,  188f3;  Racial  Portraits,  190  Photographs  from  the  Egyptian  Monu- 
ments. London,  1888;  Historical  Scarabs.  London,  1889  ;  Hawara,  Biahmu,  and  Arsinoe. 
London,  1880;  Kahun,  Gurob,  and  Hawara.  London,  1890;  Tell  el  Hesy  (Lachish). 
Ten  Years'  Diggings.     London,   1892;    Tell-el-Amarna.      London,  1894; 


London,  1891 


WITH   CRITICAL  AND   BIOGRAPHICAL  NOTES  303 

Egyptian  Tales.  London,  1894-1895;  Egyptian  Decorative  Art.  London,  1895;  Syria  and 
Egypt  from  the  Tell-el-Amarna  letters.     London,  1898. 

Professor  W.  M.  Flinders  Petrie  was  born  in  1853  at  Charlton,  England;  D.C.L.  Oxford, 
1893;  LL.D.  Edinburgh,  1895;  he  is  at  present  Professor  of  Egyj^tology  in  University  Col- 
lege, London.  Professor  Petrie  is  perhaps  more  widely  known  to  the  public  at  large  than 
any  other  living  Egyptologist.  Though  still  a  comparatively  young  man,  he  has  devoted 
more  than  twenty  years  to  almost  continuous  exploration  of  the  ruins  of  ancient  Egypt. 
From  the  very  outset  he  gained  a  reputation  as  a  discoverer  of  buried  cities,  which  his  sub- 
sequent exertions  have  amply  sustained.  Professor  Petrie  comes  naturally  by  the  instincts 
of  the  explorer,  as  he  is  a  grandson  of  Captain  Matthew  Flinders,  who  was  celebrated  for 
his  explorations  of  the  Australian  coast  at  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century.  The 
recitals  of  the  fabulous  wonders  of  Australia  are  not  more  fascinating  or  more  marvellous 
than  the  narratives  Professor  Petrie  has  been  enabled  to  give  of  the  long  lost  and  long  for- 
gotten mysteries  of  Egypt. 

Piehl,  Deux  deesses  egyptiennes  (in  Melanges  de  Harlez).  Leiden;  Inscriptions  hiero- 
glyphiques  recueillies  en  Europe  et  en  figypte.  Leipsic,  1895.  —  Poole,  R.  S.,  Cities  of 
Egypt.     London,  1882 ;  Egypt.     London,  1881. 

Rawlinson,  G.,  Egypt  and  Babylon.  London,  1885 ;  Ancient  Egypt.  London,  1887 ; 
History  of  Ancient  Egypt.  London,  1881,  2  vols.  (Canon  Rawlinson's  works  on  Egypt 
were  perhaps  written  to  round  out  his  series  of  oriental  histories.  They  are  of  course 
based  on  the  authorities,  and  are  at  once  dependable  and  entertaining.)  —  Regaldi,  L'Egitto 
antico.  Firenze,  1882.  —  Renouf,  P.  le  Page,  The  Book  of  the  Dead  in  Proc.  Soc.  Bibl.  Arch., 
Vol.  Xr,  1894-1896  ;  Lectures  on  the  Origin  and  Growth  of  Religion.  London,  1880.  (These 
works,  written  by  the  successor  of  Dr.  Birch,  and  the  predecessor  of  Dr.  Budge  as  Keeper  of 
the  Egyptian  and  Assyrian  Antiquities  at  the  British  Museum,  have,  of  course,  the  fullest 
authority.  The  religious  phases  of  oriental  archaeology  had  a  peculiar  interest  for  the 
author,  and  his  writings  are  confined  to  this  field  and  the  field  of  philology.)  — Reynier,  L., 
State  of  Egypt  after  the  Battle  of  Heliopolis.  London,  1802 ;  De  I'Egypte  sous  la  domination 
des  Romains.  Paris,  1807.  —  Revillout,  Lettres  sur  les  monnaies  egyptiennes.  Paris,  1895; 
Melange  sur  la  metrologie,  I'econ.  polit.  et  I'histoire  de   I'ancienne  Egypte.     Paris,  1895. 

—  Riegl,  Zur  Frage  des  Nachlebens  der   altaegyptischen   Kunst   in   der   spatern  Antike. 

—  Robinson,  C.  S.,  Pharaoh  of  the  Bondage  and  Exodus.  New  York,  1887.  —  Robiou, 
F.,  La  religion  de  I'ancienne  Egypte  et  les  influences  etrangeres.  Paris,  1888.  —  Rosellini, 
I  monumenti  dell'  Egitto  e  della  Nubia.  Pisa,  1832-1844.  (The  work  of  one  of  the  most 
famous  pupils  of  ChampoUion  still  has  interest  and  value,  though  necessarily  antiquated  in 
many  regards.)  —  Roug^,  E.  de,  Recherches  sur  les  ^monuments  qu'on  pent  attribuer  aux 
six  premieres  dynasties  de  IManethon.  Paris,  1866 ;  Etudes  sur  divers  monuments  du  regne 
de  Tutmes  III,  decouverts  a  Thebes  par  E.  Mariette.  Paris,  1861 ;  Geographic  ancienne  de 
la  Basse-Egypte.  Paris,  1890.  (The  name  of  De  Rouge  is  permanently  associated  with 
the  theory  that  the  Phoenician  alphabet  was  derived  from  an  early  form  of  the  Egyi^tian 
hieratic  writing.  The  original  paper  in  which  De  Rouge  advanced  this  theory  was  accident- 
ally destroyed,  and  the  theory  did  not  gain  prominence  until  after  the  death  of  the  author. 
Its  correctness  is  still  in  doubt,  though  it  has  able  champions.) 

Salvolini,  F.,  Campagne  de  Ramses  le  Grand  contre  les  Scheta.  Paris,  1835.  (The 
work  of  another  famous  pupil  of  ChampoUion,  and  innovator  in  Egyptology.)  —  Sayce, 
A.  H.,  Egypt  of  the  Hebrews  and  Herodotus.  London,  1895  ;  Ancient  I^mpires  of  the  East. 
London,  1844;  Records  of  the  Past.  —  Schack-Schackenburg,  Aegy]itolische  Studien. 
1894.  —  Schiaparelli,  II  libro  dei  funerali  de  antichi  Egiziaui.  Torino,  1890.  —  Schmidt,  O. 
P.,  A  Self-verifying  Chronological  History  of  Ancient  Egypt.  Cincinnati,  1889.  —  Schwein- 
furth,  Der  Moerissee  nach  den  neuesten  Forschungen.  In  Petermann's  Mitteil.  1893. — 
Sethe,  Untersuchungen  zur  Geschichte  und  Alterthumskunde  Aeg>iitens.  Leipsic,  1900, 
3  parts  (in  progress).  —  Sylvestre  de  Sacy,  Abd-al-latif,  translatfd  by  Sacy.  Paris,  1810, 
3  vols.  —  Simaiki,  A.  A.,  La  jirovince  romaine  d'Egjrpte.  Paris,  1892.  —  Sharpe,  The  Chro- 
nology and  Geography  of  Ancient  Egyjit.  London,  1849 ;  History  of  Egypt  to  Arab  Con- 
quest. London,  1876,  2  vols.  (Works  that  are  out  of  date,  though  still  having  considerable 
value,  particularly  for  the  later  period  of  Egyptian  history;  most  entertainingly  written.)  — 
Smith,  P.,  The  Ancient  History  of  the  East  from  Earliest  Times  to  Conquest  of  Alexander 
the  Great.  London,  1871.  —  Smyth,  C,  Piazzi,  Our  Inheritance  in  the  Great  Pyramid. 
London,  1890. — Spiegelberg,  W.,  Studien  sum  Rechtswesen  des  Pharaohenreiclies  der 
Dynastie  XVIII-XXI.  Hanover,  1892;  Rechnungen  aus  der  Zeit  Setis  I.  Strassburg, 
1896 ;  Zur  Geographic  des  alten  Aegyptens  by  Diimichen.  Ed.  by  Spiegelberg.  Leipsic, 
1894;  Die  Novelle  in  altcn  Aegypten.  Strassburg,  1898 ;  Arbeiter  und  Arbeiterbwegung  in 
Pharaonenreich  unter  den  Ramessiden.     Strassburg,  1895 ;  Die  erste  Erwiihnung  Israels  in 


his  work  has  been  made 
-  Strauss,  \.  von  Torney, 
Stucken,  Ed.  Die  Astral- 


304       A  GENERAL   BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  EGYPTIAN   HISTORY 

eine  aefryptLschen  Text.  Berlin  Acad.,  1896.  —  Stangen,  Aegypten.  Leipsic,  1882.  —  Stein- 
dorff  Aeevpten  and  niykenische  Cultur.  Berlin,  1892;  Grabfunde  des  mittleren  Reichesm 
den  k'cl  Museen  zu  Berlin;  Zur  Geschichte  der  Hyksos.  Leipzig,  1894;  Zur  (ieschichte  der 
XI  Dvnastie  in  Ztschr.  fiir  Aegypt.  Spr.  no.  ;53.  1895;  Bhitezeit  des  Pharaonenreiches. 
Bielefiehi.  19U(».  —  Strabo,  The  Geography  of  Strabo.  (Strabo  was  one  of  the  greatest 
geo'Tuphi'-rs  of  antiquity.  A  somewhat  extended  reference  to 
already,  and  furtlier  notice  will  be  taken  of  it  in  a  later  book.)  - 
Der  altaegyptische  (Jotterglaube.  Heidelberg,  1890,  2  parts.— 
mythea  der  Hebriier,  Babyloaier  uad  Aegypter.     Leipsic. 

Tiele.  llistoin-  coinparde  des  aiiciennes  religions  et  des  penples  semitiques.  Paris,  1882. 
Tomkins.  H.  (i..  Campaign  of  Kanises  II  against  the  Kadesh  on  Orontes.  London,  1882. 
—  Torr  C'.t il.  Memphis  and  Mycen:i^  and  Examination  of  Egyptian  Chronology  and  its 
Application  U^  the  Early  History  of  Greece.  Cambridge.  —  Tylor  and  Somers  Clarke,  The 
Toiab  of  Sebeknekht.  London.  — Tylor  and  L.  Griffith,  The  tomb  of  el-Paheri  at  El-Kab. 
London. 

Valbuena.  R.  F.,  Egipto  y  Asiria  resucitados.  Madrid,  1895.  — Vise,  R.  W.,  Operations 
carri.-d  on  at  the  Pyramids  of  Gizeh  in  1837.     London,  1840-1812,  3  vols. 

Wallis,  II..  Egyptian  Chemic  Art.  London,  1900.  —  Watkins.  I.  W.,  Popular  History 
of  Kgypt.  Loiidoii.  ISSG.  —  "Watson.  G.  II..  Art  and  Antiquities  of  Ancient  Egypt.  Lon- 
don.'l"s43.  — "Wendel,  History  of  Egypt.  New  York,  1890.  —  Wessley,  Studien  iiber  das 
Veriialtiii.ss  des  griechischen  zuni  aegyptischen  Recht  im  Lagidenreich.  Leipsic,  1891. — 
"Wiedemann,  A.,  The  Ancient  Egyptian  Doctrine  of  the  Immortality  of  the  Soul.  Lon- 
don, Is:).');  Aegyptische  Geschichte.  Gotha,  1884;  Geschichte  von  Altaegyi:iten.  Coin  and 
Stuttgart,  isof^  Die  Religion  der  alten  Aegypter.  Miinchen,  1890,  and  Engl,  translation; 
KeligTon  of  tlie  Ancient  Egj7>tians.  London,  1897 ;  Zum  Tierkult  der  alten  Aegypter. 
Leiden  (In  Mehinges  Ch.  de  Ilarlez).  (Admirable  works  combining  authoritative  treat- 
ment with  ri'lativelv  popular  presentation.) —  "Wilcken,  N.,  Griechische  Ostraca  aus 
AgyptAMi  and  Xuliiea".  1899,  2  vols.  —  "Wilkinson,  Sir  G.,  Popular  Account  of  the  Ancient 
Egyptians.  Loudon,  1854,  2  vols.;  The  Egyptians  in  the  Time  of  the  Pharaohs.  London, 
1857  :  Manners  and  Customs  of  the  Ancient  Egyptians.     London,  1878,  3  vols. 

Sir  John  Gardner  Wilkinson  was  born  in  1797  at  Hardendale,  Westmoreland  ;  died  Octo- 
l)er,  1875.  Whoever  would  know  the  Egyptian  as  he  was  and  become  conversant  with  the 
manners  and  customs  of  his  everyday  life,  must  turn  to  the  pages  of  Wilkinson.  His 
Popular  Account  of  the  Ancient  Egyptians  has  been  from  the  day  of  its  publication  the  chief 
.source  of  information  on  this  subject.  Wilkinson  had  the  good  fortune  to  enter  the  field  of 
Egyptian  exploration  at  a  time  when  the  subject  was  new,  and  he  at  once  made  the  field  of 
manners  and  customs  of  the  Jjgyptians  peculiarly  his  own.  He  travelled  extensively,  and 
lived  for  long  periods  continuously  in  Egypt,  studying  all  accessible  monuments  of  this  mar- 
vellous people,  with  the  result  that  he  was  able  in  the  end  to  reproduce  the  story  of  life  in 
ancient  Kgypt  with  something  not  very  far  removed  from  the  distinctness  of  an  eye-witness. 

"Wilson.  Sir  W.,  Egypt  of  the  Past.  London,  1881.  —  "Woltmann  and  "Woermann,  K., 
History  of  Painting.  London,  1880,  2  vols.  (One  of  the  most  authoritative  works  on 
ancitMit  art.) 

Young,  T.,  Account  of  Recent  Discoveries  in  Hieroglyphics.  London,  1823.  (Refer- 
ence to  Young's  connection  with  the  discovery  of  the  meaning  of  the  hieroglyphics  will  be 
found  in  Book  II,  Chapter  III.) 

Zincke,  E.  B.,  Egypt  of  the  Pharaohs  and  of  the  Khedives.     London,  1873. 


^-^:)^ 


PART   III 

THE   HISTORY   OF   BABYLONIA 
AND   ASSYRIA 

BASED  CHIEFLY  UPON  THE  FOLLOWING  AUTHORITIES 

E.  BABELON,  E.  A.  WALLIS  BUDGE,  F.  DELITZSCH,  JOSEPH  HAL^VY,  A.  H.  L. 

HEEREN,   H.  V.  HILPRECHT,   F,   HOMMEL,   L.  W.  KING,   A.  H.  LAYARD, 

F.  LENORMANT,   G.  C.  C.  MASPERO,  JOACHIM  MENANT,  EDUARD 

MEYER,    J.   OPPERT,   J.  P.   PETERS,    HUGO   RADAU,    HENRY 

RAWLINSON,  R.  W.  ROGERS,  A.  H.  SAYCE,  E.  SCHRADER, 

C.  P.  TIELE,  H.  WINCKLER,  A.  WIEDEMANN 

TOGETHER   WITH    AN   ESSAY   ON 

THE   RELATIONS   OF   BABYLONIA  WITH   OTHER   SEMITIC 

COUNTRIES 


JOSEPH   HALEVY 

WITH  ADDITIONAL  CITATIONS  FROM 

CLAUDIUS  ^LIANUS,  C.  J.  BALL,  G.  B.  BARTON,  G.  BERTIN,  THE  HOLY  BIBLE, 

P.  E.  BOTTA,  D.  G.  BRINTON,  EUGi:NE  BURNOUF,  ISAAC  PRESTON  CORY, 

MICHAEL  J.  DE  GOEJE,  DIODORUS  SICULUS,  ADOLF  ERMAN,  E.  FLAN- 

DRIN,  G.  K.  C.  GERLAND,  G.  S.  GOODSPEED,  G.  F.  GROTEFEND, 

I.  GUIDI,  H.  GUNKEL,  HERODOTUS,  EDWARD  HINCKS,  MORRIS 

JASTROW,  P.  JENSEN,  ALFRED  JEREMIAS,  C.  H.  W.  JOHNS, 

C.  JOHNSTON,  FLAVIUS  JOSEPHUS,  A.  H.  KEANE, 

A.  VON  KREMER,  CHRISTIAN  LASSEN, 

J.  F.  McCURDY,  M.  MONTGOMERY,  J.  P.  MAHAFFY,  J.  DE  MORGAN,  G.  NAGEL, 

THEODOR  NOLDEKE,  W.  G.  PALGRAVE,  W.  M.  FLINDERS  PETRIE,  T.  G. 

PINCHES,  PLINY  MAJOR,  QUINTUS  CURTIUS,  H.  RASSAM,  GEO.  KAW- 

LINSON,  KARL  RITTER,  G.  C.  E.  DE  SARZEC,  V.  SCHEIL,  NATHAN 

SCHMIDT,  GEORGE  SMITH,  C.  JULIUS  SOLINUS,  ALOYS 

SPRENGER,  B.  STADE,  STRABO,  W.  H.  FOX  TALBOT, 

G.  WEBER,  J.  GARDNER  WILKINSON,  HENRY 

SMITH  WILLIAMS,  W.  WRIGHT 

305 


I 


Copyright,   1904, 
By   henry   smith    WILLIAMS. 


All  rif/hts  reserved. 


MESOPOTAMIA 

TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 


Page 

Introductory  Essay.      The   Relations  of  Babylonia  with  Other  Semitic 

Countries.     By  Joseph  Halevy 309 

Mesopotamian  History  in  Outline 318 

Chapter  I.         Land  and  People 337 

Chapter  II.       Old  Babylonian  History 349 

Chapter  IH,      The  Rise  of  Assyria 366 

Chapter  IV.      Four  Generations  of  Assyrian  Greatness         ....  397 

Chapter  V.       The  Decline  and  Fall  of  Assyria 438 

Chapter  VI.      Renascence  and  Fall  of  Babylon 446 

Chapter  VII.    Manners  and  Customs  of  Assyria  and  Babylonia   .        .        .  460 

Chapter  VIII.  The  Religion  of  the  Babylonians  and  Assyrians    .        .        .  515 

Chapter  IX.      Babylonian  and  Assyrian  Culture 534 

Appendix  A.      Classical  Traditions 571 

Appendix  B.      Excavations  in  Mesopotamia,  and  their  Results     .        .        .  600 

Brief  Reference-List  of  Authorities  by  Chapters 627 

A  General  Bibliography  of  Mesopotamian  History 629 


307 


I 


THE   KELATIONS    OF   BABYLONIA   WITH    OTHER 
SEMITIC    COUNTRIES 

Written  Specially  for  the  Present  Work 

By   JOSEPH   HALfeVY 

Professor  in  the  College  de  France,  Paris 

Ingkatitude  in  masses,  as  in  individuals,  is  very  apt  to  be  the  reward 
of  great  benefactors.  Egypt,  taciturn,  proud,  and  self-contained,  was 
respected  and  admired  by  all  her  neighbours,  while  Greece  and  Judea, 
the  shining  beacons  of  Mediterranean  civilisation,  from  the  point  of  view 
of  morals  and  science,  have  had  the  mortification  of  receiving  ineffaceable 
stigmas.  In  the  popular  language  of  our  own  day,  "Greek"  and  "Jew" 
are  such  offensive  sobriquets  that  the  descendants  of  these  two  glorious 
races  seek  to  avoid  the  use  of  those  names  when  describing  their  origins. 

Babjdonia,  after  her  conquest  and  disappearance  from  the  scene  of  the 
world,  although  she  was  vastly  superior  to  her  destroyers,  did  not  escape  this 
little-deserved  fate.  To  the  contemporaries  of  her  fall,  Babylon  is  only  the 
city  of  courtesans  and  insipid  magic;  nevertheless,  in  the  days  of  her 
strength,  she  ruled  the  barbarian  world  that  surrounded  her  by  other 
means  than  naked  flesh  and  empty  formulas  of  incantation.  For  thousands 
of  years  she  shone  with  an  unparalleled  brilliancy,  and  illuminated  with  her 
vivifying  rays  the  rude  peoples  with  which  she  was  in  contact.  Her  influence 
left  indelible  traces  even  on  the  civilisations  of  western  Asia  and  of  the  Greek 
world,  partly  through  the  agency  of  the  Phoenicians  and  Aramaans.  And 
if  her  disappearance  caused  no  disturbance  in  the  march  of  progress,  it  is 
because  her  mission  was  fulfilled  long  before  the  epoch  of  her  decline.  From 
the  reign  of  Xerxes,  plundered  Babylon  gradually  decayed;  on  the  arrival 
of  Alexander  she  was  already  three-fourths  in  ruins.  The  war  of  the  Dia- 
doclii  and  the  advent  of  the  Parthian  dynasty  completed  her  entombment. 
There  was  none  to  assume  her  moral  heritage  at  that  time,  for  the  heir  had 
already  taken  all  that  was  precious  and  truly  imperishable. 

A  truly  intellectual  culture  is  manifested  in  the  possession  of  a  form  of 
writing.  The  existence  of  it  in  Babylon  is  proved  by  documents  that  go 
back  to  the  fifth  millennium  B.C.  The  letters  consist  as  yet  of  linear  strokes 
representing  certain  parts  of  the  human  body,  various  kinds  of  animals, 
plants,  and  natural  or  manufactured  objects.  It  was  not  until  later  that 
these  strokes  assumed  the  wedge  form  that  has  caused  tlie  name  "cunei- 
form" system  to  be  applied  to  them.  The  primitive  characters  are  few  in 
number  —  about  fifteen  —  and  are  joined  with  one  another  to  form  a  syllabary 
that  is  both  ideographic  and  phonetic. 

309 


310  THE   HISTORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

The  intrinsic  nature  of  these  values  is  a  striking  proof  of  the  Semitic 
oriein  of  the  system,  and  completely  refutes  the  hypothesis  of  the  earlier 
decipherers  that  there  existed  on  Babylonian  soil  prior  to  the  Semites  an 
alien  race  called  "Sumerian"  or  "Accadian,"  from  whom  came  the  cunei- 
form characters,  as  well  as  the  entire  Semitic  civilisation  of  Babylonia.  Such 
syllables  as  <7^  ''father";  an,  "god";  el,  "  pure,  bright " ;  en,  "lord";  sal, 
"servant,  woman";  il,  "high";  is,  "tree,  wood";  ul,  "past";  mu,  "name"; 
rat,  "canal";  sa>/,  "summit,  head";  rig,  "plant,  green  leaf,"  etc.,  are  taken 
from  fundamental  Semitic  words  of  the  Babylonian  language,  which,  except 
for  sli^lit  variations,  was  also  that  of  Elam  and  Assyria.  Nowhere,  and  at 
no  penod  of  their  existence,  is  any  linguistic  modification  noticed  which 
could  l)e  attril)uted  to  the  intrusion  of  a  foreign  element. 

Without  risk  of  being  accused  of  exaggeration,  we  may  place  the  begin- 
ning's of  writing  in  the  sixth,  or  even  in  the  seventh,  millennium  before  our 
eraT  and  yet  tlfe  Babylonian  language  has  the  worn  and  phonetically  impov- 
erished character  winch  it  always  preserved  in  comparison  with  its  sister 
languages.  This  is  an  astonishing  phenomenon,  and  gives  an  idea  of  the 
extreme  antiquity,  not  only  of  the  existence  of  the  Semites  in  Babylonia,  but 
of  the  development  of  the  great  civilisation  of  which  they  were  the  creators. 

For,  after  the  appearance  of  the  written  documents  on  stone  and  on  clay 
tablets,  we  meet  with  a  most  remarkable  ancient  civilisation:  monarchical 
institutions,  communal  organisations,  flourishing  agriculture,  systematic  canal- 
isation, metal  working,  proprietorship  of  land,  extensive  commercial  transac- 
tions, fixed  taxes,  the  establishment  of  governors  in  subject  countries.  With 
regard  to  science,  astronomy  was  cultivated  and  there  were  observatories  for 
the  study  of  the  movements  of  the  stars  and  the  eclipses.  The  Babylonians 
had  the  divisions  of  the  year,  the  month,  and  the  day ;  they  fixed  weights 
and  measures,  and  calculated  square  and  cube  roots.  A  rational  classifica- 
tion facilitated  the  knowledge  of  botany  and  zoology.  Dynastic  lists  were 
drawn  up  with  care,  in  which  the  principal  historical  events  of  the  reigns 
were  recorded.  Finally,  the  spiritual  needs  of  the  nation  were  satisfied  by  a 
vast  mythological  system  which  is  lost  in  the  night  of  time,  and  on  the  basis 
of  which  innumerable  epic  tales  were  developed.  Among  these  the  stories 
of  the  creation  and  of  the  deluge,  the  descent  of  Ishtar  into  Hades,  the 
adventures  of  Gilgames  and  Etanna,  etc.,  rank  among  the  most  beautiful 
products  of  the  poetic  imagination.  On  the  other  hand,  the  fetichistic  mysti- 
cism of  prehistoric  times  was  transformed  into  a  learned  magic,  which  was 
combined  with  religious  and  moral  elements,  and  claimed  to  be  based  upon 
miraculous  facts  that  had,  however,  been  proved  by  exjDerience. 

A  Babylonian  furnished  with  these  elements  of  intellectual  culture  must, 
in  spite  of  his  superstitions  and  the  real  gaps  in  his  knowledge,  have  seemed 
a  superior  being  to  the  neighbouring  tribes  which  had  the  same  racial 
instincts,  but  whose  development  was  still  embryonic  and  had  taken  place 
under  totally  different  conditions.  It  is  nothing  astonishing,  then,  that  the 
most  capable  of  these  semi-savages  hastened  to  adopt,  in  different  degrees, 
a  large  part  of  tlie  Babylonian  civilisation,  the  advantages  of  which  they  had 
learned  to  appreciate.  As  usual,  it  is  the  apparent  and  material  side  that 
was  accepted  lirst ;  after  a  more  intimate  acquaintance  with  the  Babylonian 
mode  of  life,  these  peoples  were  captivated  by  the  religious  conceptions 
and  the  powerfnl  attraction  of  tlie  legends  and  the  magic.  All  this 
slowly  filtered  into  the  mind  of  tlie  other  Semitic  peoples,  and  became  so 
well  embodied  there  that  some  centuries  later  it  formed  an  integral  part  of 
their  national  substance,  and  to  such  a  degree  that  it  has  been  possible  to 


EELATIONS   OF   BABYLOXIA   WITH   OTHER  COUNTRIES      311 

disentangle  their  true  origin  only  by  means  of  an  arduous  research  which 
has  not  yet  said  the  last  word. 

The  extension  of  Babylonian  civilisation  beyond  its  primitive  cradle  had 
its  greatest  strength  during  the  glorious  reign  of  Sargon  I,  the  first  monarch 
known  to  have  made  military  expeditions  into  the  countries  of  the  west. 
We  shall  have,  then,  to  consider,  first,  the  pre-Sargonic,  second,  the  post-Sar- 
gonic,  epochs. 

Before  the  reign  of  Sargon,  about  thirty-eight  hundred  years  before  our 
common  era.  Babylonia  had  succeeded  in  forming  itself  into  a  national  body, 
having  the  same  manners,  speaking  the  same  language,  and  using  the  same 
alphabet.  No  alien  people  broke  into  this  unity  of  race  and  genius,  which 
included  on  its  eastern  side  the  inhabitants  of  the  Elamitic  plain,  forming 
a  simple  annex  to  Babylonia  on  that  side  of  the  Tigris.  The  great  excess 
of  population  flowed  into  the  fertile  plains  extending  between  the  Tigris 
and  the  mighty  chain  of  the  Zagros,  and  founded  the  little  kingdoms  of 
Suti,  Lulubi,  Namar,  and  with  greater  success  the  powerful  kingdom  of 
Assyria,  which  during  the  years  of  its  prosperity  became  the  most  powerful 
military  state  of  the  oriental  world. 

These  very  ancient  colonies  were  often  in  conflict  with  the  mother 
country,  and  Assyria  even  succeeded  in  imposing  its  iron  yoke  for  several 
generations ;  but,  save  for  Sennacherib's  moment  of  violent  passion,  Baby- 
lonia remained  for  all  of  them  a  centre  of  light  and  of  religious  mystery. 
The  Babylonian  divinities  have  their  temples  and  serve  as  types  for  various 
localisations.  In  Assyria,  especially,  Ishtar  of  Nineveh,  Ishtar  of  Arbela, 
Ishtar  of  Kidmur,  etc.,  are  worshipped.  The  Babylonian  origin  is  perpetu- 
ated in  the  new  capital  Ninua  (Nineveh),  which  is  the  name  of  a  locality  of 
Babylonia,  Avhile  the  ancient  capital  Asshur  recalls  the  name  of  the  most 
ancient  god  of  the  Babylonian  epic  of  creation. 

It  goes  without  saying  that  among  the  neighbouring  tribes  of  different 
languages  Babylonian  influence  could  not  penetrate  so  completely.  In  the 
south  the  numerous  Aramaean  tribes  persisted  in  their  nomadic  state ;  in 
the  mountainous  districts  of  the  east  the  Susio-Amardians,  in  the  north  the 
Vannians  and  the  Mitannians,  while  accepting  Babylonian  civilisation,  use 
along  with  the  ordinary  Babylonian  syllabary  a  more  limited  one  for  writing 
their  own  languages.  Traces  of  Assyrian  influences  in  ancient  epochs  have 
been  proved  in  Cappadocia,  which  shows  the  great  antiquity  of  the  kingdom 
of  Assyria.  But  the  most  important  and  most  enduring  influence  manifests 
itself  in  the  Semitic  region  of  the  extreme  west,  in  Syrio-Phuenicia  and  in 
Palestine. 

Through  the  discovery  of  the  tablets  of  Tel-el- Amarna,  which  date  from 
the  reigns  of  Amenhotep  III  and  Amenhotep  IV,  it  was  learned  with 
astonishment  that  in  the  fourteenth  century  before  our  era,  Babylonian  was 
the  diplomatic  language,  not  only  of  the  western  Semites,  but  also  of  the 
sovereigns  of  Egypt.  Syria  and  Phamicia  then  formed  a  vassal  province  of 
the  Pharaohs,  probably  as  a  result  of  the  conquests  of  Tehutimes  III  ;  the 
use  of  Egyptian  writing,  or  at  least  of  the  special  Assyrian  type,  was  to  be 
expected  there,  but  it  is  the  Babylonian  alphabet,  the  Babylonian  dialect,  that 
we  find  in  use.  We  are  forced  to  conclude  that  the  extension  of  Baby- 
lonian culture  was  due  to  an  occupation  of  Syria  by  the  Babylonians  at 
an  extremely  early  period,  when  Assyria  was  still  too  feeble  to  bar  the  way 
to  the  country  of  its  origin.  History  shows  the  truth  of  this,  for  it  tells  us 
that  Sargon  I  spent  three  years  in  Syria,  and  finally  made  himself  master  of 
it;  in  one  of  his  maritime  expeditions  he  even  crossed  to  the   island  of 


312  THE   HISTORY   OF   MESOPOTAMIA 

Cyprus  and  took  possession.  It  is  probable  that  this  vassalage  of  Syria  to 
Babylonia  underwent  frequent  reactions  and  interruptions  of  continuity,  due 
in  cr'reat  part  to  the  policy  of  Egypt,  which  was  seeking  an  outlet  to  the 
north.  The  plan  of  thwarting  the  covetousness  of  the  Pharaohs  for  this 
province,  if  not  of  simply  annexing  the  valley  of  the  Nile  to  the  great  empire 
of  the  Kast,  was  carried  out  by  Sargon  I  in  an  invasion  of  Egypt,  the  success 
of  which  is  recorded  in  the  account  of  the  haruspices  [Tablet  of  Omens]. 
His  son  Naram-vSin,  according  to  the  same  documents,  likewise  invaded  Egypt 
anil  killed  its  king,  whose  name  has  unfortunately  disappeared  on  account 
of  the  l)reaking  of  the  tablet.  Egypt,  intimidated,  made  no  hostile  move- 
ment for  several  centuries,  which  undoubtedly  strengthened  the  Babylonian 
authority  in  Syria  under  all  the  dynasties  that  successively  occupied  the 
throne  in  the  capital  of  Chaldea. 

In  tiie  age  of  Abraham,  when  Elam  exercised  supremacy  over  Babylonia, 
the  king  of  tiie  latter  country,  Ivhammurabi,  the  Amraphel  of  Genesis,  figures 
among  tlie  kings  who  had  accompanied  the  Elamite  suzerain  in  his  expedition 
against  several  tribes  of  eastern  and  southern  Palestine  (Gen.  xiv.).  Seven 
centuries  later  the  Egyptian  functionaries  of  Syrio-Phcienicia  correspond  in 
Bal)y Ionian  with  the  court  of  Thebes.  This  province  had  been  conquered  a 
half-century  before  by  Tehutimes  III;  and  the  Egyptian  supremacy  left  its 
trace  in  the  invention  of  the  Ph(enician  alphabet,  which  marks  the  decision 
to  break  with  Babylonian  sympathies  in  favour  of  the  intellectual  culture  of 
Egypt,  of  which  the  city  of  Byblus  was  to  be  the  principal  centre. 

A  remarkable  circumstance  furnished  the  occasion  for  this  decision.  In 
this  city,  wiiere  mystic  tendencies  seem  to  have  prevailed  over  the  desire  for 
the  riches  that  navigation  and  commerce  bring,  a  local  goddess  was  wor- 
sliipped,  called  Baal-Gebal,  "Lady  of  Byblus,"  who  represented  one  of  the 
numerous  Semitic  goddesses  known  under  the  name  of  Baalat  or  Belit.  She 
was  identified  with  the  great  Egyptian  goddess  Isis,  and  the  myth  of  Osiris 
was  attached  to  the  shore  of  this  city  to  such  an  extent  that  the  priesthood 
of  Byblus  was  believed  to  be  in  possession  of  the  true  meaning  of  these  mys- 
teries. At  the  bottom  of  this  process  was  the  desire  of  finding  a  ground  of 
agreement  for  all  the  religious  conceptions  of  the  civilised  nations  of  the  age. 
In  the  matter  of  religion,  as  in  the  arts  and  industry,  the  role  of  the  Phoeni- 
cians consisted  in  serving  as  intermediaries,  as  zealous  apostles  who  saw  the 
advantage  of  being  useful  to  the  barbarians  after  having  obtained  profit  from 
them,  and  ho[)ed  to  profit  further  in  the  future. 

So,  after  this  reconcilement  with  the  Egyptian  religion,  the  exportation  of 
manufactui(!d  articles  to  the  valley  of  the  Nile,  or  of  imitations  of  Egyptian 
art,  which  was  so  strongly  marked  with  a  religious  stamp,  could  develop  in- 
definitely in  all  the  Mediterranean  regions  and  contribute  to  the  prosperity 
of  the  mother  country  and  her  colonies.  So,  after  the  fourteenth  century 
before  the  common  era,  the  invention  of  alphabetic  writing  had  barred  the 
way  for  the  extension  of  Babylonian  writing  into  the  European  world.  The 
ancient  sjjiritual  legacy  of  Babylonia's  thousand  years  of  domination,  a  nat- 
ural product  of  the  Semitic  genius,  was  too  strongly  anchored  in  Syrio-Phoe- 
nicia  to  be  totally  eclipsed,  or  even  to  descend  to  an  inferior  rank  under  the 
pressure  of  Egyptian  influence. 

Egypt,  with  its  language  depiived  of  all  outlet  and  with  its  essentially 
funereal  mythology,  was  incapable  of  producing  a  movement  of  renaissance 
in  foreign  peoj)les.  The  s[)iiitual  condition  remained  without  notable 
cliange,  but,  direct  contact  with  Babylonia  having  become  more  difficult,  the 
Phfenicians  were  obliged  to  record  in  their  own  language  their  ancestral  and 


RELATIONS   OF   BABYLONIA   WITH   OTHER   COUNTRIES      313 

divine  traditions,  in  which  the  universal  elements  received  from  Babylonia 
always  remained  preponderant. 

Of  Phoenician  literature  nothing  is  known  in  the  original  language,  but 
some  cosmogonic  data  taken  from  the  book  of  Sanchoniathon  by  Philo  of 
Byblus  reflect  myths  that  can  have  been  produced  only  on  the  soil  of  Babylon, 
although  the  Philhellenic  author  is  unable  to  interpret  them  with  exactness. 
The  primordial  couple  of  chaos,  Apason  and  Tomoth,  are  in  reality  the 
Babylonian  divinities  prior  to  the  creation :  Apsu,  "  ocean,  abyss,"  and  Tia- 
mat,  "sea";  but  Philo,  carried  away  by  Neoplatonic  doctrine  and  confound- 
ing similar  consonants,  attributes  to  Apason  the  meaning  of  "  desire,"  and 
seems  to  discern  in  Tiamat  the  divinity  Mot,  "  death,"  symbolical  of  matter. 
Another  goddess,  Chosartes,  recalls  the  consort  of  Asshur,  Kishar,  of  cosmo- 
gonic character.  On  the  Syrio-Phoenician  monuments  we  often  read  the  name 
of  the  goddess  Anath,  bearing  the  title  of  "  force  of  life  or  of  the  living,"  but 
the  masculine  consort  is  not  met  with.  The  Babylonian  inscriptions  fill  the 
gap  by  very  frequently  furnishing  the  couple  Anu  and  Anata.  Philistia 
worshipped  principally  the  ichthyomorphous  god  Dagon,  who  is  no  other 
than  the  Babylonian  Daganu,  associated  with  Anu. 

Among  other  divine  personages  we  note  in  the  first  place  Tammuz,  con- 
sort of  Astarte,  who  was  slain  by  a  boar  in  the  flower  of  his  youth.  His 
death  was  mourned  for  a  month  each  year,  and  his  resurrection  was  later 
celebrated  with  frenzied  demonstrations  of  joy.  This  myth  of  nature,  sym- 
bolical of  the  passing  of  summer  and  metaphorically  of  that  of  ardent  and 
passionate  youtli,  has  as  its  basis  the  Babylonian  tale  of  Du'uzu,  eponym  of 
the  month  of  that  name  (Tammuz),  who  died  prematurely,  and  whom  the 
goddess  Islitar  (Astarte),  the  incarnation  of  ardent  passion,  endeavours, 
though  in  vain,  to  bring  back  from  the  kingdom  of  death.  The  grief  and 
the  heroic  effort  of  the  goddess  are  told  in  a  touching  manner  in  the 
beautiful  poem,  entitled  The  Descent  of  Ishtar  into  Hades.  The  Phoenicians 
mourned  Tammuz  under  the  honorary  title  of  Adon,  Adonim,  "lord," 
whence  the  Greek  Adonis.  From  Phoenicia  this  rite  passed  to  Greece,  and 
was  celebrated  there  with  no  less  pomp,  while  the  descent  of  Ishtar  became- 
there  the  point  of  departure  for  several  analogous  legends. 

Less  known  is  the  cult  of  the  Babylonian  god  of  war,  Nergal,  who  had 
sanctuaries  in  Phoenicia.  Among  celestial  gods  we  identify  Hadad  or  Hadod, 
styled  "king  of  the  gods,"  Rimmon,  Nabu,  Sin,  and  Mar,  called  among  the 
Bab3donians  Adad,  Ramman  (god  of  the  air),  Nabu,  Sin,  Allat,  and  Marduk 
(god  of  Babylon).  The  inscriptions  of  Sam'al  add  to  these  Nusk  and  Be'el- 
Kharran,  one  of  whom  is  the  Babylonian  Nusku,  the  other  a  local  Bel  of  the 
Babylonian  city  of  Kharran,  whose  cult  was  transplanted  to  the  city  of  the 
same  name  in  tJpper  Mesopotamia. 

Since  very  remote  antiquity  certain  names  of  Babylonian  divinities  have 
been  fixed  in  Syrio-Phoenicia  as  names  of  places  and  persons  :  the  city  of 
Nebo  in  Moab,  the  desert  of  Sin,  and  probably  also  Mount  Sinai  in  Arabia 
Petnca,  the  fortress  of  Anathoth  in  the  territory  of  Benjamin  ;  Ana,  a  chief 
of  Esau,  Anath,  a  judge  of  Israel,  Hadad,  the  common  name  of  a  king  of 
Aram  and  a  king  of  Idumica.  So  many  reminiscences  of  the  superior  rank 
of  the  Babylonian  religion  clearly  prove  how  the  mind  of  the  western  Semites 
was  imbued  and  moulded  into  permanent  form  by  their  ancient  masters  in 
the  ages  preceding  the  occupation  of  Syria  by  the  Egyptians.  Egypt  did 
almost  nothing  to  modify  the  tendencies  of  the  subject  peoi)les  ;  she  con- 
tented herself  with  collecting  the  taxes,  and  gave  nothing  in  exchange.  We 
must  not  then  be  surprised  that,  if  we  except  the  maritime  coast,  Egyp- 


314 


THE   HISTORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA 


tian  dominion  left  no  trace  on  the  civilisation  of  the  interior  of  Syria.  These 
peoples,  when  they  became  independent,  continued  to  cultivate  the  germs  of 
civilisation  they  had  received  in  such  abundance,  but  regarded  them  as  their 
own  creations.  i         i    ^ 

Passing  to  the  nomads  of  northern  Arabia  we  hnd  ourselves  betore  an 
ethnographic  unknown,  tlie  ancient  tribes  having  disintegrated  and  new  ones 
forni.'d,  ;i  transformation  that  was  certainly  repeated  several  times.  There  is 
as  Vft  n«»  a'^rccmiMit  on  the  question  whether  the  tribes  called  in  ancient 
times  Ishimielites  and  Ceturians  spoke  Arabic  or  Aramaean.  It  is,  however, 
certain  that  fragments  of  southern  tribes  of  true  Arabian  race  moved  to  the 
nc.rtii  at  periods  very  dilficiilt  to  determine.  It  is  not  very  long  since  it  was 
athrmed  that  these  unstal)le  populations  lacked  every  element  of  civilisation, 
and  it  was  even  claimed  that  they  were  a  pure  example  of  unmixed  Semitic 
race,  to  wliich  an  instinctive  monotheism  was  attributed. 

These  speculations  have  been  dissipated  by  the  testimony  of  the  Assyrian 
texts,  which  show  that  the  Arabs  possessed  statues  of  their  gods.  These 
proud  cliildrcn  of  the  desert  even  signed  their  submission  to  the  government 
of  Nineveh,  in  order  to  recover  the  statues  which  the  Assyrians  had  taken 
from  tiiem  in  the  course  of  an  expedition  into  the  interior  of  Arabia.  The 
possession  of  statues  implies  the  existence  in  the  oases  of  fixed  sanctuaries, 
of  religious  rites,  and  of  a  traditional  priesthood. 

When  we  consider  that  the  conquering  nation  of  the  Persians  did  not 
arrive  at  the  idea  of  anthropomorphic  gods  until  the  time  of  Artaxerxes  II, 
and  then  solely  under  the  influence  of  the  Babylonian  cult,  we  cannot  doubt 
that  the  worship  of  statues  by  the  nomadic  Arabs  in  the  seventh  century 
before  our  era  was  due  to  the  same  influence.  The  Ishmaelites  were  par- 
ticularly devoted  to  Atar  Celeste,  that  is,  to  the  great  goddess  Ishtar,  whose 
cult  si)read  from  Babylon  among  all  the  Semites  of  Syria. 

In  tiie  oasis  of  Teyma  a  stele  has  been  found  that  Axes  the  revenues  of  a 
priest,  who  liad  lately  been  installed,  to  provide  for  the  expenses  of  the  cult 
of  an  aihtpted  divinity,  and  tliis  priest  is  dressed  in  the  mode  of  the  Baby- 
lonian priesthood.  Such  a  l)orrowing  is  all  the  more  remarkable  because  the 
garments  of  sacrificing  priests  had  in  antiquity  a  meaning  intimately  con- 
nected with  the  religious  mysteries.  This  fact  supposes  the  presence  of 
Biibylonian  instructors  at  some  previous  epoch. 

Hedjaz  forms  the  first  province,  whose  inhabitants  belong  to  the  Arabian 
race,  properly  so  called,  whose  idiom  and  whose  writing  are  very  different 
from  those  of  the  Aramican  populations  of  the  north.  Some  of  these  tribes 
settled  in  the  east  of  Syria,  on  the  edge  of  the  desert,  especially  in  the  oasis 
of  Safa,  south  of  Damascus.  We  must  wait  until  the  numerous  grafiiti,  dis- 
covered in  recent  times,  are  published,  before  we  can  get  an  exact  idea  of  the 
theophorous  names  used  among  these  tribes.  The  names  Bel  and  Hadad 
figure  here,  however  ;  but  tliis  may  be  a  late  borrowing  from  their  Arama3an 
neigiibours.  From  northern  lledjaz  we  have  a  considerable  number  of 
inscriptions  and  gnilfiti,  copies  of  whicli  are  still  to  be  regarded  with  caution, 
and  there,  too,  the  names  Bel,  Hadad  and  compounds  of  the  Babylonian 
Nabu,  are  found  in  the  list  of  names  of  the  nomads. 

More  interesting  is  the  ancient  name  of  Mecca,  Macoraba,  which  originally 
designated  the  celebrated  central  sanctuary  of  the  region.  This  name  is 
derived  from  the  verb  kara/>a.  wiiich  in  BaI)ylonian  means  "worship,  bless, 
pray,"  an  evident  proof  of  an  ancient  borrowing  from  the  idiom  of  the  cune- 
iform trxts.  We  shall  know  some  day  what  the  inscriptions  of  middle  and 
southern  lledjiiz  contain  in  the  way  of  theophorous  names.     These  inscrip- 


RELATIONS  OF  BABYLONIA  WITH  OTHER  COUNTRIES      315 

tions  certainly  exist,  and  await  a  traveller  courageous  enough  to  save  them 
from  total  destruction  at  the  stupid  hands  of  the  pilgrims.  The  famous 
black  stone  of  Kaaba  seems  to  bear  an  inscription  of  which  it  would  be  well 
to  have  a  photograph. 

We  know  still  less  what  is  reserved  for  us  in  the  graffiti  scattered  in  the 
intermediate  region  between  Hedjaz  and  Yemen  ;  the  graphic  chain  cannot 
have  been  interrupted  in  this  latitude,  which  from  great  antiquity  formed 
the  entrance  to  the  highly  civilised  kingdom  of  Sheba,  and  which,  owing  to  its 
production  of  aromatic  essences,  had  commercial  relations  with  the  peoples  of 
the  Mediterranean. 

Yemen  was  composed  of  four  kingdoms,  of  which  that  of  Sheba  seems  to 
have  been  the  most  ancient  and  most  powerful  ;  the  other  three  are  Catabania, 
Hadramaut,  Mahrah  or  Tafat.  Of  the  latter  we  have  no  indigenous  infor- 
mation prior  to  Islamism,  and  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  it  formed  a  vassal 
state  of  Hadramaut.  The  latter  is  pre-eminently  the  spice-producing  region, 
and  Catabania  may  be  considered  as  an  ancient  colony  of  Hadramaut,  wliieh 
was  founded  on  the  northern  route  for  a  commercial  purpose,  and  later  gained 
its  independence. 

In  its  turn  Catabania  founded,  again,  on  the  northern  route,  another 
colony,  which,  on  gaining  its  freedom,  called  itself  the  Minyaean  people, 
after  the  principal  city,  Ma'in.  The  jNIinysei  left  traces  of  their  activity  at 
Egra  on  the  frontier  of  Nabatia,  and  in  central  Egypt  at  Oxyrhyncus,  where 
they  had  a  settlement  at  the  time  of  the  first  Ptolemies  ;  but  their  presence 
in  Egypt  in  the  Persian  period  is  proved  by  a  votive  inscription,  thanking 
their  gods  for  having  saved  their  caravan  from  the  danger  by  which  it  had 
been  threatened  during  the  war  between  the  Egyptians  and  the  Medes,  i.e., 
the  Persians.  From  Egypt  they  sent  their  caravans  to  Gaza  in  Phcenicia  and 
into  all  Syria. 

Prior  to  this  the  trade  in  incense  and  spices  seems  to  have  been  in  the 
hands  of  the  Sabseans.  Solomon  (about  the  year  1000  B.C.)  sought  to 
make  a  treaty  with  this  people,  whose  queen  had  made  him  an  official  visit 
at  Jerusalem.  It  is  to  be  presumed  that  the  Sabfeans  also  sent  caravans 
directly  to  Nineveh  and  Babylon  by  way  of  the  oases  of  Negran,  Wady 
Dawassir,  and  Gebel-Sammar.  Owing  to  these  almost  uninterrupted  visits, 
the  peoples  of  southern  Arabia  were  in  a  position  to  learn  and  practise 
customs  and  rites  peculiar  to  the  eastern  Semites ;  for  example,  the  em- 
ployment of  aromatic  fumigation  as  a  means  of  purification  after  sexual 
intercourse.  The  Sabsean  pantheon  contained  El  (the  Assyrio-Babylonian 
Ilu)  under  the  guise  of  a  divine  personage,  and  not  simply  as  an  abstract 
term  for  "god."  The  Babylonian  Ishtar,  daughter  of  Sin,  is  transformed 
into  a  male  divinity,  Athtar,  son  of  Sin.  The  manifold  diversification  of 
the  Babylonian  goddess  appears  also  in  the  Sabtean  Athtar  ;  the  great 
religious  centres  of  Sheba  each  possess  their  own  Athtar.  Nabu,  tlie  Baby- 
lonian god  of  writing  and  prophecy,  was  also  worshipped  by  the  Cataba- 
nians  under  the  somewhat  disguised  form  of  Anbai.  From  the  point  of 
view  of  art,  the  technique  of  sculpture  and  decoration  often  recalls  the 
Babylonian  style.  Finally,  we  meet  in  the  kingdom  of  Sheba  the  Assyrian 
institution  of  the  limmi,  or  annual  archons,  an  institution  that  existed 
also  at  Carthage,  but  nowhere  else  on  the  Asiatic  continent,  least  of  all  in 
a  monarchical  state. 

We  know  very  little  of  the  religion  of  the  Agazi  or  Semites  of  Abys- 
sinia ;  a  pre-Christian  inscription  asserts,  however,  that  the  cult  of  El  and 
of  Astar  (Astarte)  flourished  among  them.     Their  pantheon  included  also 


n 


314  THE   HISTORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

tian  dominion  left  no  trace  on  the  civilisation  of  the  interior  of  Syria.  These 
peoples,  when  they  became  independent,  continued  to  cultivate  the  germs  of 
civilisation  they  had  received  in  such  abundance,  but  regarded  them  as  their 
own  creations.  i         i    r 

Passini;  to  the  nomads  of  northern  Arabia  we  find  ourselves  before  an 
ethno^M-aphic  unknown,  the  ancient  tribes  having  disintegrated  and  new  ones 
fornu'd,  a  transforinaticn  that  was  certainly  repeated  several  times.  There  is 
a.s  vt't  no  ai^reeuK'nt  on  tiie  question  whether  the  tribes  called  in  ancient 
tiim-s  Ishinaelites  and  Ceturians  spoke  Arabic  or  Araniccan.  It  is,  however, 
certain  that  fragments  of  southern  tribes  of  true  Arabian  race  moved  to  the 
north  at  periods  verv  diiricult  to  determine.  It  is  not  very  long  since  it  was 
aflirmcd  that  these  unstable  populations  lacked  every  element  of  civilisation, 
and  it  was  even  claimed  that  they  were  a  pure  example  of  unmixed  Semitic 
race,  to  wliicii  an  instinctive  monotheism  was  attributed. 

These  speculations  have  been  dissipated  by  the  testimony  of  the  Assyrian 
texts,  which  show  that  the  Arabs  possessed  statues  of  their  gods.  These 
proud  children  of  the  desert  even  signed  their  submission  to  the  government 
of  Nineveh,  in  order  to  recover  the  statues  which  the  Assyrians  had  taken 
from  them  in  the  course  of  an  expedition  into  the  interior  of  Arabia.  The 
possession  of  statues  implies  the  existence  in  the  oases  of  fixed  sanctuaries, 
of  religious  rites,  and  of  a  traditional  priesthood. 

Wiicn  we  consider  that  the  conquering  nation  of  the  Persians  did  not 
arrive  at  the  idea  of  anthropomorphic  gods  until  the  time  of  Artaxerxes  II, 
and  then  solely  under  the  influence  of  the  Babylonian  cult,  we  cannot  doubt 
that  the  worship  of  statues  by  tlie  nomadic  Arabs  in  the  seventh  century 
before  our  era  was  due  to  the  same  influence.  The  Ishmaelites  were  par- 
ticularly devoted  to  Atar  Celeste,  that  is,  to  the  great  goddess  Ishtar,  whose 
cult  spread  from  Babylon  among  all  the  Semites  of  Syria. 

In  the  oasis  of  Teyma  a  stele  has  been  found  that  fixes  the  revenues  of  a 
priest,  who  had  lately  been  installed,  to  provide  for  the  expenses  of  the  cult 
of  an  adopted  divinity,  and  this  priest  is  dressed  in  the  mode  of  the  Baby- 
lonian priesthood.  Such  a  borrowing  is  all  the  more  remarkable  because  the 
garments  of  sacrificing  priests  had  in  antiquity  a  meaning  intimately  con- 
iM'ctetl  with  the  religious  mysteries.  This  fact  supposes  the  presence  of 
Babylonian  instructors  at  some  previous  epoch. 

Iledjaz  forms  the  first  province,  whose  inhabitants  belong  to  the  Arabian 
race,  properly  so  called,  whose  idiom  and  whose  writing  are  very  different 
from  those  of  the  Aramaean  populations  of  the  north.  Some  of  these  tribes 
settled  in  the  east  of  Syria,  on  the  edge  of  the  desert,  especially  in  the  oasis 
of  Safa,  south  of  Damascus.  We  must  wait  until  the  numerous  graffiti,  dis- 
covered in  recent  times,  are  publishetl,  before  we  can  get  an  exact  idea  of  the 
theophorous  names  used  among  these  tribes.  The  names  Bel  and  Hadad 
figure  here,  however  ;  but  this  may  be  a  late  borrowing  from  their  Aramsean 
neighlmurs.  From  northern  Hedjaz  we  have  a  considerable  number  of 
inscriptions  and  gralliti,  copies  of  which  are  still  to  be  regarded  wdth  caution, 
and  there,  too,  tlie  names  Bel,  Hadad  and  compounds  of  the  Babylonian 
Nabu,  are  found  in  the  list  of  names  of  the  nomads. 

More  interesting  is  tlie  ancient  name  of  Mecca,  INIacoraba,  which  originally 
designated  the  celebrated  central  sanctuary  of  the  region.  This  name  is 
derived  from  the  verb  kaniha.  which  in  Mabylonian  means  "worship,  bless, 
pray,"  an  evident  proof  of  an  ancient  borrowing  from  the  idiom  of  the  cune- 
iform t«'xts.  \Vc  shall  know  some  day  what  the  inscriptions  of  middle  and 
southern  Hedjaz  contain  in  the  way  of  theophorous  names.     These  inscrip- 


KELATIOXS   OF   BABYLONIA  WITH   OTHER   COUNTRIES      317 

The  cycle  of  the  ten  antediluvian  patriarchs,  which  includes  millions  of 
years,  is  reduced  to  sixteen  hundred  years,  and  thus  brought  within  the 
range  of  actual  humanity.  Finally,  the  deluge,  in  the  primitive  legend  the 
result  of  the  mad  arrogance  of  the  god  Bel,  is  justified  by  the  extraordinary 
corruption  of  the  men  of  that  epoch. 

Like  a  true  reformer  the  prophetic  narrator  has  raised  upon  the  Baby- 
lonian basis  a  new  system  whose  rational  and  moral  side  need  not  fear  com- 
parison with  any  other  religious  doctrine  of  humanity.  Among  the  Greeks, 
no  religious  or  social  reform  could  be  developed  and  preserved  that  took 
for  a  basis  their  castes  of  irresponsible  gods.  Egypt  perished  without 
having  attempted  to  rise  from  its  coarse  animal- worship.  Babylonianism 
alone,  by  its  hymns  and  its  epics,  still  lives  to-day  as  an  important  factor 
in  universal  religion,  although  under  a  form  idealised  by  genius.  Materi- 
ally, Babylon  is  but  a  memory,  but  a  delicate  part  of  its  atoms  passed  into 
the  vigorous  constitution  of  its  spiritual  heir,  the  sacred  book  of  Hebrew 
monotheism,  to  become  the  common  property  of  humanity. 


.^llimm*ff****Jt**f»**i*g**ggig»gw 


N>*ifcjk>*t>»^**i.^**^JrJfc#Jtttl#*tTTT^ 


MESOPOTAMIA^   HISTORY   IS   OUTLESX 


>7K"rEY   CO>rP  RISING   A  CUBS-ZET    'rzZ'^   •:  J    THE  SOUECES 

'.m'.ax   hi?t\:>rt  axb   or  ihz    s-^vtzz?    :j   rrrvr^.  and  a 
i^:noicssy 


Assyrians  \rere  nro  very  ii-r»:nA.r:i  pec^ies  of  re- 


:e  re^r: 


lie  Tii:7is  i^i  Euzi 


nrers  in 


..r  V.1  reeks  recorded  ibes>e  rie^:vilris  its  KessJtming  one 

ooiiniry  Mesopota.T.vjL  &  n&ZDr  zh^::  :i:cLii  properly  be 

'   their  lerriiory.     The  Rihylrciizss  *ad  AaBTiians, 

/.id.  recATvir^i  e^h  Mler  is  iilier  xeccues.  though 

S:"-:-.  >:,.:"k      The  R&rvL:r^kTt<  vsr*  lie  more 


_:rA_T  ^iTTtiL  .  m  ex- 

^  :a:  iZ  lit  iiier 
,15  ssii  rr  liie 


Vs^H  rl 


'^S.  TJv^^C  tJimcvi^   JraiT^ 


<Jt;"'«:V'^,  ^^    ^v 


,<S:fis 


MESOPOTAMIAN    lllsroKV    IN    OUTLINE 


315^ 


mvthical  Sanliuuxpalus,  who  jH'iislu'd  aftor  an  inorlorious  reign,  in  the  dei^tr'ic- 
tion  of  Nineveh,  which  oume  alH>ut  suddenly  and  dramatically  in  th«r  vwir 
606  B.C. — the  SardanajKiluji  mvth  U-ing,  however,  leased  on  an  actualitv. 

After  the  destruction  of  !^ineveh,  Babylon,  the  capital  of  BabyKL:;iu 
resumed  renewed  importance  as  a  world  metropolis.  Nebuchadrezziir.  t:_T 
most  famous  king  of  this  jvriixl,  besiegtxl  Jerusalem  and  carried  the  lj<ra^::'>r> 


to   his  capital   (^the    Baby!- 
reminiscences  of  the  li- 
the New  Babylonian  c  ■ 
throw  of  Babylon  by  : . 
was  not,  like  Nineveh.  . 
anything  appr^.\u':.     ,:     ^ 
capitals  for  t w-  >  :  -.    -.    :    -. 
empire,  it  passoi  . 
conquests,  ch.><c-  .:     - 
ander  died  ir.  -   - 
great  world-     - 
a  few  cemu: 
the  verv  Lr..- 
Babylon    - 
mound 

Sue":, 
destiny 
in  sene> 
event,  ?•' 
thegk" 
has  so  - 
walls  •: 
years  i 
empire  . 
tio!.^ 
gr. 


:ia!i  cav'-taH.     The  classical  accountj*  pr«r(^:v- 

'.on  in  this  period.     The  c<yu:>:  .' 

.:it,  was  brief,  ending  with  tht  <y<  -.:■ 

-  ui.icr  Cyrus  in  the  year  538  B.C.     Baby. .  •. 

-troyed  ;  but  it  never  regained  autonoii^y  ,.• 

.:portance.     It  was  one  of  tLe  P«rr-_i.'. 

1  B.C..  with  the  downfall  of  the  Pe.'^:^;- 

'  -rat-  who,  after  Li^  ^■<.h\^.:- 

red  empire.     Bu:  X^-^i,- 

'--  death  vw  dene  iaet 

In  the  eoane  of 


■»  .4,  n     ♦^Ij^f 


hUa-'j*^   t»*«U.    iUc-'T 


th- 
in:: 
eL:V 
tL..- 
dii: 
aL 
tL. 
nci. 
tU- 
te- 


for  IIH: 

caiiLisji 
kii:'v-; 

tii- 
vr 


p^^.,*»*.ffff«**lij[«*««»«******»»*%l 


Pimi»*i#tii*t 


tttfttfiCg 


MESOPOTAMIAN   HISTORY  IN   OUTLINE 


A   PUELIMINAKY   SURVEY   COMPRISING   A   CURSORY   VIEW   OF   THE   SOURCES 

t)F    MESOPOTAMIAN    HISTORY    AND     OF    THE    SWEEP    OF    EVENTS,    AND    A 
TAULK   UF   CHRONOLOGY 

The  Mabyloniaus  and  Assyrians  were  two  very  important  peoples  of  re- 
mote antiquity,  inhabiting  the  region  of  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates  rivers  in 
southwt'stern  Asia.  The  (xreeks  regarded  these  peoples  as  constituting  one 
nation  and  called  their  country  Mesopotamia,  a  name  that  could  properly  be 
applied  to  only  a  part  of  their  territory.  The  Babylonians  and  Assyrians, 
themselves,  on  the  other  hand,  regarded  each  other  as  alien  peoples,  though 
both  belonged  to  the  same  Semitic  stock.  The  Babylonians  were  the  more 
ancient,  and  their  territory  lay  to  the  south,  where,  many  scholars  believe, 
they  had  been  preceded  by  a  people  of  a  different  race. 

Though  the  seat  of  this  early  civilisation  is  geographically  small  in  ex- 
tent, yet  the  peoples  who  entered  into  it  were  by  no  means  homogeneous, 
nor  was  their  history  a  continuous  record  of  unbroken  political  succession. 
On  the  contrary,  at  least  two  different  races  of  people  were  involved,  —  a 
Turanian  stock  in  the  early  Babylonian  history,  a  Semitic  stock  in  all  the  later 
periods, —  and  at  least  three  successive  kingdoms  or  empires,  not  to  speak 
<jf  mere  changes  of  dynasty.  The  earliest  period  known  to  us  —  that  which 
left  records  at  Nippur  and  Shirpurla,  in  old  Babylonia  —  had  its  seat  in  the 
soutliern  portion  of  the  territory  bordering  on  the  sea;  thence,  seemingly, 
civilisation  spread  northward.  Assyriologists  are  not  fully  agreed  as  to  the 
.share  which  the  non-Semitic  race  had  in  this  early  civilisation.  It  has  even 
been  (luestioned  whether  these  so-called  Sumerians  reall}'-  existed  at  all.^ 
In  any  event  the  Semitic  Babylonians  acquired  full  control  at  a  very  early 
period. 

The  Assyrian  kingdom  —  which  came  to  be  a  veritable  world-empire  — 
luul  its  seat  at  C'alah  and  afterwards  at  Nineveh.  It  conquered  and  absorbed 
the  old  Babylonian  kingdom,  and  then  reached  out  for  domination  to  the  east 
and  to  the  west,  linally  overrunning  even  Egypt. 

The  Bible  accounts  preserve  records  of  some  of  its  most  famous  kings, 
including  Sennacherib.  The  Greek  legends  are  chiefly  concerned  with  a 
mythieal  Semirainis,  the  alleged  founder  of  Nineveh,  and  with  a  seemingly 

['  The  theories  of  those  who  deny  the  existence  of  the  Sumerians  have  been  already  given  in 
the  Introductory  Easay,  pages  :50!»-.'il7,  by  Professor  Fal6vy,  the  leader  of  the  anti-Suinerian 
Bchool.     The  present  trend  of  opinion  is,  however,  largely  toward  the  Sumerian  theory.] 

318 


THE    ASSYRIAX    GOD    NAHU 


MESOPOTAMIAN  HISTORY   IN  OUTLINE  321 

access  to  the  ancient  documents  of  his  country,  and  is  believed  to  have  made 
excellent  use  of  them.  Unfortunately,  only  meagre  remnants  of  his  history 
have  come  down  to  us,  and  these  more  or  less  distorted  through  the  medium 
of  transcribers,  the  chief  of  these  being  Alexander  Polyhistor  and  Eusebius. 
Had  we  the  entire  work  of  Berosus,  he  would,  perhaps,  perform  some  such 
function  for  Mesopotamia  as  Manetho  performed  for  Egypt ;  but  as  the  case 
stands,  the  remnants  of  Berosus  serve  to  transmit  certain  interesting  tradi- 
tions, particularly  with  reference  to  Babylonian  cosmogony,  rather  than  to 
preserve  any  considerable  historical  records. 

The  classical  historian  whose  account  of  the  Babylonians  and  Assyrians 
has  been  most  largely  copied  was  Ctesias.  This  writer  was  a  Greek  who 
served  for  seventeen  years  (415-398  B.C.)  as  court  physician  to  the  Persian 
king  Artaxerxes  Mnemon,  and  who  wrote  a  history  of  Persia  alleged  to  be 
based  upon  native  documents.  In  this  history  Ctesias  considered  the  con- 
temporary civilisation,  but  he  was  interested  rather  in  picturesque  traditions 
than  in  the  sober  historical  narratives,  and  the  records  he  preserved  are 
chiefly  of  a  nature  which  the  modern  critical  historian  pronounces  fabulous. 
The  original  work  of  Ctesias  has  perished,  but  its  character  is  fairly 
established  through  the  writings  of  other  authors  who  used  Ctesias  as  a 
source.  Foremost  among  the  latter  is  Diodorus,  whose  account  of  the 
Assyrians  represents  the  ideas  that  were  current  throughout  classical 
times,  and  continued  in  vogue  until  the  nineteenth  century. 

The  most  authentic  classical  accounts  of  the  Babylonians  are  those  given 
by  Herodotus  and  by  Strabo,  both  of  whom  spoke  as  eye-witnesses.  Unfor- 
tunately, these  writers  did  not  have  access  to  the  native  materials,  and  their 
accounts,  while  throwing  interesting  sidelights  upon  the  later  civilisation, 
do  very  little  towards  enlightening  us  as  to  the  actual  history  of  the  greatest 
of  Asiatic  peoples  of  antiquity. 

A  few  other  fragments  have  been  preserved  from  the  classical  writings, 
notably  some  bits  from  Abydenus,  preserved  through  Eusebius.  To  these 
must  be  added  numerous  references  to  the  Babylonians  and  Assyrians 
in  the  biblical  writings.  Taken  altogether,  however,  these  classical 
and  oriental  traditions  fail  to  give  us  more  than  the  vaguest  picture  of 
Mesopotamian  history. 

The  real  sources  of  that  history  are  the  original  chronicles  of  the  Baby- 
lonians and  Assyrians  themselves,  which  were  inscribed  on  stone  slabs  and 
on  tablets  of  clay.  The  clay  tablets,  after  being  inscribed,  were  dried, 
forming  almost  imperishable  bricks.  Tens  of  thousands  of  these  were  pre- 
served beneath  the  ruins  of  Mesopotamian  cities,  and  were  first  brought  to 
light  in  the  nineteenth  century.  Among  these  are  several  lists  of  kings,  and 
other  chronological  documents  of  a  somewhat  general  character.  One  docu- 
ment attempts  the  synchronism  of  Babylonian  and  Assyrian  history.  Then 
there  are  numerous  tablets  and  cylinders  and  wall  inscriptions  which  record 
the  deeds  of  individual  kings,  including  such  famous  raonarchs  as  Sennache- 
rib. Vast  quantities  of  documents  are  doubtless  still  buried  in  Mesopotamia, 
and  a  large  proportion  of  the  inscriptions  that  have  been  exhumed  are  still 
undeciphered.  But  enough  of  these  documents  have  been  discovered  and 
read  to  restore  the  outline  of  Babylonian  and  Assyrian  history  as  a  whole ; 
and  for  certain  periods,  including  the  time  of  greatest  Assyrian  power,  very 
full  records  are  at  hand.  The  result  of  these  recent  discoveries  has  been 
the  practical  substitution  of  secure  historical  records  for  the  old  classical 
and  oriental  traditions  regarding  the  Babylonians  and  Assyrians. 

The  modern   workers   who  have   assisted  in  the  restoration  of  Meso- 


322  THE   HISTORY   OF   MESOPOTAMIA 

potamian  history  tlirough  the  recovery  and  decipherment  of  the  monumental 
inscriptions  make  up  in  the  aggregate  a  Large  company.  The  chief  explor- 
ers of  the  earliest  period  were  Hotta  and  Layard.  Then  came  Fresnel, 
Thomas,  and  Oppert,  followed  by  Kassam,  George  Smith,  Ernest  de  Sarzec; 
the  Germans,  Koldewey  and  Moritz,  and  tlie  Americans,  Peters,  Hilprecht, 
and   Haynes. 

Tlie  work  of  interpreting  the  newly  found  Assyrian  records  began  with 
Sir  Henry  Rawlinson  in  England,  Eberhard  Schrader  in  Germany,  and  a  small 
company'  of  other  workers,  about  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth  century. 
The  dilliculties  of  deciphering  records  in  an  unknown  language,  and  of  an 
extremely  intricate  character,  at  lirst  seemed  almost  insuperable ;  but  with 
the  aid  of  the  knowledge  of  Ancient  Persian,  already  acquired  earlier  in  the 
century  through  the  efforts  of  Grotefend  and  his  followers,  together  with 
the  hints  gained  by  comparison  with  the  Hebrew  language  and  other  extant 
Semitic  tongues,  a  working  knowledge  of  the  Assyrian  language  was  at  last 
attained.  Since  then  the  decipherment  of  the  inscriptions  has  gone  on 
unceasingly,  and  a  constantly  growing  band  of  workers  has  added  to  our 
knowledge. 

Mmt  of  the  excavators  and  explorers  have,  very  naturally,  given  us 
personal  accounts  of  their  labours.  Botta's  labours,  however,  were  chiefly 
maile  public  through  tlie  publications  of  Victor  Place ;  and  in  more  recent 
times,  Heuzey  has  published  the  chief  accounts  of  the  excavations  of 
De  Sarzec.  Layard,  on  tlie  other  hand,  the  greatest  of  all  Assyrian  ex- 
plorers, gave  full  accounts  of  his  own  discoveries,  and  interpreted  the 
monuments  as  well  as  described  them.  He  restored  to  us  a  picture  of  Meso- 
potamian  civilisation  somewhat  as  Wilkinson  had  done  for  Egypt.  Of  the 
more  recent  workers  who  have  written  about  Babylonia  and  Assyria  the 
most  important  are  Meyer,  Hommel,  Winckler,  Muerdter,  and  Delitzsch  in 
Germany ;  Tiele  in  Holland ;  Lenormant,  Babelon,  Menant  and  Halevy 
in  France ;  Sayce  in  England,  and  Peters,  Hilprecht,  Harper  and  Rogers 
in  America. 

Th:inks  to  the  records  thus  made  available,  the  history  of  this  most  ancient 
civilisation  is  no  longer  a  mere  hazy  figment  of  tradition,  but  has  become  a 
shurply  outlined  picture.  We  are  able  to  trace,  not  indeed  the  origin  of  the 
Mesupotiimian  civilisation — for  the  beginnings  of  national  life  evade  us  here 
as  elsewhere  —  but  its  very  early  development  in  the  cities  of  old  or  southern 
Babylonia.  Anticjuarian  documents,  aided  by  estimates  as  to  the  rate  of 
(lopo-sit  of  sediment  at  the  mouth  of  the  river^,  enable  us  to  fix,  at  least 
approximately,  the  dates  for  this  early  civilisation.  These  figures  cannot 
pretend  to  exact  accuracy,  but  the  Assyriologist  assures  us  with  some  con- 
fidence that  they  carry  us  back  to  a  period  something  like  six  or  seven 
thousand  years  B.C.  At  this  remote  time  the  civilisation  of  southern 
Babylonia  w;us  already  established  in  its  main  features.  The  people  of  Ur, 
Nippur,  Shirpurla,  and  Babylon  were  able  even  then  to  build  elaborate  pal- 
aces and  temples,  to  carve  interesting  sculptures,  to  make  ornaments  of 
glass,  and  to  record  their  thought  in  words  traced  in  the  most  complex 
script.  In  a  word,  the  main  characteristics  of  Mesopotamian  civilisation 
were  fully  established  several  millenniums  before  the  Christian  era,  and 
abundant  proofs  of  this  fact  have  been  preserved  to  us. 

It  must  not  be  supposed,  however,  that  the  records  exhumed  from  the 
ruins  of  these  ancient  capitals  have  given  us  full  information  regarding  the 
entire  stretch  of  this  long  material  existence.  The  fact  is  quite  otherwise. 
Only  comparatively  short  periods  are  covered  fully  by  the  historical  records 


MESOPOTAMIAN  HISTORY  IN   OUTLINE  323 

in  the  wedge  writing,  and  there  are  reaches  of  some  thousands  of  years  in 
the  aggregate,  regarding  which  our  knowledge  is  still  most  fragmentary. 
Indeed,  the  history  of  the  old  Babylonian  kingdom  in  its  entirety  is  known 
at  present  only  in  the  most  general  way.  But  it  seems  almost  miraculous 
that  we  should  know  even  the  outlines  of  this  ancient  story. 


THE  ANCIENT  KINGDOMS  OF  BABYLONIA 

The  earliest  known  inhabitants  of  Babylonia  were  a  people  of  whose 
origin  nothing  is  known  except  that  they  were  not  Semites.  After  a  time 
they  are  called  sometimes  Sumerians,  sometimes  Accadians.  Sumer  was  the 
southern  portion  of  Babylonia,  Accad  the  northern.  The  Accadian  language 
is  now  considered  a  dialect  of  the  Sumerian,  the  older  form. 

Civilisation  in  the  land  goes  back  at  least  to  6000  B.C.  Between  5000 
and  4000  B.C.  this  people  was  invaded  by  a  warlike  Semitic  race,  the 
Babylonians  of  history,  who  came,  perhaps,  from  Arabia.  What  portion 
of  the  aborigines  the  invaders  did  not  expel  or  destroy  they  assimilated, 
gradually  assuming  the  older  civilisation. 

The  chronology  of  the  earlier  period  is  largely  speculative.  Recent 
chronology  begins  with  the  kingdom  of  Babylon  about  the  time  of  Kham- 
murabi.  For  the  earlier  kingdoms,  we,  for  the  most  part,  follow  the  dates 
of  Professor  Rogers. 

Without  referring  to  the  legendary  history  of  Babylonia,  related  by  Bero- 
sus,  which  is  mentioned  elsewhere,  our  earliest  knowledge  of  the  land  is  of  a 
country  of  independent  kingdoms,  the  cities  with  the  temples  forming  their 
centres.     The  ruler  is  often  the  patesi  or  high  priest. 


THE   KINGDOM   OF  KENGI 

B.C. 

Before  4500  En-shag-kush-anna  is  king  of  Kengi,  in  southern  Babylonia,  but 
whether  he  was  Sumerian  or  Semite,  we  do  not  know.  He  is  patesi 
of  Eu-lil,  the  later  Bel.  Of  his  kingdom,  Shirpurla-Girsu  (or  Sun- 
gir)  is  the  capital  and  Nippur  the  religious  centre.  Later,  Sungir  is 
called  Sumer  and  gave  its  name  to  the  whole  of  southern  Babylonia. 
The  chief  rival  of  Kengi  is  the  Semitic  kingdom  of  Kish  in  the 
north,  which  En-shag-kush-anna  defeated  but  only  temporarily 
checked.  We  know  of  no  other  king  of  Kengi. 
Monuments.  —  Several  vase  inscriptions  found  at  Nippur. 


THE   KINGDOM   OF   KISH 

Recovers  itself  quickly  after  its  reverse  by  En-shag-kush-anna. 
A  certain  U-dug  is  patesi  of  Kish  at  the  time  of  this  revival. 

B.O. 

4400  Mesilim,  king  of  Kish,  subjugates  Shirpurla,  at  the  time  of  Lugal-shug- 
gur.     This    supremacy    is    maintained    for    a    short    period,   until 

4200  E-anna-tum,  king  of  Shirpurla,  shakes  off  the  yoke.  Kish  is  left 
very  feeble  after  this,  but  gradually  recovers  its  power. 

3850  Alusharahid,  the  last  great  king  of  Kish  before  the  conquest  of  Sargon  I. 
Monuments.  —  Many  vase  inscriptions. 


324 


THE   HISTORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA 


THE    KINGDOM    OF   GISHBAN 


44 


00  Ush  is  patesi,  contemporary  of  Mesilim  of  Kish.     He  wages  war  w 
ShirDurlii  on  the  question  of  boundaries.     Gishban  is  subjugated 


with 

Shirpurla  on  the  question  ot  boundaries.     Lxisnoan  is  suojugated  by 
4200       E-iinna-tuni  of  Shirpurla.     At  the  hitter's  death,  Ur-lumma,  patesi, 

invades  Shirpurhi  and  i)robably  suffers  a  slight  defeat. 
4120  Great  defeat  of  Ur-lumina  by  Enteniena  of  Shirpurla. 
4000  Lugal-zagfiii,  patesi,  son  of  Ukush,  leads  a  victorious  army  against  the 

south.     The  whole  of  Babylonia  to  the  southern  gulf  is  subjugated. 

He  becomes  king  of  Erech  and  is  styled  "king  of  the  whole  world." 

He  revives  tlie  ancient  cults  of  Lower  Mesopotamia. 
Monuments.  — Vase  inscriptions. 


THE   KINGDOM   OF   SHIRPURLA 

Shirpurla,  sometimes  called  Lagash  —  the  modern  Telloh  —  is 
situated  north  of  Mugheir  on  the  east  side  of  the  Shatt-el-Khai. 
The  oldest  king  that  we  know  is 

4.')00  Urukagina.  —  A  great  warrior  and  administrator.  He  builds  and 
restores  temples  and  also  a  canal  for  the  capital  Sungir  (Girsu). 

4400  One  of  his  successors  is  En-ge-gal,  and  another,  Lugal-shuggur,  is 
reduced  by  Mesilim  of  Kish  to  a  patesi. 

4300  In  the  enfeebled  kingdom,  dominated  by  the  rulers  of  Kish,  a  new 

family  headed  by  Ur-Nina  comes  to  the  throne.     He  is  famous  as  a 

temple  builder,  but  also  begins  to  prepare  his  kingdom  to  throw  off 

the  yoke  of  Kish.     He  calls  himself  king  though  his  son  is  still  patesi. 

Monuments.  — Vase  inscriptions. 

4250  Akurgal  succeeds  Ur-Nina.  He  is  the  father  of  E-anna-tum  and  En- 
anna-tum  I. 

4200  E-anna-tum,  the  hero  who  delivers  his  country  from  the  thraldom  of 
Kish,  and  resumes  the  royal  title.  After  this  he  puts  Gishban  under 
his  yoke,  and  wages  successful  wars  against  Erech,  Ur,  Larsa,  Az, 
and  Ukh.  He  builds  a  wall  around  one  of  the  suburbs  of  Shirpurla, 
digs  canals  for  boundary  lines,  etc.  Is  a  great  and  wise  adminis- 
trator as  well  as  a  mighty  warrior. 
Monuments. — The    famous   "Vulture  Stele"   now   in  the  Louvre  — 

many  inscriptions. 
En-anna-tum  I  succeeds  his   brother   E-anna-tum.       An    unsuccessful 
invasion  of  Siiirpurla  by  the  patesi  of  Gishban. 

4120  En-teme-na,  son  of  En-anna-tum  I,  defeats  and  destroys  army  of  the 
patesi  of  (iishban. 
Monuments. — The  Cone  of  En-teme-na.     The  "silver  vase"  —  an  ex- 
(juisite  piece  of  art  placed  on  the  altar  of  the  god  Nina  at  Singur. 

4100  En-anna-tum  II,  the  last  patesi  of  the  dynasty  of  Ur-Nina,  since  his  son, 
ijiiiiiii;i(lu,  bears  no  title.  Conquest  of  Shirpurla  by  Lugal-zaggisi 
of  (iishban. 

4100-3800  There  are  patesis  in  Shirpurla,  ruled  over  by  Lugal-zaggisi  and 
his  successors. 

8800-3100  The  darkest  age  of  Babylonian  history.  Lugal-ushumgal  was 
patesi  and  vassal  of  Sargon  I.  In  all  probability  the  kings  of  Agade 
ruled  over  Shirpurla  until  dispossessed  by  the  second  dynasty  of  Ur. 
Of  all  the  patesis,  the  vassal  rulers,  of  this  period  Ur-Bau  3500  (?) 


MESOPOTAMIA^  HISTORY  IN  OUTLINE  326 

and  Gudea  3300  (?)  are  the  most  prominent.  Ur-Bau's  rule  seems 
to  have  been  peaceful ;  Gudea  is  a  warrior ;  he  wrests  the  territory 
of  Anshan  from  Elam.     Builds  the  temple  of  Nina  at  Singur. 

Monuments.  —  Many  inscriptions. 

The  civilisation  of  Shirpurla  was  a  high  one,  and  it  contained  no  Se- 
mitic elements. 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  UR  (THE  BIBLICAL  «UR  OF  THE 
CHALDEES") 

1st   dynasty 

The  first  king  of  this  dynasty  appears  after  the  conquest  of  Erech 
by  Lugal-zaggisi  of  Gishban.  He  would  appear  to  have  over- 
thrown Lugal-zaggisi. 

3900  Lugal-kigubni-dudu. 

Lugal-kisali,  his  SOU. 

Their  rule  includes  Ur,  Erech,  and  Nippur,  and  possibly  they  con- 
quered Shirpurla.  The  fate  of  this  dynasty  with  the  names  of  its 
other  rulers  is  unknown,  but  it  probably  falls  before  the  power  of 
Agade. 

Monuments.  —  Inscriptions  of  the  two  above-mentioned  kings. 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  GUTI  AND  LULUBI 

There  are  inscriptions  relating  to  two  kings,  Lasirab  of  Guti  and 
Anu-banini  of  Lulubi.  They  seem  to  have  been  contemporaneous 
with  Sargon  I  (3800  B.C.). 

THE   KINGDOM   OF  AGADE 

3800  The  earliest  known  dynasty  is  Semitic,  and  the  first  ruler  is  Sargon  I 
(Shargani-shar-ali),  SOU  of  Itti-Bel.  By  conquest  he  founds  an 
empire  from  Elam  to  the  Mediterranean,  and  from  the  extreme 
south  of  Babylonia  to  Apirak  and  Guti. 

Monuments.  —  Engraved  seals  of  wonderful  execution,  inscriptions,  and 
contract  tablets. 
3750  Naram-Sin,  son  of  Sargon,  succeeds  him.     First  to  assume  title  "  King 
of  the  Four    Quarters   of   the    World"  —  a   great    conqueror   and 
builder.     Campaigns  against  Apirak  and  Magan  (Arabia). 

Builds  temples  at  Nippur  and  Agade.  Temple  E-barra  of  Shamash 
at  Sippar.  This  temple  is  the  one  in  which  Nabonidus  found  the 
"  tablet  with  the  writing  of  the  name  of  Naram-Sin,"  by  which  we 
are  able  to  fix  the  date  of  his  reign. 

Under  Sargon  I  and  Naram-Sin  there  is  a  high  state  of  organisation 
and  civilisation  in  the  kingdom.  There  were  judges,  musicians, 
physicians,  good  roads,  etc.  Thureau-Dangin  says  :  "  The  epoch  of 
Sargon  and  Naram-Sin  certainly  marks  a  culminating  point  in  the 
history  of  the  old  Orient." 

Monuments.  —  Inscriptions. 


i 


324  THE   HISTORY   OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

THE   KINGDOM    OF   GISHBAN 

4  iUO  UBh  is  patesi,  contemporary  of  Mesilim  of  Kish.  He  wages  war  with 
Shirpurlii  on  the  question  of  boundaries.     Gishban  is  subjugated  by 

4200  E-iinna-tuni  of  Shirpurla.  At  the  latter's  death,  Ur-lumma,  patesi, 
invades  Shirpurhi  anil  probably  suffers  a  slight  defeat. 

4120  Great  defeat  of  Ur-lumma  by  Entemena  of  Shirpurla. 

4000  Lugal-zaggiBi,  patesi,  son  of  Ukush,  leads  a  victorious  army  against  the 
south.     The  whole  of  Babylonia  to  the  southern  gulf  is  subjugated. 
He  beecmu's  king  of  Erech  and  is  styled  "king  of  the  whole  world." 
He  revives  the  ancient  cults  of  Lower  Mesopotamia. 
Monuments.  — Vase  inscriptions. 

THE   KINGDOM   OF   SHIRPURLA 

wShirpurla,  sometimes  called  Lagash  —  the  modern  Telloh  —  is 
situated  north  of  Mugheir  on  the  east  side  of  the  Shatt-el-Khai. 
The  oldest  king  that  we  know  is 

4.')00  Urukagina.  —  A  great  warrior  and  administrator.  He  builds  and 
restores  temples  and  also  a  canal  for  the   capital   Sungir  (Girsu). 

4400  One  of  his  successors  is  En-ge-gal,  and  another,  Lugal-shuggur,  is 
reduced  by  Mesilim  of  Kish  to  a  patesi. 

4300  In  the  enfeebled  kingdom,  dominated  by  the  rulers  of  Kish,  a  new 

family  headed  by  Ur-Nina  comes  to  the  throne.     He  is  famous  as  a 

temple  builder,  but  also  begins  to  prepare  his  kingdom  to  throw  off 

the  yoke  of  Kish.     He  calls  himself  king  though  his  son  is  still  patesi. 

Monuments.  — Vase  inscriptions. 

4250  Akurgai  succeeds  Ur-Nina.  He  is  the  father  of  E-anua-tum  and  En- 
anna-tum  I. 

4200  E-anna-tum,  the  hero  who  delivers  his  country  from  the  thraldom  of 
Kish,  and  resumes  the  royal  title.  After  this  he  puts  Gishban  under 
his  yoke,  and  wages  successful  wars  against  Erech,  Ur,  Larsa,  Az, 
and  Ukh.  He  builds  a  wall  around  one  of  the  suburbs  of  Shirpurla, 
digs  canals  for  boundary  lines,  etc.  Is  a  great  and  wise  adminis- 
trator as  well  as  a  mighty  warrior. 
Monuments. — The    famous   "Vulture  Stele"   now   in  the  Louvre  — 

many  inscriptions. 
En-anna-tum  I  succeeds  his   brother   E-anna-tum.       An   unsuccessful 
invasion  of  Shirpurla  by  the  patesi  of  Gishban. 

4120  En-teme-na,  son  of  Eu-auna-tum  I,  defeats  and  destroys  array  of  the 
patesi  of  (iishban. 
Monuments. — The  Cone  of  En-teme-na.     The  "silver  vase"  —  an  ex- 
(juisite  piece  of  art  placed  on  the  altar  of  the  god  Nina  at  Singur. 

4100  En-anna-tum  II,  the  last  patesi  of  the  dynasty  of  "Ur-Nina,  since  his  son, 
I.uiiiniadu,  bears  no  title.  Conquest  of  Shirpurla  by  Lugal-zaggisi 
of  Gishban. 

4100-3800  There  are  patesis  in  Shirpurla,  ruled  over  by  Lugal-zaggisi  and 
his  successors. 

3800-3100  The  darkest  age  of  Babylonian  history.  Lugal-ushumgal  was 
patesi  and  vassal  of  Sargon  I.  In  all  probability  the  kings  of  Agade 
ruled  over  Shirpurla  until  dispossessed  by  the  second  dynasty  of  Ur. 
Of  all  the  patesis,  the  vassal  rulers,  of  this  period  Ur-Bau  3500  (?) 


MESOPOTAMIAN  HISTORY   IN   OUTLINE  327 

THE   THIRD   DYNASTY   OF   UR 

The  early  kings  call  themselves  simply  Kings  of  Ur. 

2800  Gungunu  puts  an  end  to  the  dynasty  of  Isin. 

He  is  succeeded  by  Ur-gur  II  and  Dungi  II,  order  uncertain. 

They  build  many  temples,  and  Ur-gur  II  fortifies  the  wall  of  his 
capital,  hence  he  must  have  been  harassed  by  enemies.  We  have 
records  that  the  patesis  of  Shirpurla  still  existed  at  this  time. 

Monuments.  —  Votive  and  seal  inscriptions. 
2700  Dungi  III.  —  The  kings  from  now  on  add  "  King  of  the  Four  Quarters 
of  the  World  "  to  their  title,  and  for  this  reason  some  scholars  reckon 
this  king  as  the  first  of  a  fourth  dynasty.  He  is  followed  by  Bur- 
Sin  II,  Gamil-Sin,  and  Ine-Sin ;  the  latter  ruling  about  2580.  We 
have  no  knowledge  of  other  kings,  but  about 
2450-2400  the  "  Kingship  of  the  Four  Quarters  of  the  World  "  is  over- 
thrown in  the  north  by  the  1st  Dynasty  of  Babylon  and  in  the 
south  by  Nur-Adad  of  Larsa. 

Monuments.  —  Building  records  and  contract  tablets. 

THE   KINGDOM   OF   LARSA 

2400  Successful  rebellion  of  southern  Babylonia  against  the  kings  of  Ur. 

The  kingdom  of  Larsa  founded  by  Nur-Adad. 
2370  Sin-iddin  succeeds  his  father  and  extends  his  kingdom  over  Sumer  and 

Accad. 
2350  Kudur-nankhundi,  king  of  Elam,  invades  southern  Babylonia.     Under 

Kudur-nankhundi's   successor,  Kudur-lagamar   (Kudur-dugmal,  prob- 
2340       ably  the  Hebrew  Chedorlaomer)  the  Elamites  establish  a  kingdom  in 

Larsa  with  Rim-Sin  (Eri-aku)  at  its  head.      He  adopts  Sin-iddin's 
2312       titles.     The  latter  appeals  to  Khammurabi,  king  of  Babylon,  who 

overpowers  Rim-Sin. 


THE   KINGDOM   OF   BABYLON 

1st   dynasty,  2450-2150  b.c. 

In  the  days  of  Sumer  and  Accad  there  is  no  mention  of  Babylon, 
which  must,  however,  have  developed  into  some  importance  during 
the  supremacy  of  Isin  (3000-2850).     Dates  are  now  more  reliable. 

2450  Sumu-abi  overthrows  the  Ur  Dynasty  in  Babylon,  but  the  rebellion 
does  not  extend  beyond  that  city. 

2440  Sumu-la-ilu.  —  He  builds  six  strong  fortresses  in  Babylon. 

2405  Zabu.  —  He  builds  temple  E-dubar  in  Sippar.     The  country  is  evi- 
dently in  revolution,  for  mention  is  made  of  a  pretender,  Immeru. 

2290  Apil-Sin. 

2370   Sin-muballit. 

Only  monuments  of  these  reigns,  contract  tablets. 

2342  Khammurabi.  —  Probably  the  Amraphel  of  the  Bible,  a  contemporary 
of  Abraham.     The  maker  of  a  united  Babylon,  for  in 

2312  called  upon  by  Sin-iddin,  he  expels  Rim-Sin  and   the  Elamites  from 
Larsa,  and  adding  southern  Babylonia  to  his  dominions,  resumes  the 


328  THE   HISTORY   OF   MESOPOTAMIA 

titles  of  the  kings  of  Ur,  Isin,  and  Larsa.  He  begins  to  develop 
his  new  kingdom,  digging  canals  for  water  supply.  Builds  a  great 
storehouse  for  wlieat  in  Babylonia.  Enlarges  temples  of  E-zida  and 
E-sagihi  in  Borsippa. 

Monuments.  —  Letters  and  inscriptions. 
2287-21o0  Tlie  remaining  kings  of  the  dynasty  lived   in  complete  peace. 
The  few  remains  of  their  age  witness  a  high  civilisation  and  great 
prosperity. 

Monuments.  —  Contract  tablets. 

IInd  dynasty,   2150-1783  b.c. 

2150-1783  Called  the  dynasty  of  Uru-Azag  (probably  referring  to  a  district 
t)f  the  city  of  Babylon).     Eleven  kings  of  Sumerian  origin  reign  for 
3t38  years.     There  is  but  little  known  of  them. 
No  monuments  of  this  dynasty. 

IIIhd   dynasty,    1783-1207  b.c. 

1783  The  Kossreans  or  Kassites  (Kasshu)  from  the  mountains  of  Elam 
establish  a  dynasty  with  Gandiah  or  Gaddash  the  first  king.  They 
liad  entered  the  country  as  roving  bands,  had  overrun  it,  and  finally 
attained  the  power.  Culture  and  civilisation  are  assimilated  by 
the  new-comers. 

1700  Agum-kakrime,  the  first  king  of  the  dynasty  of  whom  we  have  any 
detuil.s.  His  kingdom  is  greater  than  that  of  Khammurabi.  The 
land  of  Padan  is  subject  to  him.  Some  statues  of  gods  that  had 
been  previously  carried  away  are  restored  to  Babylon. 

14')0  Karaindash.  —  In  this  reign  we  have  the  first  evidence  of  intercourse 
between  the  kingdoms  of  Assyria  and  Babylonia  —  a  treaty  with 
As.sliur-bel-nish-eshu,  king  of  Assyria,  concerning  boundary  line. 
Builds  a  temple  to  Nana,  goddess  of  E-Anna. 

14;li»  Kadaahman-Bol.  —  He  corresponds  with  Amenhotep  III,  of  Egypt. 
Munuiiunts.  —  Letters  found  at  Tel-el- Amarna. 

1420  Burnaburiash  I.  —  Contemporary  wdth  Puzur-Asshur  of  Assyria,  with 
whom  he  seems  to  have  had  difficulties  regarding  questions  of 
l)()undary.     Builds  a  temple  to  the  Sun-god  at  Larsa. 

1  n<»  Kurigalzu  I. — The  city  of  Dur-Kurigalzu  is  named   after   him.     He 
probably  rebuilds  it. 
Monuments. —  Correspondence    with    Pharaoh    of    Egypt.       (Tel-el- 
Amarna.) 

1400  Burnaburiash  II.  —  His  successor.     Long  and  prosperous  reign. 

Monmnents.  — Correspondence  with  Amenhotep  IV,  of  Egypt.     (Tel- 
fl-Ainarna.) 

1370  Kharakhardash,  marries  a  daughter  of  Asshur-uballit,  king  of  Assyria. 
His  son,  Kadashman-Kharbe  I,  conducts  a  campaign  against  the 
Sutn,  whom  he  conquers,  and  among  whom  he  settles  some  of  his 
subjects. 

1300  Rebellion  of  the  Kassites,  who,  jealous  of  the  growing  Assyrian 
infiuence,  kill  the  king  and  place  on  the  throne  Nazibugash,  who 
is  defeated  and  killed  by  Asshur-uballit,  the  king  of  Assyria. 

13.)U  Kurigalzu  II.  — Placed  on  the  throne  by  the  Assyrian  king,  invades 
Elam,  and  conquers  the  city  of  Susa  (or  Shushan).  Battle  with 
Bel-nirari,  king  of  Assyria,  with  doubtful  result. 


MESOPOTAMIA^  HISTORY  IN   OUTLINE  329 

1340-1286    Continuous    struggle   between    Babylonia    and    Assyria    under 

the    following    kings  :       Nazi  -  Maruttash    (1340),   Kadashman  -  Turgu, 

Kadashman-Buriash      (1330),     Kudur-Bel      (1304-1299),      Shagarakti- 

Buriash    (1298-1286). 

1285-1270  The  king  of  Assyria,  Tukulti-Ninib  I,  invades  Babylon,  enters 

the  town,  removes  the  treasures  of  the  temple,  and  carries  away  the 

god  Marduk  to  Assyria.     This  invasion  took  place  probably  under 

the    reign    of    Bibeiashu,    whose    successors,   Bel-shum-iddin,    Kadash- 

man-Kharbe  II  (1277-1275),  and  Adad-shum-iddin  (1274-1269),  were 

very  likely  only  vassals  of  Tukulti-Ninib,  who  was  the  real  king  of 

Babylon  for  seven  years. 

1270  The  Babylonians  rise  in  revolt,  drive  the  Assyrians  from  Babylon,  and 

1269  make  Adad-shum-usur  king,  under  whom  the  power  of  Babylon  begins 

to  revive.     Assyria  attacked,  the  king,  Bel-kudur-usur,  slain,  and  a 

portion  of  Assyrian  territory  annexed. 

1238-1224  Meli-Shipak.  —  Successful  against  the  Assyrian  king,  Ninib-apal- 

1223-1211  esharra,     so    that    under     Marduk-apai-iddin,    the     Babylonian 

dominion  extends  over  nearly  the  whole  of  the  valley. 
1210  Under  the  last   two  kings   of   this   dynasty,  Zamamu-shum-iddin    and 
1209       Bel-shum-iddin,  Babylonia  threatened  by  the  Assyrian  Asshur-dan. 
1207  End  of  the  dynasty  as  result  of  a  Semitic  revolution. 

IVth  dynasty,  1207-1075  b.c. 

The  origin  of   this   (Isin)    dynasty   still   doubtful.      There   are 
eleven  kings,  of  whom  four  or  five  are  unknown  to  us. 

1135  Nebuchadrezzar  I,  sixth  king,  exhibits  the  old-time  spirit.     Invades 
Assyria,  but  is  repulsed.      Is  successful  in  campaigns  against  the 
people  of  Elam  and  Lulubi,  even  penetrates  into  Syria. 
Monuments.  —  Monolithic  inscription  concerning  grant  of  land  to  Ritti 
Marduk  of  Bit-Karziyabku. 

1110  In  the  reign  of  Marduk-nadin-akhe,  Tiglathpileser  I  of  Assyria  invades 
Babylon  and  takes  the  capital. 

1083  At  death  of  Marduk-shapik-zer-mati,  a  usurper,  Adad-apal-iddin  takes 
the  throne. 

1078  End  of  dynasty  with  death  of  Nabu-shum. 

Vth,  VIth,  VIIth,  VIIItii  DYNASTIES,  1075-728  b.c. 

A  series  of  short-lived  dynasties  all  struggling  with  the  rising 
power  of  Assyria. 

1075  Dynasty  of  Sea  Lands,  at  the  estuaries  of  the  Tigris  and  the  Euphrates 
upon  the  Persian  Gulf,  which  later  exercises  great  influence  upon 
the  history  of  Babylonia.  This  dynasty  numbers  only  three  kings, 
who  reign  together  twenty-one  years  five  montlis,  or,  according  to 
the  Babylonian  chronicle,  twenty-three  years ;  viz.  Sibar-Shipak, 
slain  and  buried  in  palace  of  Sargon.  In  his  reign  the  Ehimites 
pillage  Sippar  and  do  much  damage  ;  Ea-mukin-zer,  of  whom  nothing 
is  known,  and  Kasshu-nadin-akhe.  These  kings  engaged  on  rebuild- 
ing the  temple  of  the  Sun  at  Sippar. 

1053-1033  The  dynasty  of  Sea  Lands  in  Babylonia  followed  by  the  dynasty 
of  Bit-Bazi,  numbering  also  only  three  kings :  Eulbar-ahakin- 
shum,  Ninib-kudur-usur,  and  Silanim-shukamuna,  followed  by  a 
dynasty  of   Elam   witli  only  one  king,  whose   name  is  unknown. 


THK   HIMTORy   OF   Mf:.SOPOTAMIA 


ite  igow, 


»^ 


1077  Thrt  Vnr»»»  UyuMiy.     Ha' 

tiow  irtM-rrriix*'/!  with  Ka  . ood. 

Y17  WiiWfi  n«(Hr  CW«bon««««r>  of   the  V  IJJth   i  dynasty  comei  to  the  irone. 

A   itn»'  of  l(Mr;iry  activity. 
f«H»,n  f.«^lfiiw»r,  lim  Miif  <:»'HHor,  slain  l>y  Kaba-«ham 


i^ 


7557 


7J{1    f/if(».»i*»f    M|.ltir«'«  Nal»ii-Mliijm-ukin. 


(nR#»f    M  |.itir«'H  r^ar*ii-Mriijni-uKiii.        lij^latlipilejier  III  invadeiiabv- 
|(.M  lui'l  (IrUirrninrK  to  ♦•rid  the  rulo  of  niitive  princes  in  the  hd.  " 
7yH  TlKlafhpilnflfti.  kiii^''^  lliiliylon,      -    -     -     ■  -  .    .      . 


End  of  the  Old  Babylonian  Empe. 


IM.'II) 


THE  ASSYRIAN   EMPIRE 

KIHSr    I'KKIOl),  1830-1120  B.C. 

Ammvima  wiiM  ((thtniHrd  from  Hjihyloniii.  The  date  is  un(rtain, 
Itiil  NiiM'vch  wiiM  III  rxistnuM*  in  liOOO  B.C.  Tlie  early  rulers  )pear 
i)i  huvo  Im'oii  Muliji'cl  |>ri»<Mt-|»rincoH  of  the  kings  of  IJabylonia. 

IMIO  rin>  (iimI  Kmnvn  rulors  (Ishiikko)  are  lahme-Dagan  and  h  son, 
nhnmnlii  A.lml  I,  >N  ho  huilds  a  great  temple  in  the  city  of  A^hur, 
iI<mIii'iiI<><I  Io  (he  go«lM  Ann  and  Adad. 

I  i(M>  l.iulo  known  of  their  sneeessors  Icur-kapkapu,  8hamahi-Aad  n, 
\>hile  (he  dateN  of   Khallu  and  Irlahum  are  unknown. 

M.^H^ttH^ntt.       A  few  inscriptions. 

»*(  RA)'k«)n«  rho  l\rst  to  take  the  title  of  king,  and  therefor  con- 
f»\de\vd  the  ival  founder  of  the  monarchy,  prv^Uibly  the  Bel-lai,  of 
whom  Kf^nhaddon  claimed  to  Iv  a  direv^t  tlesoentlant. 

\4.\0    \  d?»vk  s*^^»  of  Assyrian  history.      We  know  nothing  of  it  ecept 

V  t  Megiddo(^rti,  15iS)  the  ruler  of  Aasyria  ends 
s  \\\\ 

A>.  .^  .<..,.  'pendent  kindom. 

I  \--  .  KAnund&sLidng 

>N-,    ^  ,    .♦  ur.axne*. 

ry»»wx  A.  .-v«oenuw tfe bomdf y. 

A.*'  -- ^  A««kote;  n', 

V  <<<ihiir. 

JIP  ..^caibotep  IV  Ithe 


V-<>-;^  ^ 


v-s,j 


'.ua  ?S»ri;.  is 


^:J»W^  V 


u^!\i)u  hilaJi^nTrr?  rrflibf-r 


>;^cUj::iL 


MESOPOTAMIAN  HISTORY   IN   OUTLINE  331 

Monuments.  —  A  bronze    sword,   on  which  he  calls  himself   king  of 
Kishshati ;  an  inscription,  the  oldest  yet  found  with  an  eponym  date. 

330  His  son,  Shalmaneser  I,  establishes  colonies  between  the  Euphrates 
and  Tigris  as  a  bulwark  against  the  nomadic  populations  of  the 
farther  north.  Subjects  the  Musri  in  northern  Syria.  Assyrians 
cross  the  Euphrates  for  the  first  time.  The  rapidly  growing  king- 
dom firmly  established  as  far  as  the  Balikh  and  perhaps  the  Euphrates. 
New  capital  built  at  Calah. 
Monuments.  —  Two  broken  tablets. 

'l290  Under  his  son  and  successor,  Tukulti-Ninib  I,  there  is  renewed  trouble 
between  Assyria  and  Babylonia.  Invasion  of  Babylonia  ;  capital 
taken.  Conquered  city  governed  from  Calah,  Assyrian  ojfficers  sta- 
tioned both  in  the  north  and  south  of  the  country.  Tukulti-Ninib 
adopts  the  title  of  "  King  of  Sumer  and  Accad  "  in  addition  to  his 
former  titles,  "King  of  Kishshati"  and  "King  of  Asshur."  This 
rule  over  Babylonia  maintained  for  seven  years  only.  The  king  is 
killed  in  civil  war.  The  most  brilliant  reign  in  Assyrian  history  up 
to  this  time.  The  steady  and  rapid  progress  of  the  Assyrians  now 
checked. 

1280  Rapid  decline  of  Assyrian  power  under  Asshurnazirpal  I,  Tukulti- 
Ninib's  son.     An  attack  of  Babylonia  is  repulsed  with  difficulty.  _ 

1250  Under  his  successors,  Asshur-narara  and  Nabu-daian,  the  Assyrian 
power  continues  to  wane,  wliile  the  Babylonian  increases. 

1240-1235  Under  Bel-kudur-usur  and  Ninib-apal-esharra  Assyria  is  invaded 
by  the  Babylonians  under  Meli-shipak  and  Marduk-apal-iddin.  All 
the  southern  and  part  of  the  northern  and  western  conquered 
territory  lost. 

1210  Under  Asshur-dan  I  rehabilitation  of  Assyrian  power.  He  crosses  the 
Lower  Zab,  invades  Babylonian  territory,  and  restores  a  small  section 
of  it  to  Assyria. 

1150  Further  Assyrian  gains  under  Mutakkil-Nusku  and  Asshur-rish-ishi,  who 

1140      restores  temple  of  Ishtar  at  Calah. 

SECOND   PERIOD,   1120-885  B.C. 

1120  TiglathpUeaer  I  (Tukulti-apal-esharra,  my  help  is  the  god  Ninib).— He 
builds  up  anew  the  Assyrian  Empire,  and  thus  records  his  work  of 
conquest:  "In  all  forty -two  countries  and  their  kings  from  the 
Lower  Zab  (and)  the  border  of  the  distant  mountains  to  beyond 
the  Euphrates  to  the  land  of  the  Hittites  and  the  Upper  Sea  of  the 
Setting  Sun,  from  the  beginning  of  my  sovereignty  until  my  htth 
year  my  hand  has  conquered."  His  great  success  in  war  equaiied 
by  a  marvellous  story  of  peaceful  achievements.  The  capital  ot 
Assyria  brought  back  from  Calah  to  Asshur;  the  temples  of  Ishtar, 
Adad,  and  Bel  rebuilt,  palaces  restored  and  rebuilt. 
Monuments.— T\iQ  eight-sided  prism  found  at  Calah:  several  frag- 
mentary annals  of  the  early  years  of  his  reign. 

1090  Under  his  successors,  Asshur-bel-kala  and  Shamshi-Adad  III,  both  sons 
of  Tiglathpileser,  further  peaceful  development,  with  gradually  a 
fallini  off  in  the  power  and  dignity  of  the  kingdom  The  former 
king  maintains  terms  of  peace  with  the  king  ot  Babyloma,  Marduk- 
shapik-zer-mati,  who  thereby  seems  to  be  considered  an  independent 


330  THE   HISTORY   OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

10-^7  The  Vllltli  Dynasty.  Babylonian  stock  having  exhausted  its  vigour, 
now  interniixcMl  with  Kassite  and  other  foreign  blood. 

747  Nabu-naair  ( NabonaBaar )  of  the  Vlllth  Dynasty  comes  to  the  throne. 
A  tiint'  of  literary  iietivity. 

732  Nabu-nadinzer,  his  suecessor,  slain  by  Nabu-shum-ukin.  J      ^  , 

7;n  Ukinzer  rephiees  Nabu-shum-ukin.  Tiglathpileser  III  invades  Baby- 
l..n  iiii.l  (leterniines  to  end  the  rule  of  native  princes  in  the  land. 

728  Tiglathpileaer,  king  of  Babylon.     End  of  the  Old  Babylonian  Empire. 

THE  ASSYRIAN  EMPIRE 

FIRST   rERIOD,  1830-1120  B.C. 

Assyria  was  colonised  from  Babylonia.  The  date  is  uncertain, 
but  Nineveli  was  in  existence  in  3000  B.C.  The  early  rulers  appear 
to  have  been  subject  priest-princes  of  the  kings  of  Babylonia. 

1830-1810  Tlie  first  known  rulers  (Ishakke)  are  Ishme-Dagan  and  his  son, 
ShamBhi-Adad  I,  who  builds  a  great  temple  in  the  city  of  Asshur, 
tU'ilicated  to  the  gods  Anu  and  Adad. 

1800-1700   Little  known  of  their  successors  Igur-kapkapu,  Shamshi-Adad  n, 
while  the  dates  of  Khallu  and  Irishum  are  unknown. 
Momimentg.  —  A  few  inscriptions. 

1700  Bei-Kapkapu.  — The  first  to  take  the  title  of  king,  and  therefore  con- 
sidered the  real  founder  of  the  monarchy,  probably  the  Bel-bani,  of 
whom  Esarhaddon  claimed  to  be  a  direct  descendant. 

1700-14.")0  A  dark  age  of  Assyrian  history.  We  know  nothing  of  it,  except 
that  after  the  battle  of  Megiddo  (ca.  1525)  the  ruler  of  Assyria  sends 
presents  to  Tehutimes  III. 

1450  Assyria  is  now  recognised  by  Babylonia  as  an  independent  kingdom. 
Its  ruU-r,  AflBhur-bel-nish-eahu,  makes  a  treaty  with  Karaindash,  king 
of  Kanbiiiyash  (Babylonia)  concerning  boundaries. 

1 120  Puzur-Asahur,  treats  with  the  Babylonians  concerning  the  boundary. 

1400  Aaahur-nadin-akhe  II,  his  successor,  contemporary  of  Amenhotep  IV, 
king  of  Egypt.     Builds  or  restores  a  palace  in  Asshur. 
Monuments.  —  Friendly    correspondence   with  Amenhotep  IV  in  the 
Tel-el- Amarna  letters. 

1370  Succeeded  by  Aashur-uballit,  whose  daughter,  Muballitat  Sheru'a,  is 
married  to  Karakhardasli,  king  of  Babylon.  The  murder  of  his 
son,  Kadashman-Kharbe  I,  brought  about  Assyrian  intervention, 
and  a  grandson  of  Asshur-uballit,  Kurigalzu,  is  placed  on  the  throne. 
Babylonia  now  partially  subject  to  Assyria.  Campaigns  of  Asshur- 
uballit  against  the  Shubari. 

13r)0.  His  son  Bel-nirari  said  to  have  conquered  the  inhabitants  of  the  neigh- 
bouring Elamite  foothills.  These  Assyrian  conquests  lead  to  a  con- 
flict between  Kurigalzu  II  and  Bel-nirari,  in  which  the  latter  is 
victorious.  A  rearrangement  of  the  boundary  lines  between  the 
two  countries  is  the  result. 

1350  His  son,  Pudu-ilu,  a  great  warrior,  considerably  extends  his  kingdom. 
Moyiuments.  —  A  few  brief  inscriptions. 

1345  His  son  and  successor,  Adad-nirari  I,  continues  conquests  in  neighbour- 
ing territory.  Rebuilds  captured  cities.  Struggle  with  Babylonian 
king.     He  adds  considerably  to  strength  of  kingdom. 


MESOPOTAMIA^   HISTORY  IN   OUTLINE  333 

825  Death  of  Shalmaueser. 

Monuments.  —  The  black  basalt  obelisk  containing  story  of  his  wars ; 
monolith  with  portrait  in  bas-relief ;  gate  inscriptions  from  Balauat. 
823  Shamshi-Adad  IV,  after  two  years  of  civil  war  with  his  brother,  is 
acknowledged  legitimate  king. 
822-814  Campaigns  in  north,  east,  and  west  to  receive  allegiance. 
813  Invasion  of  Chaldea. 

812  Invasion  of  Babylon  where  Marduk-balatsu-iqbi  refuses  to  pay  tribute 
—  a  decisive  victory. 
Monuments.  —  Inscriptions. 
811  Adad-nirari  III  succeeds  his  father  —  a  ruler  who  increases  Assyrian 
prestige   immensely.      Successful    campaigns   in   the   west.     Eight 
brilliant  campaigns  against  the  Medes. 
796-795  Babylon   invaded — now  practically  an  Assyrian   province.     The 
king   tries   to   efface   all   national   differences.      Temples   built   in 
Assyria  similar  to   those  of   Babylon,  and   Babylonian   forms   in- 
troduced into  the  ritual. 
Monuments.  —  A  statue  of  Nabu  from  the  temple  of  Calah;  inscriptions. 
782  Shalmaneser  III,  a  period  of  decline  sets  in.     Of  his  ten  campaigns,  six 
are  against  the  growing  power  of  Urartu,  which  is  trying  to  wrest 
the  land  of  Nairi  from  the  Assyrians. 
772  Asshur-dan  III.  —  The  decay  continues.     Campaigns  against  Damascus, 
and  Khatarikka  in  Syria.     Two  invasions  of  Babylon  (771-767). 
763-758  A  series  of  rebellions  in  various  parts  of  the  kingdom. 
754  Asshur-nirari  II.  —  A  reign  of  decadence.     Campaigns  against  Arpad 

and  Nairi,  but  no  attempt  to  collect  tribute. 
746  Rebellion  in  Calah.     Asshur-nirari  disappears  and  with  him  the  royal 
family  that  has  ruled  Assyria  for  centuries. 

FOURTH  PERIOD,  745-606  b.c. 

745  Pulu.  —  A  man  of  obscure  origin  obtains  the  throne,  probably  as  the 
outcome  of  the  Calah  rebellion.  He  takes  the  name  of  Tiglath- 
pileser  (ill),  and  begins  at  once  the  formation  of  a  great  world- 
empire  and  proceeds  first  against  Babylonia.  Reconquers  the 
country  as  far  south  as  Nippur  and  reorganises  the  government. 
Makes  a  fixed  policy  of  planting  colonies  and  transporting  captives. 
He  next  subdues  the  troublesome  land  east  of  Assyria,  and  sends 
his  general,  Asshur-danin-ani,  into  Media.  Second  expedition  into 
Media  (737),  but  withal  the  country  remains  practically  inde- 
pendent. He  takes  up  a  difficult  problem  in  the  north  where 
Argistis  of  Urartu  had  regained  much  territory,  and  his  successor, 
Sarduris  II,  has  formed  an  alliance  with  many  northern  princes. 
The  armies  of  Sarduris  and  Tiglathpileser  meet  and  the  former  is 
forced  to  retire. 

742  Tiglathpileser,  free  from  Sarduris,  attacks  Arpad,  which  falls,  740. 
Many  neighbouring  states  send  presents.  The  king  of  Unqi  resists, 
but  is  soon  taken  and  his  country  annexed  to  Assyria. 

739  Part  of  Nairi  taken.  Tiglathpileser  sets  out  to  break  the  coalition  of 
Syrian  princes  against  him,  aiming  at  Uzziah  of  Judah,  the  ring- 
leader. Menahem  of  Israel  weakens  and  pays  the  Assyrian  heavy 
tribute,  whereupon  he  abandons  attacks  on  Judah,  but  subdues,  and 
returns  home  with  tribute  from,  all  the  other  members  of  the  league. 


334  THE  HISTORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

78.5  Campaign  against  Urartu  —  does  not  conquer  but  breaks  the  spirit  of 
the  country. 
734-732  Campaigns   in   Syria,      Damascus  taken.      Ahaz  of   Judah   gives 
homage.     Other  hands  incorporated  with  Assyria.     Gaza  captured. 
731-729  He  invades  Babylonia  to  settle  the  internal  strife  raging  there. 
Determines   to    do  away  with   native  princes.      Ukinzer  deposed. 
Merodach-baladan  of  Bit-Yakin  gives  homage. 
728  Proclaimed  legitimate  king  of  Babylon. 

Monuments.  —The  annals  badly  defaced  by  Esarhaddon  ;  the  slabs  of 
Nimrud  ;   inscription  on  clay  tablets. 
72t)   Shalmaneser  IV  succeeds. 

725  lloshea  of  Israel  in  alliance  with  Shabak  of  Egypt  refuses  tribute. 
IShulmaueser  lays  siege  to  Samaria. 


THE  SARGONIDES,  722-606  B.C. 

722  Sargon  II  —  a  usurper  succeeds.  Samaria  falls  in  this  year.  The 
inhabitants  are  removed  to  the  Median  mountains  and  replaced  by 
colonists  from  Kutlia. 

721  Merodach-baladan  rebels  and  is  proclaimed  king  of  Babylon.  Sargon 
proceeds  unsuccessfully  against  him.  Rebellion  in  Hamath,  joined 
by  Gaza  and  Samaria. 

720  The  confederation  defeated  at  Raphia. 
720-710  Continuous  campaigns.       Successful  attack  on  Urartu.     Coalition 
in  the  north  broken  up. 

717  Assyrian  governors  installed  throughout  the  country.  The  career  of 
Carchemish  ended. 

710  Merodach-baladan  defeated.  Sargon  adopts  title  "  Shakkanak,"  Gov- 
ernor, of  Babylon. 

707  The  great  palace  in  his  city  of  Dur-Sharrukin  (Khorsabad)  is  finished. 
The  walls  are  covered  with  magnificent  inscriptions.     He  enters  it 
the  next  year. 
Monuments. — The  palace  of  Dur-Sharrukin  with  inscriptions  —  other 
inscriptions. 

70')  Sennacherib  (Sin-akhe-erba)  succeeds  his  father. 

7<»2   Visits  rebellious  liabylonia  and  makes  Bel  ibni  king. 

701  Coalition  against  Sennacherib  of  Syrian  princes  and  Tirhaqa  of  Egypt. 
The  Assyrian  attacks  Pho'uician  cities  and  most  of  Syria  submits. 
Battle  of  Altaku.  Sennacherib's  army  ravaged  by  pestilence,  and  he 
returns  to  Nineveh  which  he  has  made  his  capital. 

700  Bcl-ibni  becomes  hostile  to  Assyria  through  force  of  public  opinion. 
Merodach-baladan  and  Marduk-ushezib  of  Chaldea  join  him.  Sen- 
naclierib  defeats  them  and  has  his  own  son  Asshur-nadin-shum  pro- 
claimed king  of  Babylon. 

69-4  Campaigns  against  the  Chaldeans  settled  in  Elam.  Asshur-nadin- 
shum  captured  by  the  Elamites  and  Nergal-ushezib  crowned. 

692  Mushezib-Marduk  made  king  of  Babylon.  With  the  Elamites,  the 
Biibyhjuians  oppose  Sennacherib  at  Khalule  (691)  and  are  utterly 
defeated. 

689  Destruction  of  Babylon  by  Sennacherib. 
688-682  St'iuiacherib  absent  in  Arabia. 

681  Murder  of  Sennacherib  by  his  sons  Nergal-shar-eser  and  Adarmalik. 


MESOPOTAMIA:?^  HISTORY  IN   OUTLINE  336 

681   Esarhaddon  (Asshur-akhe-iddin)  succeeds  his  father. 
681-672  Nine  campaigns   to  repress    rebellions   in   different   parts   of   the 
empire. 

672  Destruction  of  Sidon.  City  of  Kar-Asshur-akhe-iddin  built  on  the 
same  spot. 

670  Esarhaddon  appears  in  Egypt  to  punish  Tirhaqa.  Memphis  taken. 
The  whole  country  surrenders  to  Esarhaddon  who  reorganises  the 
government. 

668  Esarhaddon  abdicates.     He  appoints  his  son  Shamash-shum-ukin  vice- 
roy of  Babylonia,  and  another  son,  Asshurbanapal,  receives  the  throne 
of  Assyria. 
Monuments.  — The  "Black  Stone,"  the  stele  of  Zenjirli;  other  inscrip- 
tions. 

668  Asshurbanapal  begins  his  reign. 

667  Sends  an  army  to  Egypt  which  defeats  Tirhaqa  who  has  retaken  Mem- 
phis. Conspiracy  of  Egyptian  princes  to  restore  Tirhaqa.  They 
are  taken  and  punished.  Exacts  tribute  from  King  Baal  of  Tyre, 
and  other  princes. 

655  Psamthek  I  of  Egypt  throws  off  the  Assyrian  yoke. 
Campaign  against  Elam. 

War  with  Shamash-shum-ukin,  who  plots  against  Assyria,  and  severe 
punishment  of  Babylonia.     Cruel  onslaught  on  Elam  for  assistance 
to  Shamash-shum-ukin  and  his  allies.     The  same  fate  is  meted  out 
to  the  Arabians. 
Asshurbanapal  is  famous  as  a  builder.     Temple  of  E-kur-gal-kurra  in 
Nineveh  adorned.     Rebuilding  of  E-sagila  in  Babylon  completed. 
E-zida  in  Borsippa  is  embellished.     The  palace  of  Nineveh  recon- 
structed and  a  great  library  built  and  equipped.     Vast  building 
operations  in  Babylonia  and  Arbela.     His  reign  is  one  of  great  glory 
in  works  of  peace,  but  Egypt  has  been  lost,  and  many  foreign  prov- 
inces are  on  the  verge  of  regaining  their  liberty. 
Monuments.  —  Many  records  from  the  library  of  Nineveh. 
626-609  Asshurbanapal   succeeded    by    Asshur-etil-ili-ukinni,    Sin-shum-lishir, 
and  Sin-shar-ishkum  (Saracus),  of  whom  we  have  but  little  knowledge. 

625  First  appearance  of  the  Scythian  tribes  in  Assyria.  They  invade  the 
land  and  burn  Calali. 

609  Sin-shar-ishkum  attacks  Babylonia,  of  which  Nabopolassar  is  now  king. 
The  latter  allies  himself  with  the  Scythian  tribe  of  the  Manda,  which 

606  attacks  Nineveh.  Sin-shar-ishkum  sets  fire  to  palace  and  perishes 
in  the  flames. 
Nineveh  taken  and  destroyed,  as  well  as  Dur-Sharrukin  and  Asshur. 
The  Manda  secure  the  old  land  of  Assyria,  together  with  the  northern 
provinces  as  far  as  the  river  Halys.  The  Babylonians  take  the 
southern  and  the  Syrio-Phoenician  possessions.  End  of  the  Assyrian 
Empire. 

THE  NEW  EMPIRE  OF  BABYLON 

606-538  B.C. 

Nabopolassar  (Nabu-apai-usur),  an  Assyrian  governor  of  Babylonia 
about  625,  finally  becomes  king,  and  a  powerful  rival  of  Assyria. 
After  the  destruction  of  Nineveh  he  receives  his  share  of  the  old 


336 


THE   HISTORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA 


empire,  and  continues  his  reign  in  peace.  Neku  II  of  Egypt  marches 
upon  Babylonia.  Country  developed  by  canals  and  great  buildings. 
Temple  of  Belit  at  Sippar  rebuilt. 
604-562  Nebuchadrezzar  (Nabu-kudur-usur).  Before  he  becomes  king,  he 
has  defeated  Neku  at  Carchemish  (605).  Campaign  against  Judah. 
Jerusalem  twice  besieged  in  597,  when  Jehoiachin  had  to  surrender, 
in  whose  place  Mattaniah,  a  son  of  Josiah,  was  made  king  under  the 
name  of  Zedekiah ;  and  again  in  586  when  the  city  is  taken,  plun- 
dered, and  destroyed.  Population  deported  and  Gedaliah  placed  as 
governor. 
585-573  Investment  of  Tyre  for  thirteen  years.  Finally  taken  in  573  and 
King  Ithobaal  II  deposed. 

567  Invasion  of  Egypt  in  the  reign  of  Aahmes  II ;  heavy  booty  secured, 
but  no  lasting  results.  Splendid  works  of  peace  shown  in  numerous 
inscriptions.  Extensive  building  operations.  The  walls  of  Baby- 
lon rebuilt  and  rendered  impregnable.  Canals  repaired  and  temples 
reconstructed.  Temples  of  Borsippa  repaired  and  the  walls  recon- 
structed, also  at  Sippar,  Larsa,  Ur,  Dilbat,  Baz,  and  Erech. 
Monuments.  — Many  inscriptions. 

562  Amil-Marduk  (the  biblical  Evil-merodach).  No  inscriptions  found. 
Assussinuted  by 

560  Nergal-shar-usur  (Neriglissor).  —  Under  him  Babylon  adorned  and  en- 
larged. The  temple  E-sagila  beautified.  Canal  system  regulated. 
Succeeded  by 

556  Labaahi-Marduk,  who  was  killed  after  a  reign  of  only  nine  months,  and 
succeeded  by 

555  Nabu-Na'id  (Nabonidus),  a  usurper.  Chiefly  engaged  in  building  and 
restoring  temples.  The  temple  E-ulbar  restored  and  temples  at 
Sippar  and  Kharran  in  Babylonia  rebuilt. 

539  Babylonia  invaded  by  Cyrus  of  Elam  and  Persia. 

538  Sippar  taken.  Babylon  surrenders.  Triumphal  entrance  of  Cyrus 
into  the  city.     Babylonia  a  Persian  province. 


CHAPTER   I.     LAND   AND   PEOPLE 

Cities  have  been,  and  vanished  ;  fanes  have  sunk, 

Heaped  into  shapeless  ruin  ;  sands  o'erspread 
Fields  that  were  Edens  ;  millions  too  have  shrank 
To  a  fevr  starving  hundreds,  or  have  fled 
From  off  the  page  of  being.     Now  the  dead 

Are  the  sole  habitants  of  Babylon  ; 
Kings,  at  whose  bidding  nations  toiled  and  bled, 
Heroes,  who  many  a  field  of  carnage  won, 
Their  names  —  their  boasted  names  to  utter  death  are  done. 

—  James  Gates  Percival. 

It  should  be  explained  here  at  the  very  beginning  that  in  speaking  of  the 
Mesopotamian  civilisation  as  a  unit,  we  are  adopting  for  the  sake  of  conven- 
ience a  form  of  expression  that  is  not  historically  accurate.  Even  the  word 
"  Mesopotamia "  cannot  be  justified  on  strict  analysis.  The  word  is  from 
the  Greek,  and  means,  literally,  "  between  the  rivers,"  an  obvious  reference 
to  the  fact  that  the  important  portion  of  the  territory  in  question  lies  between 
the  Tigris  and  Euphrates  rivers.  The  word  was  used  by  the  Greeks  in  indis- 
criminate application  to  Babylonia  and  Assyria,  and  its  extreme  convenience 
as  a  generic  term  has  led  to  its  retention  in  lieu  of  a  better  one ;  yet,  as  has  been 
said,  it  cannot  be  applied  with  strict  accuracy  unless  its  etymological  signifi- 
cance be  quite  overlooked ;  for,  curiously  enough,  neither  Babylon  nor  Nine- 
veh was  wholly  situated  in  the  territory  which  the  Greek  word  describes. 
Babylon  lay  partly  on  the  western  shore  of  the  Euphrates  river,  and  Nine- 
veh was  situated  on  the  eastern  shore  of  the  Tigris.  But  in  common  usage, 
as  so  often  happens,  the  exact  implication  of  the  word  "  Mesopotamia  "  has 
been  overlooked,  and  the  word  itself  has  come  to  be  applied  to  the  entire 
region  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria.  In  this  sense,  rather  than  in  the  more 
restricted  one,  we  shall  find  it  convenient  as  a  substitute  for  the  more  cum- 
bersome appellation,  Babylonia-Assyria. 

It  has  already  been  pointed  out  that  we  have  to  do  with  different  races  of 
people  in  dealing  with  Mesopotamian  history.  After  a  long  dispute,  carried 
on  chiefly  by  philologists,  it  is  now  generally  conceded  that  the  earliest 
civilisation  of  southern  Babylonia  was  due  to  a  non-Semitic  people,  the 
Sumerians.i  To  this  people,  it  would  seem,  must  be  ascribed  the  honour  of 
developing  the  chief  features  of  Mesopotamian  civilisation,  including  the 
invention  of  the  cuneiform  system  of  writing.     It  is  not  at  all  clear  at  pre- 


[1  Compare,  however,  Professor  Hal^vy's  Introductory  Essay.] 
H.  w.  —  VOL.  I.  z  337 


338  THE   HISTORY  OF   MESOPOTAMIA 

cisely  what  time  the  Semitic  people,  destined  ultimately  to  become  predomi- 
nant in  this  region,  made  their  appearance-  Nor  is  the  place  of  Semitic 
origin  agreed  upon  among  students  of  the  subject.  Some  authors,^  as  Von 
Kremer,  (xuidi,  and  Hummel,  hold  that  Babylonia  was  itself  originally  the 
cradle  of  the  race.  Others,  including  Sprenger,  Sayce,  Schrader,  De  Goeje, 
Wright,  and  Barton,  contend  that  the  Semites  invaded  Babylonia  from 
Arai)ia.  Yet  others,  including  Palgrave,  Gerland,  Bertin,  Brinton,  Noldeke, 
Jastrow,  Keane,  and  Schmidt,  hold  to  the  African  origin;  while  a  modifica- 
tion of  these  views  advocated  by  Wiedemann,  De  Morgan,  and  Erman  supposes 
that  both  the  Semites  and  Hamites  rose  in  Arabia,  and  had  their  common 
civilisation  before  the  Hamites  went  to  Africa.  Confronted  with  such  con- 
flict of  opinions,  the  historian  must  be  content  to  regard  the  exact  antecedents 
of  tlie  Semites,  previous  to  their  appearance  in  Babylonia,  as  quite  unknown. 

As  to  the  date  of  the  beginnings  of  Semitic  civilisation  in  Mesopotamia, 
Dr.  John  P.  Peters,  making  use  of  Ainsworth's  estimates  as  to  the  amount 
and  rate  of  alluvial  deposit  at  the  head  of  the  Persian  Gulf,  computes  that 
the  sea-coast  must  have  been  established  this  side  of  the  site  of  the  city  of 
Ur  about  G600  B.C.,  which  date  must,  therefore,  represent  the  earliest  possible 
period  for  the  foundation  of  that  city.  Ur  was  apparently  the  most  south- 
erly city  of  old  Babylonia,  and  Nippur  apparently  the  most  northerly.  Dr. 
Peters'  excavations  at  Nippur  lead  him  to  base  its  foundation  at  some  period 
previous  to  GOOO  B.C.,  and  possibly  previous  to  7000  B.c.«  He  sums  up  Ills 
theory  as  follows : 

"  My  suggestion,  from  the  various  facts  here  marshalled,  would  be  that 
tiie  original  home  of  civilisation  in  Babylonia  was  the  strip  of  land  from 
Nippur  southward  to  the  neighbourhood  of  Ur,  and  not,  as  has  sometimes 
been  argued,  the  region  about  Babylonia  and  northward  to  Sippara;  while 
the  latter  region  is  in  itself  older,  it  does  not  seem  to  have  been  older  as  the 
home  of  civilised  man. 

"  The  ancestors  of  the  civilisation  of  Babylonia  seem  to  have  come  from 
the  region  between  Nippur  and  what  was  then  the  coast  of  the  Persian  Gulf. 
Tills  would  accord  also  with  the  tradition  preserved  to  us  in  later  sources  that 
civilisation  came  to  Babylonia  out  of  the  Persian  Gulf.  Possibly  Eridu,  on  the 
Arabian  plateau  near  the  western  shore  and  not  far  from  the  head  of  what  was 
then  the  Persian  Gulf,  may  represent  the  oldest  seat  of  that  civilisation. 
However  that  may  be,  at  a  very  early  period  Nippur  became  the  centre  of 
civilisation  and  religion,  being  founded  at  a  time  when  everything  below  Ur 
probably  was  still  under  water.  As  early  as  the  close,  if  not  the  beginning, 
of  the  seventh  millennium  B.C.,  this  strip  of  land  at  the  head  of  the  then 
Persian  Gulf  seems  to  have  been  the  home  of  the  civilised  men,  and  from  here 
civilisation  spread  northward."/ 

THE   LAND 

The  land  of  the  Euphrates  and  Tigris  lies  between  the  Iranian  country 
on  the  east  and  the  Syrio-Arabian  district  on  the  west,  from  the  chain  of 
mountains  ()f  the  Zagros  to  the  rocky  heights  of  the  Lebanon  and  the  Syrian 
desert.  From  the  mountains  of  Armenia,  in  which  both  rivers  have  their 
source,  the  land  gradually  declines  to  the  plain,  extending  from  the  point  of 
their  union  to  where  they  fall  into  the  Persian  Gulf. 

The  upper-river  beds,  winding  through  a  high-lying,  sometimes  fertile 
steppe  country,  are  surrounded  by  heights,  where  plane  and  cypress  groves 

[>  See  Sketch  of  Semitic  Origins,  by  G.  A.  Barton,  Ph.D.     New  York  and  London,  1902.] 


LAND  AND  PEOPLE  339 

alternate  with  green  meads  and  a  rich  growth  of  many-coloured  flowers  and 
plants. 

As  the  land  grows  flatter,  these  valleys  widen  to  fertile  pastures  on  the 
river-banks,  whilst  the  wide  central  plain  grows  more  and  more  bare  and 
treeless,  until  it  ends  at  last  in  a  desert  trodden  only  by  a  few  wandering 
shepherds  with  their  flocks,  and  full  of  ostriches,  bustards,  and  wild  game. 
This  is  known  as  the  between-river  (Mesopotamia)  district,  which  extends 
into  a  wide  plain  of  rich  brown  soil,  about  a  hundred  miles  above  the  mouth, 
where  the  two  rivers  approach  most  nearly,  and  the  banks  touch  the  so-called 
Median  wall. 

This  plain,  famous  for  its  uncommon  fertility  as  well  as  for  its  historic 
importance,  the  "  Shinar "  Land  of  the  Semites,  and  the  Babylonia  of  the 
Greeks,  is  as  rainless  as  Egypt,  and  would  have  dried  up  into  a  sandy  desert, 
had  not  nature  and  human  artifice  contrived  means  of  irrigation. 

For  in  the  spring,  when  the  snow  melts  on  the  Armenian  mountains,  both 
rivers  overflow  their  banks  and  water  the  thirsty  land.  This  overflowing  of 
the  gently  moving  Euphrates  is  as  regular  as  that  of  the  Nile  ;  the  wide  tract 
of  water  is  unopposed  in  its  inundation  of  the  plain  and,  like  the  Nile,  it 
deposits  a  rich  mud  soil,  and  man's  resources  are  called  into  play  to  aid 
nature  by  the  artificial  conduct  of  water  and  by  means  of  dams  to  give  the 
neighbouring  district  a  share  in  the  fertilising  irrigation. 

But  the  bed  of  the  Tigris  growing  decidedly  more  narrow  as  it  nears  the 
sea,  receives  the  devastating  stream  from  the  eastern  and  northern  mountains, 
and  the  force  of  the  waters  transports  the  fertile  soil  from  the  fields  and 
transforms  the  plains  into  a  wide  swampy  land,  covered  with  reeds  and  rushes. 

The  inhabitants,  therefore,  had  the  double  task  of  stemming  the  force  of 
the  stream  to  prevent  destructive  inundations,  and  of  securing  a  course  for 
the  fertilising  waters  by  canals  and  lakes.  So  the  Babylonian  plains  were 
sown  with  such  a  number  of  small  and  great  canals,  dams  and  ditches,  that 
the  waterworks  and  means  of  irrigation  were  a  source  of  wonder  and  aston- 
ishment to  the  whole  of  antiquity.  These  canals,  cut  in  every  direction  and 
decreasing  in  size  until  they  were  almost  rivulets,  were  furnished  with  count- 
less machines  and  pump-works.  Many  of  these  canals,  which  should  have 
been  kept  free  by  continuous  clearing  from  the  stoppage  of  mud,  were  lost 
in  the  sand ;  others,  emptying  into  the  Tigris,  increased  its  size,  the  nearer 
it  approached  the  sea,  while  the  waters  of  the  Euphrates  were  decreased 
through  the  drain  of  the  canals. & 

The  Tigris  and  the  Euphrates  have  both  flood  seasons  and  carry  their 
waters  over  a  wide  extent  of  country,  exactly  as  the  Nile.  This  fact  is  so 
perfectly  clear  that  there  can  be  no  doubt  concerning  it,  though  Herodotus 
directly  asserts  the  contrary,  saying,  "  The  river  does  not,  as  in  Egypt,  over- 
flow the  corn  lands  of  its  own  accord,  but  is  spread  over  them  by  the  help  of 
engines.''  The  rise  is  indeed  not  so  prolonged  as  the  rise  of  the  Nile,  but  its 
influence  is,  nevertheless,  distinctly  to  be  seen.  Furthermore,  the  water  was 
retained  in  sufficient  quantity  to  supply  an  irrigation  system  far  back  from 
the  river  for  the  grain  harvest,  after  the  fall  of  the  river.  This  entire  sys- 
tem is  now  a  vast  ruin.  The  river  rises  and  falls  as  it  wills,  and  sweeping 
far  over  the  western  bank,  turns  the  country  into  a  morass.  The  harm  of 
this  is  both  negative  and  positive.  It  makes  impossible  any  such  great 
ingathering  of  grain  as  existed  when  this  great  valley  was  the  world's  gran- 
ary, and  it  fills  the  land  \yith  a  dangerous  miasma,  which  produces  fevers  and 
leaves  the  inhabitants  weak  and  sickly.  There  are  few  instances  in  the  world 
of  a  sadder  waste  of  a  beautiful  and  fertile  country .c 


340  THE   HISTORY  OF  IVIESOPOTAMIA 

Old  writers  give  the  most  brilliant  descriptions  of  the  wonders  of  the  dis- 
trict. Xenophon  praises  the  quality  and  quantity  of  the  dates,  of  the  groves 
of  palms  which  line  the  banks  of  the  lower  course  of  the  two  rivers  and  break 
the  uniformity  of  the  landscape,  and  are  still  very  productive  where  the 
cruel  Turkish'rule  has  not  changed  the  garden  into  a  desert. 

Herodotus  lays  particular  stress  upon  the  natural  fertility  of  the  country, 
for  lie  writes  :  "'liabylon  is,  as  we  know,  famed  for  the  best  tillage  of  all 
lands,  producing  always  two  hundredfold  of  fruit  and,  in  very  good  years, 
three  hundredfold.  The  leaves  of  the  wheat  and  barley  are  all  four  fingers 
wide,  and  I  very  well  know,  but  I  would  rather  not  say,  to  what  size  the 
millet  and  seed  grow  ;  for  I  am  certain  that  those  who  have  not  been  in 
Babylon,  will  not  believe  it.  There  are  few  trees,  no  fig  trees,  no  vine,  no  olive. 
TheV  have  no  oil  but  what  they  make  from  sesame.  But  palm  trees  grow  all 
over  the  country,  and  the  fruit  is  eaten  and  honey  and  wine  made  from  it." 

This  country  is  now  almost  a  desert,  without  buildings  and  vegetation, 
a  world  of  tower-like  ruins,  which  vary  the  monotony  of  the  vast  plains. 

"  From  these  heights,"  says  Ritter  in  his  G-eography^  "  one  sees  in  the 
solemn  stillness  of  this  ruined  world  the  far-reaching  wide  mirror  of  the 
Euphrates,  winding  majestically  through  that  solitude  like  a  royal  pilgrim 
among  the  silent  ruins  of  his  departed  kingdom.  The  palaces  and  temples, 
and  the  magnificent  buildings,  have  all  dropped  into  dust  and  ruin  ;  hanging 
gardens  and  blooming  paradises  have  fallen  into  gray,  rush-grown,  swamj)y 
marshes  ;  and  even  tliere,  where  once  the  captive  Israelites  hung  up  their 
harps  in  the  royal  capital,  and  sang  their  songs  of  mourning  over  fallen 
Jerusalem,  only  a  few  imperishable  willows  remain,  and  the  silence  is  un- 
broken by  a  voice  of  joy  or  mourning." 

Assyria,  a  mountainous  district  between  the  Tigris  and  the  mountainous 
western  boundary  of  Iran,  is  not  so  fertile  as  Babylonia,  but  its  high  position 
gives  it  a  bracing  climate. 

Like  the  southern  plains,  it  has  little  rain,  but  it  is  partially  watered  by 
the  numerous  rivers  which  flow  eastward  and  westward  to  the  Tigris,  and 
partially  by  the  canals  and  water  conduits,  and  is  rendered  tolerably  fertile  by 
careful  cultivation. 

In  the  south  only  a  few  palm  trees  and  cypresses  break  the  monotony  of 
the  wide  tilled  fields,  as  in  the  Babylonian  plain,  but  in  the  centre  of  the 
country  are  Aturia  and  Arbelitis  (Adiabene)  where  the  Upper  Zab,  the 
Zabiitus  or  Lyeus  of  classical  writers,  pours  its  blue  waters  into  the  Tigris, 
and  there  are  fruitful  hills,  with  protected  valleys,  full  of  corn,  wine,  sesame, 
figs,  olives,  and  oranges  ;  naphtha  streams  give  forth  their  precious  oil,  and 
farther  northward  on  the  borders  of  Armenia  and  Media  there  are  moun- 
tainous districts,  the  heights  of  which  are  crowned  with  woods  of  oak  and 
pine.  The  eastern  district  at  the  foot  of  the  Zagros  (Chalonitis)  is  particu- 
larly prized  for  its  wealth  of  palms,  fruit  trees,  and  olives,  and  the  country 
of  Arpakha  (Arrapachitis)  in  the  Chaldean  mountains  is  considered  the 
home  of  Abraham.  From  hence  he  descended  into  the  river  district  of  the 
centre  and  settled  in  the  land  around  Ivharran. 

Northward  lies  the  i)asture  land  of  Mesopotamia,  whose  wide  plains 
became  the  scenes  of  bloody  battles,  and  where  races  and  royal  families 
sought  to  eternalise  their  transitory  power  by  the  foundation  of  cities,  which 
have  mostly  vanished,  leaving  no  trace  behind  them.  Like  the  Assyrian  hill 
country,  it  gradually  declines  into  grass-grown  steppes  until,  in  the  south,  it 
Ix^comes  a  desert  whose  waterless  wastes  are  trodden  only  by  wandering 
Arabs.^ 


LAND  AND  PEOPLE  341 

So  far  back  as  we  have  yet  been  able  to  penetrate,  we  find  in  the  southern 
part  of  Mesopotamia  a  number  of  petty  independent  kingdoms,  governed 
from  their  capital  cities.  Our  present  knowledge  of  this  land  and  its  inhab- 
itants may  be  briefly  summed  up. 

After  the  river  Euphrates,  with  countless  windings  and  sharp  falls,  has 
cleft  the  Syrio-Mesopotamian  plain  where  it  fertilises  the  districts  con- 
tiguous on  its  banks,  it  approaches  to  within  a  few  miles  of  the  Tigris,  and 
both  streams  water  a  completely  flat  plain,  intersected  by  numerous  rivers 
and  canals,  and,  for  the  most  part,  flooded  by  the  Euphrates  in  the  summer. 

The  numerous  districts  on  both  sides  of  the  lower  Tigris  and  west  of  the 
Euphrates  which  are  out  of  reach  of  the  irrigation  have  a  desert  character, 
as  rain  is  as  rare  here  as  in  Egypt.  But  the  irrigated  land  was  proportion- 
ately fertile  ;  at  least  it  was  so  in  antiquity  and  the  Middle  Ages.  The  dis- 
trict at  the  mouth  of  the  streams  was  of  a  marshy  character  with  numerous 
swamps  and  lakes.  In  olden  times  the  confluence  of  both  rivers,  at  latitude 
about  31°  N.,  formed  a  long  narrow  bay  which  has  now  been  filled  up  by 
their  deposits.  The  Arabian  Desert  lies  at  the  west  of  the  Euphrates,  or 
rather  on  its  western  arm,  the  Pallakopas.  The  country  on  the  east  of  the 
Tigris  rises  gradually  to  the  wild  mountainous  boundary  of  the  Iranian 
highlands,  which  descends  in  terrace  form  to  the  Tigris,  to  which  it  sends 
numerous  rivers,  which  in  earlier  times  flowed  direct  into  the  sea. 

At  the  present  time  the  greater  part  of  this  district  is  a  swampy  desert 
traversed  only  b}^  wandering  tribes,  whilst  in  antiquity,  and  again  at  the 
time  of  the  Caliphs,  it  was  made  one  of  the  most  fertile  countries  in  the  world 
by  dint  of  careful  irrigation,  regulation,  and  the  construction  of  dams  and 
canals.  1 

The  most  ancient  population  of  this  country  formed  several  closely 
related  races  which  had  no  connection  with  the  other  nations  of  Western 
Asia,  but  in  the  course  of  historical  evolution  they  lost  their  language  and 
nationality  and  were  submerged  in  the  neighbouring  races. 

In  the  land  of  Makan,  the  district  of  the  mouth  of  the  two  chief  rivers, 
were  the  Sumerians  (Sumer,  with  its  chief  city  of  Ur,  on  the  Euphrates)  ; 
and  in  the  northern  part  of  the  river  country  (Melucha  land)  from  Erech, 
now  Warka,  upwards  to  the  borders  of  the  Mesopotamian  steppes,  lived  the 
Accadians,  so  called  from  Agade,  their  capital,  north  of  Babylon.  To  the 
east  of  the  Tigris,  far  into  the  pathless  districts  of  the  Zagros  Mountains, 
dwelt  the  warlike  races  of  the  Kossaeans  (Assyrian  Kasshu).  From  tlieir 
home,  mode  of  life  and  character,  they  were  evidently  the  predecessors  of 
the  modern  Kurds,  who  belong,  by  language,  to  the  Iranians.  Next  came 
the  land  of  Elam,  or  Anshan,  as  it  was  called  in  the  language  of  the  coun- 
try, the  district  of  the  rivers  Choaspes  and  Eulwos,  called  by  the  Greeks 
Kissian,  with  the  capital  Shushan,  the  Susa  of  the  Greeks. 

Whilst  the  Kossfcans  were  always  a  wild  mountainous  people,  and  the 
inhabitants  of  the  plains  of  Elam,  although  they  had  a  firmly  established 
state  organization,  were  dependent  on  their  western  neighbours  for  culture, 
Sumer  and  Accad  (i.e.  Babylonia)  possessed  an  ancient  and  a  complete,  in- 
dependently evolved  culture,  which,  although  second  to  that  of  the  Lower 

[1  This  entire  system  is  now  a  vast  ruin,  according  to  Rogers,  who  adds  :  "  Tlie  great  valley 
has  a  climate  which  appears  little  titted  to  produce  men  of  energy  and  force,  for  the  temperature 
over  its  entire  surface  is  very  high  in  the  summer  season.  It  is,  liowever,  altogether  probable 
that  in  the  period  of  the  ancient  history  neither  the  heat  nor  the  sand  was  such  a  menace.  .  .  . 
During  the  period  of  the  glory  of  Babylon  these  sand  waves  (from  Arabia)  had  certainly  not 
gone  beyond  the  Euphrates,  and  they  couid  hardly  have  reached  it."] 


342  THE   HISTORY   OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

Nile  in  innate  worth  unci  exclusive  evolution,  perhaps  exceeded  it  in  his- 
torical influence.  The  surplus  of  water  from  inundations  was  distributed 
over  the  country  by  means  of  canals  and  dykes.  Thus  ensued  a  better- 
ordered  life  of  the  state  from  the  closer  union  of  the  different  provinces. 
The  temples  of  the  great  gods  formed  the  centres  of  the  different  districts 
from  which,  as  with  the  Egyptians,  the  cities  of  Babylonia  arose  first  every- 
where. 

In  L'r  (now  El-Muglieir)  there  was  a  temple  of  the  moon-god  Sin  (or 
Nannar).  In  Eridu  (now  Abu  Shahrein)  was  the  temple  of  Ea,  the 
ancient  giul  of  the  ocean,  and  in  Larsa  (now  Senkereh)  that  of  the  sun-god 
Hai)bar  (or  Shamash),  the  lord  of  the  city.  The  latter  was  worshipped  in 
like  manner  in  Sippar  (now  Abu  IIal)])a),  whilst  in  the  neighbouring  Agade 
(Accad)  the  goddess  Anunit  w^as  the  deity  of  the  city.  On  the  south  lay 
the  sacred  "(iate  of  the  Gods"  Ka-Dingira,  the  Semitic  Babel  (Babylon), 
the  capital  of  the  country.  [With  it  was  later  united  the  city  of  Bor- 
8ip{)a.]  The  city  Erech  (Orchoe,  now  Warka),  the  sanctuary  of  the 
goddess  Nana  (Ishtar),  was  held  in  special  veneration.  North  of  Larsa 
was  Ciirsu ;  on  the  canal  Shatt-el-Khai  was  probably  Lagash  (now  Telloh)  ; 
north  of  this  the  city  of  Isin ;  near  it  was  for  a  time  the  chief  city  of  all 
liabylonia,  Nipi)ur,  which  was  the  home  of  the  god  Bel.  It  is  here  that  the 
excavations  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania  have  been  so  fruitful.  About 
fifteen  miles  northeast  of  Babylon  was  Kutha  (now  Tel-Ibrahim),  whose 
god  was  Nergal ;  near  Kutha  was  Kish.  In  the  northern  limit  of  Babylonia 
were  Dur-Kurigalzu,  nearly  opposite  the  present  Baghdad  ;  and  Upi  [or 
Opis.] 

It  seems  therefore  that  the  lay  dynasty  arose  mainly  from  the  priesthood 
of  these  temj)les,  for  the  kings  are  universally  found  in  closest  relation  to 
the  city  deities,  in  whose  honour  they  built  or  restored  the  temples,  and 
down  to  their  last  day  the  priestly  dignity  ranked  foremost  in  the  title  of 
the  Babylonian  kings. c 

ORIGINAL   PEOPLES   OF    BABYLON  :     THE   SUMERIANS 

It  is  coming  to  be  a  common  agreement  among  Assyriologists  that  the 
original  peoples  of  Babylon  were  of  a  race  that  w'as  not  Semitic.  Just  what 
it  was  these  scholars  are  not  yet  prepared  to  say  ;  although  the  inclination 
of  belief  is  that  it  was  an  Indo-European  race  and  most  likely  of  the  Turanian 
family.  An  attem[)t  has  recently  been  made  to  connect  the  aborigines  with 
the  Ugro-Finnish  branch  of  tlie  Ural-Altaic  family,  but  with  what  success  it 
is  still  too  soon  to  say.  But  whatever  these  people,  the  Sumerians,  may 
have  been,  they  occuj>ied  the  land  of  Babylonia  until  dislodged  by  a  great 
wave  of  Semitic  migration.  Tliis  fact  has  not  gone  unchallenged,  and  from 
the  ranks  of  Philology  there  has  come  a  strong  contention  for  a  Semitic 
origin  of  the  Babylonians,  and  the  assertion  that  the  Sumerian  texts  "do 
not  represent  a  real  language,  but  a  kind  of  cipher  w^ritten  according  to  an 
artificial  system  of  grammar."  And  throughout  the  following  discussion, 
written  by  Professor  Ilommel,  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  Professor 
Halevy,  the  originator  of  the  theory  of  the  Sumerian  texts  summarised 
above,  still  champions  his  contention  and  adduces  evidence  for  it  that  seems 
to  him  conclusive. a 

It  has  often  been  observed  that  southern  Babylonia  was  originally  the 
proper  home  of  the  Sumerians,  while  as  early  as  the  beginning  of  the  fourth 
millennium  before  the  Christian  era  the  Semitic  Babylonians  were  already 


LA2^D   AND  PEOPLE  343 

settled  in  northern  Babylonia,  and,  as  is  proved  by  the  Naram-Sin  inscrip- 
tion and  several  dating  from  the  time  of  Sargon,  his  father  (^circa  3800  B.C.) 
had  already  acquired  the  Sumerian  character  (and,  by  inference,  the  Sume- 
rian  civilisation).  In  the  case  of  southern  Babylonia,  the  discoveries  at 
Telloh  have  put  us  in  possession  of  a  number  of  sculptures  —  some  of  them 
in  relief,  others  severed  heads  of  statues,  dating  from  the  period  between 
circa  4000  B.C.,  or  earlier,  and  circa  3000.  These  present  two  different 
types.  One  is  characterised  by  a  rounded  head  with  slightly  prominent 
cheek  bones,  always  beardless,  and  usually  with  clean-shaven  crown.  To 
this  type  certainly  belong  the  representations  of  vanquished  foes  on  the 
archaic  sculpture,  known  as  the  Vulture  stele,  though  the  primitive  method 
of  representing  the  brow  and  nose  by  a  single  slightly  curved  line  gives  a 
merely  superficial  resemblance  to  the  Semitic  cast  of  countenance.  The 
other  is  a  longer-skulled  (dolichocephalous)  type,  with  thick,  black  hair 
and  long,  flowing  beard. 

It  is  certainly  by  no  mere  accident  that  the  heads  of  the  Telloh  statues, 
most  of  which  are  supposed  to  represent  kings,  are  of  the  first-mentioned 
(Sumerian)  type,  while  the  bronze  votive  offerings,  which  likewise  bear  the 
name  of  Gudea,  are  carried,  as  is  evident  at  a  glance,  by  Semites.  And  as 
there  were  Semites  among  the  subjects  of  Gudea,  where  the  Sumerians  were 
the  dominant  race,  so  we  find  the  same  Semitic  type  clearly  marked  in  the 
figures  round  the  stem  of  a  vase ;  while  the  party  of  musicians,  who  are 
seen  approaching  with  submissive  gestures  on  the  fragment  of  a  bas-relief, 
which  probably  also  dates  from  the  reign  of  Gudea,  must  likewise  be  of 
Semitico-Babylonian  descent. 

Fortunately,  ancient  Babylonian  art  gives  us  the  opportunity,  not  merely 
of  studying  the  wholly  non-Semitic  language  of  the  earliest  inhabitants  of 
Babylonia  in  lengthy  bilingual  original  inscriptions  such  as  many  of  the 
statues  of  Gudea  bear,  but  of  seeing  with  our  own  eyes  the  bodily  sem- 
blance of  this  singular  people,  and  so  observing  the  striking  correspondence 
of  non-Semitic  elements  in  speech  and  facial  type.  In  this  connection  we 
would  draw  attention  to  an  ancient  Babylonian  statue  of  a  female  figure, 
now  in  the  Louvre  at  Paris.  We  may  confidently  assume  that  the  woman 
represented  is  a  Sumerian  and  not  a  Semitic  Babylonian ;  and  it  ma}'  thus 
be  regarded  as  a  splendid  counterpart  to  the  Gudea  statues,  which  by  the 
whole  character  of  workmanship  it  calls  to  mind.  Whether  we  have  here 
a  queen  or  some  other  lady  of  high  rank  (the  supposition  that  she  is  a  god- 
dess appears  to  be  excluded  by  the  absence  of  the  head-dress  goddesses 
are  wont  to  wear)  cannot,  of  course,  be  determined  with  certainty.  It 
is  only  natural  that  various  mixed  types  should  have  developed  in  course 
of  time,  especially  in  northern  Babylonia;  and  many  of  the  faces  we 
meet  with  —  on  the  seal-cylinders  more  particularly  —  may  be  representa- 
tions of  such. 

That  the  Sumerians,  like  the  Semites,  were  not  an  autochthonous  race 
in  Babylonia  follows  from  the  condition  of  the  soil,  which  had  to  be  ren- 
dered fit  for  agriculture,  and  indeed,  for  human  habitation,  by  a  system  of 
canals.  Whence,  then,  did  the  Sumerians  originally  come,  before  they  took 
possession  of  the  swampy  Euphrates  valley  and  settled  there? 

There  is  a  word  in  Sumerian,  "Kar"  (Turkish  ?/er),  whicli  means  "coun- 
try" (as  does  the  Turkish  word).  But  in  Sumerian  it  has  also  come  to 
signify  "mountain"  and  likewise  "east"  (since  the  mountains  lie  only  in 
the  east  of  Babylonia)  —  meanings  which  the  Turkish  word  does  not  bear. 
This  is,  therefore,  a  clear  indication  that,  even  after  the  Sumerians   had 


344  THE  HISTORY   OF  MESOPOTAXA 

settled  in  Babylonia,  the  range  on  the  Median  fr..ntk' ■  ii-l  what  lay  behind 
it  always  passed  with  them  for  their  true  country,  the  normal  home  whence 
thev  had  come.  There  is  also  extreme  signihcance  i  ilie  fact  that  they 
were  originally  unacquainted  with  botli  the  lion  and  tf  hr.rse,  as  also  with 
wine  Cand  consequently  with  the  vine)  and  the  palm  ^'^•  :  for  they  had  no 
names  for  them,  and  called  the  lion  -great  dog  («M(/  yh).  the  horse  -ass 
of  the  mountains  "  or  "  of  the  east,"  wnie  tiie  "  drink  <  .ite  (jish-tm,  from 
gash-tin),  and  the  palm  "tree  of  Magan"  (7/a«-ma</a  .,  or  "the  upright" 
\ugin,  in  its  Semitic  form  mus-ukannu). 

THE  SEMITIC   BABYLONIANS 

By  far  the  greater  part  of  Babylonian  literature,  as  ^11  as  the  many  offi- 
cial documents  of  the  kings  of  Babylon  (in  the  more  i-trict^d  sense  of  the 
term)  and  Asshur  is  written  in  a  language  which  was  learly  perceived,  as 
early  as  1849,  to  be  intimately  related  to  the  so-called  omitic  languages  of 
Anterior  Asia.  The  relationship  is  but  contirmed  by  It  type  presented  to 
us  in  various  statues  and  sculptures  in  relief,  apart,  of  ourse,  from  the  Su- 


i 


A  RkLIQXOUS  PKOCli&410> 


:iii\  we  f re- 
element  is 
laracteristics 


merian  sculptures  of  the  very  oldest  period;  thougi 
quently  meet  with  a  hybrid  type,  yet  even  in  this  ■ 
unmistakable.  In  the  heads  of  Assyrian  figures  the  >rii 
are  very  strikingly  marked.  But  since  the  Babylonians  nd  Assyrians  were 
a  single  nation  as  far  as  language  is  concerned,  and  diflred  in  blood  only 
by  the  fact  that  there  seems  to  have  been  a  strong  admixtre  of  some  foreign 
element  in  the  former,  while  the  latter  presents  a  stront"  iniirked  and  far 
purer  racial  type,  it  may  be  taken  as  proved  that  this^r-..  is  that  of  the 
Semitic  races,  a  conclusion  which  is  doubly  vouched  for  \  '  ■;i:,aiage  and  by 
facial  conformation.  It  has  already  been  remarked  in  the  'i ■  J.ing  chapter, 
that  (unlike  the  Sumerians)  the  Semitic  population  of  BovlMnia,  which  we 
meet  with  in  northern  Babylonia  as  early  as  3800  B.C.,  an  which  predomi- 
nated there  from  2500  B.C.  (or  even  earlier)  onwards,  wa  distinguished  by 
an  abundant  growth  of  black  hair  and  long  beards. 

+u°°^i!5^^^^^^^°^^*^"^^  *^^*  ^^  ^^^  ^^^^^  millennium  bcore  the  Christian 
era  the  old  Babylonian  kings  who  resided  in  Middle  Babyjiiia  (particularly 
at  JNisin  and  Erech)  and  in  Ur  and  Larsa  bore  Semitic  nmes,  though  the 
inscriptions  that  have  come  down  to  us  from  their  reigns  ai  written  entirely 
m  bumerian,  we  are  probably  justified  in  concluding  that,  n  Middle  Baby 
ioma,  Where  the  dominant  Sumerian  population  of  the  soih  and  the  domi- 


LAND  AND  PEOPLE 


345 


nant  Semiti  population  of  the  north  must  have  come  most  directly  into 
contact  the  iterfusion  of  the  two  races  was  at  that  time  taking  place  on  a 
very  large  sUe.  On  the  other  hand,  in  northern  Babylonia,  where  Sume- 
rians  had  b-id  from  the  very  earliest  period,  but  had  never  risen  to  any 
political  iniMi-tance  as  compared  with  the  Semitic  immigrants,  the  two  must 
have  liv  ctly  apart  down  to  2000  B.C.  (the  latest  date  of  which  we  can 
be  certaii  )v  not  long  before  that  time  colonists  went  out  from  northern 
Babylonia  ad  founded  the  empire  of  Assyria.  The  far  greater  purity  of 
the  Semitic  ype  among  the  Assyrians,  together  with  the  absolute  identity 
of  their  lau  uage  and  civilisation  with  that  of  Babylonia,  leads  inevitably  to 
the  inferene  that  the  intermixture  of  Sumerian  blood  with  Semitic  in  North 
Babylonia  hd  either  not  begun,  or  had  as  yet  proceeded  but  a  very  little  way. 

Tested  -us  by  philology,  the  Assyrio-Babylonian  language,  together  with 
Canaanitis.  (  under  which  title  we  include  Phoenician,  Hebrew,  and  Moab- 
itish),  Araiaic  (Syrian,  the  so-called 
Biblical  Chldee,  Palmyrene,  etc.),  and 
Arabic  (aii  under  this  heading  not 
only  the  absean  tongue  of  southern 
Arabia,  bu  the  Ethiopian  and  Am- 
haric  Ian.  .c^es  of  Abyssinia,  should  be 
placed).  iiig  to  a  single  well-defined 
group  wuii  we  have  long  been  ac- 
customed :>  call  Semitic  (cf.  Stade's 
G-eschicht.  ies  Volkes  Israel)  and  the 
races  whic  spoke  and  speak  them  are 
known  t(  thnology  as  Semites.  From 
the  renu  t  antiquity  down  to  modern 
times  u  :"  races  have  maintained  a 
singular  prity  of  blood  and  racial  type ; 
the  Cananites  represented  in  Egyp- 
tian tomt  of  the  Xllth  Dynasty,  the 
Assyrian  iieads  in  the  ba^-reliefs  of 
Nineveh,  he  features  of  Jews  at  the 
present  tue  living  in  the  midst  of  Indo- 
Germani  nations,  and  the  Bedouins  who 
to-day  rem  the  Syrian  and  Arabian 
deserts,  u  exhibit  a  family  likeness  so 
remarkaly  that  we  see  that  throughout 
the  who3  course  of  history  they  can 
have  minled  but  little  with  alien  races. 
The  qutcion  of  how  and  from  what 
causes  tn  Semitic  type  in  Assyria  came  ^ 

to  be  ivserved   in   greater  purity  than   in   Babylonia  itself,  whence  the 
AssyriaL  emigrated,  is  one  that  has  been  briefly  touched  upon  above. 

Undr  these  circumstances  it  is  only  to  be  expected  that  the  constant 
type  of  aaracter  proper  to  other  Semites  should  be  discoverable,  or  at  least, 
in  part  2 cognisable  in  the  Babylonians  and  Assyrians;  although  we  are 
bound  :  take  into  account  the  fact  that  even  m  later  days  the  Hebrews 
retainer  >iuch  of  their  old  nomadic  habits,  that  the  Aram^ans  of  the  Assyr- 
ian pend  were  for  the  most  part  nomadic,  and  that  the  Arabs  are  so  stil  ; 
while  f:m  the  very  beginning  of  their  appearance  m  l^^^^ory  the  Semite 
inhabitats  of  the  regions  about  the  Euphrates  and  Tigris  are  ^  l^o^^^-^T^en- 
ing  peoie  on  a  high  level  of  civilisation.     Many  traits  of  primitive  national 


An  Assyrian  God 


344  THE   HISTORY   OF  ^lESOPOTAMIA 

settled  in  Babylonia,  the  range  on  the  Median  frontier  and  what  lay  behind 
it  always  passed  with  them  for  their  true  country,  the  original  home  whence 
thev  had  come.  There  is  also  extreme  signiticance  in  the  fact  that  they 
were  originally  unacquainted  with  both  the  lion  and  the  horse,  as  also  with 
wine  (and  consequentlv  with  the  vine)  and  the  palm  tree  ;  for  they  had  no 
names  for  them,  and  called  the  lion  -great  dog"  (nug  magh^,  the  horse  "ass 
of  the  m.Hintains  "  or  "  of  the  east,"  wine  the  -  drink  of  life  (gish-tm,  from 
gasfi-tin),  and  the  palm  -tree  of  Magan"  0«iV?«a^aw),  or  "the  upright 
\ugin,  in  its  Semitic  form  muB-ukannu). 

THE   SEMITIC    BABYLONIANS 

By  far  the  greater  part  of  Babylonian  literature,  as  well  as  the  many  offi- 
cial documents  of  the  kings  of  Babylon  (in  the  more  restricted  sense  of  the 
term)  and  Asshur  is  written  in  a  language  which  was  clearly  perceived,  as 
earlv  as  1849,  to  be  intimately  related  to  the  so-called  Semitic  languages  of 
Anterior  Asia.  The  relationship  is  but  confirmed  by  the  type  presented  to 
us  in  various  statues  and  sculptures  in  relief,  apart,  of  course,  from  the  Su- 


A  KiiLiGiuus  Procession 

merian  sculptures  of  the  very  oldest  period ;  though  in  Babylonia  we  fre- 
quently meet  with  a  hybrid  type,  yet  even  in  this  the  Semitic  element  is 
unmistakable.  In  the  heads  of  Assyrian  figures  the  Semitic  characteristics 
are  very  strikingly  marked.  But  since  the  Babylonians  and  Assyrians  were 
a  single  nation  as  far  as  language  is  concerned,  and  differed  in  blood  only 
by  the  fact  that  tliere  seems  to  have  been  a  strong  admixture  of  some  foreign 
element  in  the  former,  while  the  latter  presents  a  strongly  marked  and  far 
purer  racial  type,  it  may  be  taken  as  proved  that  this  type  is  that  of  the 
Semitic  races,  a  conclusion  which  is  doubly  vouched  for  by  language  and  by 
facial  conformation.  It  has  already  been  remarked  in  the  foregoing  chapter, 
tliat  (unlike  the  Sumerians)  the  Semitic  population  of  Babylonia,  which  we 
meet  with  in  northern  Babylonia  as  early  as  3800  B.C.,  and  which  predomi- 
nated there  from  2500  B.C.  (or  even  earlier)  onwards,  was  distinguished  by 
an  abundant  growth  of  black  hair  and  long  beards. 

From  the  circumstance  that  in  the  third  millennium  before  the  Christian 
era  the  old  Babylonian  kings  who  resided  in  ^Middle  Babylonia  (particularly 
at  Nisin  and  Erech)  and  in  Ur  and  Larsa  bore  Semitic  names,  though  the 
inscriptions  that  have  come  down  to  us  from  their  reigns  are  written  entirely 
in  Sumerian,  we  are  probably  justified  in  concluding  that  in  Middle  Baby 
Ionia,  where  the  dominant  Sumerian  population  of  the  south  and  the  domi- 


LAND   AND  PEOPLE  347 

the  account  of  national  character.  The  Semite  is  not  naturally  cruel.  If 
he  were  so,  the  trait  must  have  come  out  most  strongly  in  the  Bedouin 
Arabs,  who  for  centuries  have  remained  at  the  barbaric  stage  in  religious 
matters ;  whereas  this  is  not  so,  but  rather  the  reverse.  With  many  races 
(some  of  them  Indo-Germanic)  of  whom  the  most  unspeakable  horrors  and 
acts  of  violence  are  recorded  in  the  course  of  history,  sheer  lust  of  blood  and 
torture  has  been  the  motive  of  such  actions  (or  rather  crimes),  while  the 
cruelties  just  referred  to  sprang  from  the  dark  side  (revolting,  it  must  be 
confessed)  of  a  national  virtue :  true  zeal  for  the  Holiest. 

THE   ORIGINAL   HOME   OF   THE   BABYLONIAN   SEMITE 

On  such  questions  as  the  degree  of  kinship  in  which  the  Babylonians  and 
Assyrians  stood  to  other  Semites,  their  original  home,  their  last  halting- 
places,  and  consequently  the  sequence  of  Semitic  migrations,  Eduard  Meyer 
holds  the  same  views  as  the  famous  orientalist,  Sprenger,  to  wit,  that  Arabia, 
i.e.  the  desert  as  distinct  from  the  arable  land,  used  from  the  very  earliest 
times  to  send  forth  the  surplus  of  her  predatory  and  rapacious  Bedouin 
population  to  the  great  pastoral  districts  in  the  vicinity,  that  is,  to  Palestine, 
the  plain  of  Mesopotamia  (Aram),  and,  in  times  long  out  of  mind,  to  northern 
Babylonia  also ;  that  they  were,  so  to  speak,  deposited  there  from  time  to 
time,  and  that  all  Semitic  nations  whom  we  meet  with  in  a  state  of  civilisation 
in  the  course  of  subsequent  history  have  come  into  being  in  this  manner. 

"  But  this  ingenious  theory  has  been  directly  refuted  by  later  investiga- 
tions set  on  foot  by  A.  von  Kremer,  and  followed  up  by  Ign.  Guidi  at  Rome, 
and,  more  especially,  by  myself,  with  a  view  to  discovering  what  domestic 
animals  and  cultivated  plants  were  known  to  the  original  Semitic  stock. 
By  the  year  1879  Guidi  and  I  had  come  independently  and,  to  some  extent, 
by  different  ways  to  the  conclusion  that  the  original  home  of  the  Semites 
could  not  possibly  be  Arabia,  but  must  be  sought  farther  to  the  northeast. 
In  the  treatise.  Die  sprachgeschichtliche  Stellung  des  Bahylonisch-Assyri- 
schen,  I  succeeded  in  proving  further  that  the  people  who  afterwards 
became  the  Babylonians  and  Assyrians  must  have  separated  from  the 
common  stock  in  some  part  of  central  Asia  where  the  lion  was  indige- 
nous, and  emigrated  into  northern  Babylonia  through  one  of  the  passes  of 
the  Medio-Elamite  range  certainly  no  later  than  the  fifth  millennium  B.C. 
The  rest,  however,  came  by  way  of  the  southern  shore  of  the  Caspian  Sea  — 
probably  towards  the  end  of  the  fourth  millennium  and  at  all  events  later 
than  the  Hamites  of  northern  Babylonia  —  and  entered  what  was  afterwards 
Aramajan  Mesopotamia  from  the  north,  then  occupied  it,  and  spread  gradually 
from  thence  to  Syria,  Palestine,  and  Arabia."  (Hommel.)  So,  by  sub- 
sequent offshoots  and  migrations,  they  became  the  Aramaeans,  Canaanites, 
and  Arabs. 

This  theory  furnishes,  on  the  one  hand,  the  first  satisfactory  explanation 
of  many  points  in  which  Babylonian  development,  in  language  and  various 
respects,  differs  from  that  of  other  Semites.  On  the  other  hand,  it  sets  the 
large  amount  they  have  in  common  in  a  most  interesting  light,  since  it 
proves  to  be  the  primitive  heritage  of  the  Semitic  race. 

The  whole  question  of  the  manner  of  Semitic  migrations  and  offshoots 
is  one  that  cannot  be  a  matter  of  indifference  to  the  historian,  as  may  be 
objected  in  some  quarters ;  and  for  a  right  understanding  of  the  history  of 
Babylonia  in  the  earliest  times,  it  is  of  the  utmost  consequence  that  we  should 


348 


THE   HISTORY   OF  MESOPOTAMIA 


know  whether  the  Semitic  Babylonians  were  a  distinct  branch,  as  compared 
with  their  brethren,  wliose  rehitions  among  themselves  were  much  closer, 
and  whetlier  tlie  beginning  of  their  migration  had  led  their  steps  through 
the  land  where  grew  the  olive,  fig,  vine,  and  other  cultivated  plants  not  to 
be  found  in  Babylonia  ;  and  lastly,  it  is  imperative  for  a  right  comprehen- 
sion of  the  history  of  Semitic  civilisation  to  arrive  at  a  decision  on  these 
questions.  The  fact  that  we  find  in  the  Assyrio-Babylonian  language  no 
trace  of  the  common  Semitic  name  (found  in  Aramaic,  Canaanitish,  and 
Arabic)  for  the  tiirce  plants  just  mentioned,  and  others  of  the  same  nature, 
constitutes,  together  with  weighty  philological  considerations,  the  positive 
argument  in  favour  of  the  theory  I  have  set  forth :  namely,  that  the  route 
by  which  the  Semitic  settlers  of  the  lower  Euphrates  came  did  not  lie 
througii  regions  where  these  plants  are  indigenous,  but  that  they  migrated 
in  advance  of  the  rest  of  tiie  Semites  straight  from  the  east  or  northeast  into 
anterior  Asia  and  so  to  their  new  home  of  Babyloma.<Z 


r/^^' 
•/i^ '  " 


'J 


ti::t    ' 


\~T- 


CHAPTER  II.     OLD   BABYLONIAN   HISTORY 


We  have  here  the  mere  dust  of  history,  rather  than  history  itself ; 
here  an  isolated  individual  makes  his  appearance  in  the  record  of  his 
name,  to  vanish  when  v/e  attempt  to  lay  hold  of  him  ;  there  the  stem 
of  a  dynasty  which  breaks  abruptly  off,  pompous  preambles,  devout 
formulas,  dedications  of  objects  or  buildings  ;  here  and  there  the  ac- 
count of  some  battle,  or  the  indication  of  some  foreign  country  with 
which  relations  of  friendship  or  commerce  were  maintained — these  are 
the  scanty  materials  out  of  which  to  construct  a  connected  narrative. 

—  Maspero. 


Recent  researches  in  old  Babylonia  have  brought  to  light  a  very  large 
quantity  of  historical  documents  which  tell  a  most  important  story,  inasmuch 
as  they  have  to  do  with  the  very  remotest  periods  of  antiquity.  At  Telloh, 
the  site  of  the  ancient  city  of  Shirpurla,  the  French  explorers  have  found  an 
abundance  of  interesting  material,  while  the  Americans  have  exhumed,  and 
are  still  exhuming,  at  Nippur,  a  mass  of  documents  which  bids  fair  to  rival 
in  quantity  the  voluminous  records  from  the  libraries  of  the  Assyrian  kings. 
In  a  single  season's  excavating,  Mr.  Haynes  has  very  recently  brought  to 
light  thousands  of  inscribed  tablets,  some  of  which  date  from  a  period  as 
long  anterior  to  the  time  of  the  great  Assyrian  kings  as  that  time  is  to  our 
own. 

The  historian  is  to  be  particularly  congratulated  in  that  many  of  these 
ancient  documents  have  the  most  direct  bearing  upon  his  studies.  It  has 
already  been  pointed  out  that  the  Babylonians  were  much  more  amply 
endowed  with  historical  sense  than  were  the  Egyptians.  They  had  a  toler- 
ably full  appreciation  of  the  importance  of  chronolog}',  and  though,  like  the 
Egyptians,  they  lacked  a  fixed  era  from  which  to  reckon,  they,  to  some 
extent,  compensated  for  this  defect  by  the  ample  series  of  king  lists  and 
"  synchronisms  "  which  various  monarchs  caused  to  be  written.  Several  of 
these  chronological  documents  have  been  restored  to  us  by  the  various  exca- 
vators, and,  thanks  to  these,  the  outlines  of  considerable  periods  of  early 
Babylonian  history  are  now  more  accurately  known  than  many  much  more 
recent  epochs  of  occidental  history. 

Unfortunately,  these  ancient  lists  consist,  for  the  most  part,  of  tables 
of  names  having  strange  and  unfamiliar  sounds.  To  the  average  reader 
these  names  are  necessarily  repellant.     Such  words  as  E-anna-tum,  Uru- 

349 


360  THE  HISTORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

mush  or  Alusharshitl,  Samsu-iluna,  Kadashman-Kharbe  cannot  well  be 
otherwise  than  mystifying  when  unconnected  with  any  vivid  sequence  of 
tangible  events.  And  for  the  most  part  the  names  of  these  earliest  rulers 
of  Babylonia  stand,  in  the  present  state  of  our  knowledge,  as  mere  names, 
with  only  here  and  there  a  suggestion  of  tangibility.  Now  and  then  we  hear 
that  a  bas-relief  of  a  certain  king  has  been  preserved,  as  in  the  case  of  one 
Ur-Nina,  '' buikler  of  an  edifice  attached  to  the  temple  of  Nina  at  Lagash,"i 
and  in  such  a  case  the  mind  conjures  a  curious  world  of  associations  at 
thought  of  an  actual  likeness,  real  or  alleged,  being  preserved  for  a  period 
of  more  than  six  thousand  years.  The  king  whose  image  is  thus  tangibly 
brought  to  view  after  all  these  centuries  of  oblivion  must  seem  a  very  real 
persoiiage,  however  little  else  is  known  of  him  or  of  his  achievements. 

Again,  in  the  case  of  certain  other  monarchs,  there  are  brief  records  of 
cam[);ugns  and  conquests  against  neighbouring  peoples  whose  very  names, 
perhaps,  have  been  preserved  to  us  only  through  this  incidental  mention. 
In  such  cases  the  mind  is  stimulated  to  the  formation  of  vague  pictures 
of  unknown  peoples  of  that  remote  era,  and  the  least  imaginative  person 
must  feel  a  bewildered  sense  of  wonderment  as  to  what  these  peoples 
were  like,  whence  they  came,  and  whither  they  vanished.  But  for  that  mat- 
ter the  Babylonian  kings  themselves,  and  the  peoples  over  whom  they  ruled, 
seem  shadowy  and  mysterious  enough,  to  say  nothing  of  their  neighbours. 
Tlie  present  knowledge  does  not  by  any  means  suffice  to  give  us  a  full  list 
of  the  names  of  these  early  monarchs. 

In  all  probability  there  are  lists  still  in  existence  buried  in  the  ruins  of 
various  cities,  as  yet  unexplored,  that  in  time  will  restore  to  us  a  reason- 
ably full  record  of  those  long  stretches  of  time  which  now  seem  so  hazy. 
In  numerous  places  the  excavations  are  still  going  on,  discoveries  are 
daily  being  made,  undeciphered  material  is  being  read;  in  a  word,  new 
chapters  of  this  oldest  past  are  being  almost  daily  brought  to  light. 
Whatever  is  written  to-day  regarding  early  Babylonian  history  must  then, 
in  the  nature  of  the  case,  be  subject  to  possible  revision  to-morrow.  At 
least  this  is  true  to  the  extent  that  additions  are  sure  to  be  made  to  the 
present  incomplete  knowledge  in  the  near  future.  It  does  not  follow, 
however,  that  the  knowledge  of  the  present  will  be  altogether  superseded. 
Such  king  lists  as  have  been  already  deciphered,  covering  in  the  aggregate 
considerable  periods  of  time,  may  be  depended  upon,  in  general,  as  accurate 
and  permanent  records,  which  will  be  supplemented  rather  than  supplanted 
by  the  new  records  of  future  discovery.  Meantime,  we  must  be  content 
with  the  glimpses  into  here  and  there  an  epoch,  and  with  the  citation  of 
here  and  there  a  name,  covering  as  best  we  may  some  three  or  four 
thousand  years  of  Babylonian  history  in  a  few  meagre  chapters. 

Tantalising  as  it  is  to  catch  such  mere  glimpses  into  realms  that  must 
be  fascinating  could  we  but  know  their  fuller  history,  there  is  at  least  a 
certain  consolation  in  the  thought  that  our  generation  is  the  first  within  the 
})ast  two  thousand  years  to  gain  even  a  glimpse  of  these  epochs  of  history. 
Even  in  classical  times  nothing  was  known  of  early  Babylonia :  such 
reminiscences  of  Mesopotamian  greatness  as  were  preserved  pertained  to 
the  later  Assyrian  history  and  to  New  Babylonia.  And  the  Assyrians  and 
New  Babylonians  themselves  were  possessed  of  but  little  information  regard- 
ing their  remote  ancestors,  whose  records  were,  in  the  main,  as  completely 

['  Such  i8  the  way  in  which  a  few  Assyriologists  read  the  more  commonly  accepted  "  Shir- 
purla."  Professor  Ilommel  interprets  it  "  Sirgulla,"  in  favour  of  which  there  is  something  to  be 
said.] 


OLD   BABYLONIAN  HISTORY  351 

[ca.  4500  B.C.] 

hidden  from  them  as  they  have  been  from    all  succeeding  generations  of 

men  until  our  own  time. 

To  co-ordinate  properly  the  great  mass  of  information,  unearthed  of  late 
years  concerning  the  numerous  states  that  existed  in  Babylonia  in  the 
earliest  historic  period,  is  the  task  that  Dr.  Hugo  Radau  has  undertaken 
with  great  success.  The  following  extract  from  his  recently  published  work  ^ 
will  give  the  reader  the  latest  knowledge  of  these  petty  kingdoms,  and 
enable  him  to  understand  how  the  greater  ones  absorbed  the  lesser,  and  how 
the  way  was  thus  paved  for  the  union  of  all  Babylonia  under  one  ruler. « 

THE   BEGINNINGS    OF    HISTORY 

The  oldest  king  of  Babylonia  of  whom  we  have  any  record,  is  Enshag- 
kushanna,  whose  date  we  have  placed  before  4500  B.C.  He  calls  himself 
"lord  of  Kengi,"  the  southern  part  of  Babylonia.  As  to  his  nationality, 
whether  he  was  a  so-called  "  Sumerian  "  or  a  "  Semite,"  we  have  no  means 
of  knowing.  Besides  "  lord  of  Kengi,"  he  seems  to  have  had  another  title, 
viz.  "king  of  .  .  ."  The  lacuna  probably  contained  the  names  of  the 
capital  of  the  kingdom.  He  must  have  waged  war  against  Kish  in  northern 
Babylonia,  which  city  he  terms  "wicked  of  heart."  He  was  the  victor,  and 
presented  the  spoil  to  "Enlil,  king  of  the  lands."  Enlil  —  the  later  Bel 
—  was  the  chief  god  in  Nippur ;  Nippur  accordingly  was  called  En-lil-ki, 
the  "  city  of  Enlil."  Hence  Enlil  of  Nippur  seems  to  have  been  the  god  who 
wielded  the  chief  influence  over  the  inhabitants  of  Early  Babylonia.  From 
inscriptions  of  certain  patesis^  of  Shirpurla,  as  well  as  from  those  of  Lugalzag- 
gisi,  we  know  that  this  temple  was  under  the  control  of  the  king,  who  called 
himself  acGor  dingly  pate  si-gal,  "the  great  patesi."  But  it  also  had  its  own 
"  chief  local  administrator,"  the  dam-kar-gal,  who  in  his  turn  had  several 
minor  priests  or  patesis  under  him.  The  cult  of  this  god  seems  to  have 
been  well  arranged;  the  king,  being  the  summus  episcopus,  had  a  host  of 
other  officers  (priests)  under  him,  who  exercised  the  ordinary  functions  of 
the  so-called  priesthood  of  Bel.  Few  as  the  historical  notices  are,  yet 
they  enable  us  to  get  an  insight  into  the  condition  of  the  land  and  of  the 
people  at  this  remote  time.  They  show  us  that  a  struggle  went  on  between 
the  south  (Kengi)  and  the  north  (Kish)  which  struggle  lasted  undoubtedly 
for  several  centuries. 

Prominent  cities  at  this  time  were  the  capital  of  Kengi,  i.e.  Shirpurla- 
Girsu,  as  we  shall  see  later  on ;  not  Erech  (Hilprecht),  Nippur,  and  Kish. 

It  is  necessary,  however,  before  tracing  the  different  steps  in  the  develop- 
ment of  Kish,  to  turn  our  attention  to  a  kingdom  called  in  the  inscriptions 
"Shirpurla."  The  inscriptions  of  the  rulers  of  this  kingdom  give  us  an 
impression  of  a  power  and  might  which  presupposes  centuries  for  its 
development.  All  that  we  know  of  its  art  and  civilisation  tends  in  the 
same  direction. 

THE   RULERS   OF   SHIRPURLA 

Shirpurla  is  the  modern  Tel-Loh  (or  Telloh)  where  De  Sarzec  found  the 
inscriptions  relating  to  the  rulers  of  this  dynasty.     It  is  situated  fifteen 

[1  Quoted  by  permission  from  "Early  Babylonian  Hiatoiy,"  New  York  and  London,  1902.1 
[2  The  patesi  was  an  official  whose  office  was  sacerdotal  as  well  as  administrative.  We  find 
him  at  the  head  of  a  state  before  the  ruler  assumes  the  title  of  kins  ai>'i  also  a  vice-regent  when 
the  country  has  been  conquered  by  a  more  powerful  nation.  The  custom  seems  to  have  been 
in  this  case  for  the  victorious  monarch  to  reduce  the  vanquished  to  the  rank  of  patesi,  and  in 
such  capacity  he  and  his  successors  continue  the  local  administration,] 


352  THE   HISTORY   OF   MESOPOTAMIA 

[en.  4500-4100  B.C.] 

hours  north  of  Muj^heir,  on  the  east  side  of  the  Shatt-el-Khai,  and  about 
twelve  hours  east  of  Warka.  At  this  early  time  the  city  of  Shirpurla  seems 
to  have  included  four  component  parts,  viz.  Girsu,  Nina,  Uruazagga,  Erim. 
Thus  it  happened  that  one  and  the  same  king  might  call  himself  either 
"king  of  Sliirpurla"  or  "king  of  Girsu."  These  suburbs  were  built  by 
various  rulers  in  honour  of  tlieir  favourite  gods  or  goddesses.  Whether 
Shirpurla  is  the  right  reading,  or  SirguUa  (Ilommel),  we  do  not  know. 
According  to  rinches.  Guide  Vo  the  Kuyunjik  G-allery,  p.  7,  London,  1883, 
and  Bahyl.  liecor<h,  iii,  p.  24,  Shirpurla  may  read  Lagash,  which  reading  is 
adopted  throughout  by  Jensen  in  K.  B.  iii.  We  retain  the  old  reading 
Shirpurla,  because  this'  writing  occurs  most  frequently  in  the  monuments. 
The  rulers  of  Shirpurla  may  conveniently  be  grouped  under  four 
divisions : 

(1)  The  dynasty  of  Urukagina  —  beginning  with  this  ruler  or  his  prede- 

cessor(s)  and  ending  with  Lugalshuggur  and  his  successor (s). 

(2)  The  dynasty  of  Ur-Nina,  ending  with  Lummadur. 

(3)  The  i)atesis  between  Lummadur  and  Ur-Ba'u. 

(4)  Ur-Ba'u  and  his  successors,  ending  with  Gala-Lama. 

To  Urukagina,  the  oldest  member  of  the  first  dynasty  of  Shirpurla,  we 
have  assigned  the  approximate  date  of  4500  B.C.  His  greatness  consisted 
not  so  much  in  successful  wars  against  the  neighbouring  cities,  as  in  secur- 
ing a  j)eaceful  administration  for  his  country  and  city.  As  "king  of  Girsu- 
Shirpurla,"  he  devoted  his  energy  to  the  building  of  different  storehouses, 
that  should  take  up  "the  abundance  of  the  countries,"  and  erected  temples 
for  diflerent  gods  —  thus  showing  his  devotion  and  piety.  He  built  "for 
Nina  the  beloved  canal,  the  canal  Nina-ki-tum-a,"  and  thus  supplied  his  city 
with  water.  Bel  of  Nippur  still  exercises  the  highest  influence.  Ningirsu 
("the  lord  of  Girsu")  is  the  chief  city-god,  under  whose  control  the  capital 
stands.  He  is  the  Gud  or  "hero"  of  Enlil.  In  somewhat  later  inscrip- 
tions, Ningirsu  has  the  title  gud-lig-ga,  "the  strong  hero"  of  Enlil.  Many 
other  gods  are  mentioned  in  his  inscriptions. 

To  tiiis  oldest  dynasty.of  Shirpurla  belongs  also  a  certain  En-gegal  ("lord 
of  abundance"  or  "very  rich").  He,  like  Urukagina,  calls  himself  '"lugal 
Pur-sJiir-bi,"  "king  of  Shirpurla."  Besides  this  he  bears  the  proud  title  '■'lugal 
ki-gdl-la"  "tlie  great  king,"  and  terms  himself  shib  (^dlngir)  Nln-glr-su^ 
"the  priest  of  Ningirsu,"  a  title  similar  to  that  of  patesi-gal.  From  the  title 
"the  great  king"  we  may  venture  to  conclude  that  he,  unlike  his  predeces- 
sor, must  have  carried  his  arms  successfully  against  his  enemies,  who  had 
previously  succeeded  in  plundering  Shirpurla;  but  fate  decreed  that  his  royal 
capital  should  be  reduced  to  the  seat  of  a  i)atesi.  Kish,  having  been  de- 
feated some  time  before  by  Enshagkushanna,  seems  to  have  acquired  new 
strength.  Its  king,  Mesilim,  became  lord  paramount  of  Sliirpurla,  thus  re- 
ducing its  riders  to  mere  patesis.  The  name  of  only  one  of  these  earliest 
l»atesis  is  i)reserved  to  us,  i.e.  Lugal-shug-gur,  who  is  mentioned  in  the  in- 
scription of  Mesilim.  The  sovereignty  of  Kish  over  Shirpurla  does  not  seem 
to  have  lasted  very  long.  Shiri)urla  regained  its  former  glory  under  a  new 
dynasty,  namely,  that  of  Ur-Nina. 

With  Ur-Nina  begins  a  new  dynasty,  probably  the  mightiest  of  early 
Babylonia,  the  duration  of  its  sovereignty  extending  from  4300  B.C.  to 
4100  B.C.  Looking  at  the  art  and  the  inscriptions  of  these  kings,  we  can- 
not help  thinking  that  in  Shirpurla  civilisation  must  have  been  far  advanced, 
so  far  advanced  as  to  force  upon  us  the  conclusion  that  "several  centuries 
have  elapsed  before  men  could  reach  this  stage  of  civilisation."     The  greater 


OLD  BABYLONIAN  HISTORY  353 

[ca.  4300-4200  B.C.] 

number  of  these  art  treasures  are  preserved  in  the  Louvre ;  the  inscriptions 
found  on  them  have  been  published  in  DScouvertes  en  ChaldSe  and  in  the 
Revue  d'Assyriologie. 

The  first  king  of  this  dynasty  was  Ur-Nina  (servant  of  Nina).  The  dy- 
nasty of  Urukagina  must  have  been  reduced  to  mere  nothingness  by  the  kings 
of  Kish,  so  that  Ur-Nina  found  it  easy  to  take  possession  of  the  throne.  He 
must  have  been  of  an  old  family,  for  he  mentions  the  name  of  his  father  and 
grandfather,  who  have  the  title  neither  of  patesi  nor  of  king.  He,  like  his 
predecessor  seems  to  have  been  great  in  peace.  He  built  temples  and  vari- 
ous storehouses.  A  passage  in  his  inscriptions  where  he  records  the  build- 
ing of  the  "wall  of  Shirpurla,"  suggests  that  the  old  enemy,  Kish,  was  still 
troublesome,  so  that  he  found  it  necessary  to  fortify  his  capital  against  the 
deadly  enemies  from  the  north. 

The  son  of  Ur-Nina,  who  succeeded  him  upon  the  throne  of  Sliirpurla,  was 
Akurgal.  As  yet  no  inscriptions  of  this  monarch  have  been  found.  All 
that  is  known  about  him  is  gathered  either  from  the  inscriptions  of  his  son 
(Eannatum)  or  from  those  of  his  father  (Ur-Nina).  In  these  inscriptions 
eight  sons  of  Ur-Nina  are  mentioned.  If  we  classify  them  according  to 
their  height,  and  take  this  as  a  basis  for  determining  their  age,  we  would 
get  the  following  result  : 

UR-NINA 

(1)  Lid-da,     (2)  Mu-ri-kur-ta,     (3)  A-ni-kur-ra,     (4)  Lugal-shir, 
(5)  A-kur-gal,     (6)  Nun-pad,     (7)  E-ud-bu,     (8)  Nina-ku-tur-a. 

It  is  remarkable  that  the  first-born,  Lidda,  is  mentioned  in  only  one  in- 
scription. Did  he  never  succeed  his  father  upon  the  throne  of  Shirpurla  ? 
Did  Akurgal,  his  fifth  son,  in  preference  to  all  the  others,  inherit  the  royal 
sceptre,  and  thus  become  the  immediate  successor  of  Ur-Nina  ?  Interesting 
as  these  questions  are,  we  are  yet,  with  the  means  on  hand,  unable  to  decide 
them.  This  much  only  we  know,  that  both  Eannatum  and  Enannatum  I, 
call  themselves,  "  son  of  Akurgal."  Another  interesting  fact  is  that  Eanna- 
tum, in  his  "  Stele  des  Vautours,"  calls  his  father  lugal  ("king")  of  Shirpurla, 
while  in  his  other  inscriptions  he  only  terms  him  "  patesi  of  Shirpurla."  Not 
very  much  can  be  concluded  from  this,  because  even  Ur-Nina  is  styled 
by  Eannatum  "patesi  of  Shirpurla."  The  translation  of  this  latter  pas- 
sage, is  not  yet  certain.  Ur-Nina's  successor,  however,  —  either  Lidda  or 
Akurgal,  —  may  have  lost  the  title  "  king  "  in  consequence  of  an  unsuccess- 
ful war.  Eannatum,  on  the  other  hand,  being  more  successful,  resumes 
again  for  a  short  time  the  title  "king"  after  his  victory  over  Kish.  This 
latter  fact  is  very  important.  Eannatum  expressly  tells  us  that  Innanna 
gave  him  the  nam-lugal  Kish-ki,  "the  kingship  of  Kish,"  while  as  ruler  of 
Shirpurla  he  was  only  patesi.     The  state  of  affairs  then  was  as  follows : 

Ur-Nina,  a  usurper,  was  able  to  constitute  himself  king  of  Shirpurla  in 
consequence  of  the  weakness  of  the  patesis  of  Shirpurla  who  preceded  him, 
they  having  been  reduced  by  the  kings  of  Kish  to  complete  powerlessness. 
Ur-Nina's  successors,  however,  were  not  able  to  retain  the  title  of  their 
father.  Was  it  internal  disharmony  between  the  sons  of  Ur-Nina  which 
caused  this  ?  They  lost  the  title  "  king,"  and  had  to  accept  that  of  patesi. 
Undoubtedly  they  were  forced  to  do  this  by  one  of  the  successors  of  Mesilim, 
i.e.  by  a  king  of  Kish.  Eannatum  —  a  great  hero  —  was  able  to  overcome 
the  old  enemy  Kish.  He  even  was  so  fortunate  as  to  add  to  liis  old  title, 
"patesi  of  Shirpurla,"  that  of  "  king  "  (sc.  of  "Kish")  and  by  a  stretch  of 

H.  W. VOL.  I.  2  A 


354  THE  HISTORY   OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

[ca.  4200  B.C.] 
this  latter  title  he  mav  have  also  called  himself  "king  of  Shirpurla."  The 
successors  of  Eannatiim  called  themselves,  and  are  called  without  exception 
"patesis  of  Shirpurla." 

After  these  preliminary  remarks  about  the  titles  of  the  different  members 
of  the  dynasty  of  Ur-Nina,  we  now  turn  our  attention  to  Eannatum  (i.e. 
"  The  house  of  heaven  is  stable  "  ),  the  son  of  Akurgal  himself.  Whether 
he  reigned  contemporaneously  with  his  brother  Enannatum  I  or  not,  we 
cannof  tell.  The  fact  that  the  sons  of  Enannatum  I  succeeded  upon  the 
throne  of  Shirpurla  makes  it  reasonable  to  suppose  that  Eannatum  preceded 
Enannatum  I.  This  latter  ruler  seems  to  have  played  only  a  minor  role  in 
early  Habylonia  history.  Only  two  of  his  inscriptions  have  so  far  come 
down  to  us.  Eannatum,  his  brother,  on  the  contrary,  is  the  greatest  of  the 
whole  dynasty.  The  deeds  of  this  monarch  have  been  preserved  to  us  on 
different  monuments,  among  which  the  "Stele  des  Vautours"  is  the  most 
important.  In  order  to  obtain  a  full  conception  of  his  time  we  must 
compare  this  "  Stele "  with  the  so-called  "  Cone "  of  Entemena.  Those 
monuments  in  connection  with  the  Galet  A,  give  us  the  following  interest- 
ing piece  of  history  : 

Tlie  god  of  Shirpurla  (Ningirsu)  and  the  god  of  Gishban,  at  the  insti- 
gation of  Enlil  (god  of  Nippur),  agree  to  settle  the  boundaries  between  their 
respective  territories  (Cone  i,  1-7).  Mesilim,  king  of  Kish,  —  a  contemporary 
of  Lugiilsluiggur,  patesi  of  Shirpurla,  —  in  tlie  quality  of  lord  paramount 
of  Shirpurla,  corroborates  the  result  of  this  "settling  of  boundaries,"  and 
erects  a  statue  on  the  junction  of  the  two  territories,  to  mark  out  the 
boundaries  of  the  territory  of  Shirpurla  on  the  one  side  and  of  Gishban 
on  the  other  (Cone  i,  8-12).  Ush,  however,  a  certain  ambitious  patesi  of 
Gishban,  is  not  satisfied  with  this  decision.  He  takes  away  the  statue 
which  Mesilim  had  erected,  and  then  invades  Shirpurla,  undoubtedly  to 
extend  his  territory  beyond  the  boundary  previously  fixed  (13-21).  A 
war  between  Shirpurla  and  Gishban  ensues. 

Mesilim,  who  feels  dishonoured  by  this  action  of  Ush,  takes  the  side  of 
Shirpurla  and  defeats  Gishban  (22-31).  Gishban  in  course  of  time  again 
becoiiu's  restless.  It  invades,  under  its  patesi  Gunamraide,  the  territory  of 
Siiirpurla,  and  more  specifically  the  Guedin,  a  district  sacred  to  Ningirsu. 
"  Gunammide,  the  patesi  of  Gishban,  according  to  the  command  of  his 
god  .  ,  .  the  (juedin,  the  beloved  territory  of  Ningirsu  he  destroyed." 
Eannatum,  after  having  fortified  Shirpurla  sufficiently  ("the  wall  of  Urua- 
zagga  he  built"),  and  having  led  his  armies  victoriously  against  Elam  and 
Gisiigal,  feels  himself  strong  enough  to  deal  a  deadly  (?)  blow  at  Gishban. 
"Gishban  he  put  under  the  yoke,  twenty  of  its  dead  ones  he  buried." 
Having  done  this,  he  restores  the  sacred  territory,  the  Guedin,  to  Ningirsu  ; 
concludes  a  treaty  with  Enakalli,  (one  of)  the  successor(s)  of  Gunammide; 
digs  a  canal  "from  the  great  river  (i.e.  the  Euphrates?)  to  the  Guedin," 
and  makes  the  (lishbanites  swear  never  to  invade  the  sacred  territory  of 
Ningirsu  again,  nor  to  trespass  this  boundary. 

"In  the  future  time  the  territory  of  Ningirsu,  when  (the  Gishbanites) 
.sh(juld  invade  it  again,  the  dyke  and  the  canal,  if  they  should  trespass  it, 
the  sUitue,  if  they  should  take  it  away  —  at  that  time  when  they  invade  it, 
then  the  sa-shush-'/al  (i.e.  Eannatum)  of  Utu,  the  powerful  king  by  whom 
they  have  sworn,  shidl  rise  against  Gishban." 

"  The  Stele  des  Vautours  "  lias  for  its  main  object  the  commemoration  of 
this  treaty  with  Enakalli,  patesi  of  Gishban,  after  the  latter  city  had  been 
defeated  by  Eannatum.     But  Eannatum  was  not  satisfied  with  this  ;  he  im- 


OLD   BABYLONIAX  HISTORY  355 

[ca.  4200  B.C.] 

poses  a  heavy  tribute  upon  Gisliban,  consisting  of  one  karu  of  grain  for  Nina 
and  one  karu  for  Ningirsu,  besides  144,000  (?)  great  karu.  (Cone  ii,  19  fif.) 
After  having  reduced  Gishban  to  tranquillity,  Eannatum  also  carries  his 
victorious  weapons  against  Erech  (Warka)  and  Ur  (the  Ur  of  the  Chaldeans), 
Ki-Utu  (Larsa  ?)  and  Az  (on  the  Persian  Gulf)  —  the  patesi  of  which  latter 
city  he  kills  —  against  Melimme  and  Arua.  These  latter  cities  were  all  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  Shirpurla.  Last  of  all  he  crushes  and  defeats  Zuzu, 
king  of  Ukh.  But  even  this  does  not  exhaust  the  record  of  his  victories. 
He  becomes  king  of  Kish  —  Kish,  which  for  so  long  had  itself  been  sovereign 
over  Shirpurla.  How  this  victory  was  accomplished  is  not  evident  from  the 
inscriptions  so  far  extant.  Probably  at  some  future  time  we  may  find  an 
account  of  this  war. 

Eannatum  was  not  only  a  hero  in  war,  but  also  a  wise  administrator. 
He  not  only  renewed  three  suburbs  of  his  capital,  one  of  which  —  Uruazagga 
—  he  even  surrounded  by  a  wall,  but  also  improved  the  condition  of  Shir- 
purla itself  by  digging  different  canals,  which  he  consecrated  to  his  god 
Ningirsu  :  the  Kishedin,  which  probably  marked  the  boundary  between  the 
Guedin  and  Gishban,  and  which  the  Gishbanites  had  to  swear  never  to  cross  ; 
the  Lummagirnuntashagazaggipadda  along  the  territory  of  Ningirsu  ;  and 
the  Lummadimshar. 

Urukagina,  we  have  seen,  was  the  first  to  build  a  canal,  viz.  one  for  Nina, 
which  he  called  Nina-ki-tum-a.  In  the  Cone  of  Entemena  are  also  mentioned 
the  canal  Lummasirta,  the  Imdubba,  and  the  Namnundakiggara.  Here, 
then,  we  have  the  beginning  of  the  most  characteristic  feature  of  Babylonia. 
Babylonia  becomes  the  "  land  of  canals,"  such  as  the  Psalmist  had  in  mind 
when  he  wrote  that  touching  psalm,  "  By  the  rivers  of  Babylon  we  sat  down 
and  wept."  Further,  Eannatum  was  not  unmindful  of  his  duty  to  the  gods. 
He  confesses  that  all  that  he  is  and  that  he  has  comes  from  his  gods. 
Accordingly,  he  shows  his  gratitude  by  erecting  sanctuaries  for  Enlil, 
Ninkharsag,  Ningirsu,  and  Utu,  and  by  restoring  old  buildings,  which  had 
been  erected  by  his  predecessors  in  honour  of  the  gods,  among  which  is  to  be 
found  the  Tirash. 

In  spite  of  the  solemn  promise  of  Gishban  never  to  invade  the  territory 
of  Shirpurla  again,  or  to  pass  over  the  boundary  canal,  it  very  soon  —  prob- 
ably at  the  end  of  the  reign  of  Eannatum,  or  better,  at  the  beginning  of  that 
of  Enannatum  I  —  becomes  rebellious  as  before.  It  invades  the  territory  of 
Girsu,  under  the  leadership  of  a  certain  Urlumma,  patesi  of  Gishban,  passes 
over  the  boundary  canals  which  Eannatum  had  made,  removes  the  steles 
erected  on  those  canals  in  honour  of  Ningirsu,  casts  them  into  the  fire,  and 
even  destroys  the  sanctuaries  which  Eannatum  had  built  on  one  of  these  canals 
(i.e.  the  Namnundakigarra)  in  honour  of  Enlil,  Ninkharsag,  Ningirsu,  and 
Utu,  and  lays  waste  the  country.  Enannatum  promptly  arises  to  chastise 
"those  dogs"  who  had  dared  to  break  their  solemn  promise.  Whether  this 
battle  was  decisive  or  not,  is  not  evident.  It  seems,  however,  that  Enan- 
natum I  gained  but  a  slight  victory  over  Gishban. 

For  Entemena,  the  son  of  Enannatum,  finds  it  necessary  to  renew  the  war 
with  Gishban.  "He  puts  Urlumma  under  the  yoke,"  i.e.  subdues  him, 
forces  him  to  return  to  his  own  country,  and  pursues  him  to  the  very  midst 
of  Gishban.  This  triumphant  victory  began  with  the  decisive  battle  at  the 
canal  Lummasirta  in  the  territory  of  Shirjjurla.  "Of  his  (e.g.  Urlumma's) 
army  sixty  men  on  the  side  of  the  Lummasirta  he  left."  On  account  of  the 
severe  loss  Gishban  fled.  Entemena  pursued  after  it,  of  which  pursuit  he 
records  that  "he  left  the  bones  of  the  soldiers  (of  Urlumma)  in  the  field." 


356  THE   HISTORY   OF   MESOPOTAMIA 

[ca.  4200  B.C.] 

Many  of  these  soldiers  of  Gishban  must  have  fallen,  so  many  that  Ente- 
mena  was  obliged  "  to  bury  their  dead  in  five  different  places." 

Arrived  in  (iishban,  Entemena  makes  a  certain  priest  of  Innannaab-ki 
(or  Nin-ab-ki),  Hi  by  name,  patesi  of  Gishban,  probably  after  having  deposed 
Urlumma.  As  a  compensation  for  the  new  dignity  thus  conferred,  Entemena 
commands  Hi  to  build  in  the  territory  of  Karkar  —  which  latter  had  also 
become  rebellious  —  boundary  canals  and  some  other  buildings.  The  canal 
which  Eannatum  had  built  "from  the  great  river  (Euphrates?)  to  the 
Gut'din  "  p]ntemena  prolongs  to  the  Tigris,  and  also  repairs  the  other  canals, 
which  had  been  destroyed  more  or  less  by  the  Gishbanites,  and  dedicates 
them  anew  to  Ningirsu  and  Nina. 

Interesting  also  is  the  subscrij)tion  of  this  Cone: 

'•  When  the  men  of  (iishban  the  boundary  canal  of  Ningirsu  and  the 
boundary  canal  of  Nina  —  for  the  pur])ose  of  ravaging  these  territories  — 
shall  pa.ss  over,  then  may  Enlil  destroy  the  men  of  Gishban  and  the  men  of 
the  nu)untains  ;  may  Ningirsu  bring  his  curse  over  them ;  may  he  lift  up  his 
great  power ;  may  the  soldiery  of  his  (Entemena's)  city  be  filled  with  brav- 
ery ;  may  in  the  midst  of  the  city  be  courage  in  their  hearts." 

With  Lummadur,  the  son  of  Enannatum  II,  we  arrive  at  the  last  rep- 
resentative of  the  house  of  Ur-Nina.  Nothing  but  his  name  is  known  to 
us.  From  the  absence  of  the  title  patesi  behind  his  name,  we  may  conclude 
that  Enannatum  II  was  the  last  patesi  of  the  line  of  Ur-Nina,  and  that 
the  old  enemies,  Kish  and  Gishban,  have  finally  succeeded  in  overpowering 
Shirpurla. 

It  is  hardly  possible  to  look  back  upon  this  dynasty  of  Ur-Nina  —  which, 
as  we  have  seen,  dates  from  before  4000  B.C.  —  without  being  impressed  by 
the  high  civilisation,  cult,  the  many  buildings  and  canals,  military  skill,  and 
style  of  writing.  Surely  such  a  people  as  this  could  not  have  sprung  into 
existence  as  a  deiix  ex  machina  ;  it  must  have  had  its  history  —  a  history 
which  presuj)pose3  a  development  of  several  centuries  more.  We  would 
gladly  follow  up  the  history  of  the  successors  of  Lummadur,  but  the  lack  of 
material  prevents  us  from  so  doing.  Passing,  therefore,  over  an  interval  of 
about  two  hundred  years  in  the  history  of  Shirpurla,  we  turn  now  to 
the  enemies  of  the  "  hero  Ningirsu,"  i.e.  Kish  and  Gishban  (or,  better, 
Gishukh). 

KINGS   OF   KISH   AND   GISHBAN 

Various  changes  had  befallen  the  land  of  Kish.  When  speaking  of  Enshag- 
kushanna,  we  saw  that  Kish  was  defeated.  It  had,  however,  in  course  of 
time  again  increased  in  strength.  Mesilim  was  able  to  establish  himself  as 
ruler  over  Shirpurla  at  the  time  of  Lugalshuggur.  His  successors  may  have 
retained  their  glory  for  a  considerable  period.  They  were,  however,  not 
able  to  withstand  the  mighty  weapons  of  Eannatum.  This  latter  king  not 
only  shook  off  the  old  yoke  which  Kish  had  fastened  upon  Shirpurla,  but 
even  became  "king  of  Kish."  He  must  have  reduced  Kish  to  total  impo- 
tence. Hence  it  came  about  that  Kish  was  vanquished  by  another  power, 
of  which  we  shall  hear  shortly. 

Just  as  fJishban,  after  its  defeat  by  Eannatum,  felt  strong  enough  to  dis- 
regard the  solemn  promise  never  to  invade  the  territory  of  Shirpurla,  so  Kish, 
after  its  overthrow  Ijy  Eannatum,  seems  to  have  rapidly  regained  its  old 
power.  For  we  find  a  certain  En-ne-ugun,  "king  of  Kish,"  who  is  also 
termed  "king  of  the  hordes  of  (ii.shban,"  desirous  with  the  help  of  this  latter 
city  to  extend  the  power  of  his  capital.     He  was,  however,  defeated  by  a  cer- 


OLD  BABYLONIAN   HISTORY  367 

[ca.420(M000B.c.] 

tain  king  of  a  certain  country  (the  names  cannot  be  read  on  account  of  the 
mutilated  condition  of  the  tablets).  "His  statue" — this  unknown  victo- 
rious king  records,  while  relating  his  victory  over  En-ne-ugun  —  "his 
shining  silver,  the  utensils,  his  property,  he  carried  away,  and  presented 
them  to  Bel  at  Nippur." 

In  course  of  time,  however,  and  probably  not  very  long  after  this  defeat, 
Kish  seems  to  have  recovered  from  this  blow.  A  certain  Urzaguddu  must 
have  been  very  successful  in  his  wars,  for,  in  addition  to  his  title  "  king  of 
Kish,"  he  calls  himself  also  "  king  of  ...  "  Unfortunately  here  again  we 
have  a  gap,  so  that  we  cannot  determine  of  what  city  he  became  king. 

Very  little  is  known  of  the  next  king  of  Kish,  Lugaltarsi.  At  what  time 
subsequent  to  Urzaguddu  he  lived  we  cannot  tell.  So  much  only  is  certain, 
that  he  reigned  some  time  before  Alusharshid,  about  3850  B.C.  His  inscrip- 
tion—  the  only  one  so  far  known  to  us  —  is  preserved  in  the  British  Museum 
in  which  he  records  the  building  of  Bad-kisal  in  honour  of  Bel  and  Ishtar. 
"We  can  now  place  Manishtusu  and  Alusharshid  also  among  the  kings  of 
Kish.     Both  flourished  somewhere  about  3850  B.C.,  before  Sargon  I. 

When  reading  the  inscriptions  of  these  kings,  it  is  as  if  a  new  race  were 
speaking  to  us,  so  widely  different  is  the  language  used  by  these  rulers  from 
that  of  their  predecessors,  or  of  any  other  kings  we  have  so  far  met  with. 
We  here  find  for  the  first  time  the  so-called  Semitic-Babylonian  inscriptions. 
It  is  the  same  language  which  is  also  employed  in  the  inscriptions  of  Shar- 
ganisharali  and  his  successors,  in  that  of  Lasirab,  king  of  Guti,  and  of  Annu- 
banini,  king  of  Lalubu,  all  of  whom  were  more  or  less  contemporary  with 
these  kings  of  Kish.  Scholars  who  believe  that  we  must  postulate  two 
different  races  among  the  inhabitants  of  early  Babylonia  call  the  kings  who 
wrote  in  this  style  "  Semitic  kings,"  while  the  others  are  referred  to  the 
Sumerian  population.  As  a  result  of  this  they  read  the  names  of  these  kings 
in  a  Semitic  way.  Manishtusu  becomes  Ma-an-is-tu-iro  (so  AVinckler). 
Urumush  becomes  Alu-usharshid  {i.e.  "He  —  some  deity — founded  the 
city"). 

The  inscription  of  Manishtusu,  whom  we  place  provisionally  before 
Urumush,  runs,  "  Manishtuirba,  king  of  Kish,  has  presented  (this)  to  Belit- 
Malkatu." 

Of  more  importance,  from  the  historical  point  of  view  as  well  as  from 
the  linguistic,  is  the  next  ruler  who  followed  soon  after  the  former.  This 
ruler  is  Alusharshid.  From  his  inscriptions  —  to  be  found  in  fifty-one 
fragments  of  vases,  which  have  been  excavated  by  the  expedition  of  the 
University  of  Pennsylvania  under  Dr.  Peters,  and  partly  published  by 
Hilprecht  —  we  learn  that  he  subdued  Elam,  on  the  eastern  side  of  the 
Tigris,  and  the  country  of  Bara'se  (Para'se),  from  which  lands  he  brought 
back  these  marble  vases,  and  dedicated  them  to  his  gods  at  Nippur  and 
Sippar. 

For  but  a  short  period  subsequent  to  Alusharshid  does  Kish  seem  to 
have  enjoyed  its  old  power.  The  might  of  Kish  gave  place  to  that  of 
Agade,  as  we  shall  see  shortlj'.  Leaving,  therefore,  Kish  for  the  present, 
we  turn  our  attention  to  the  other  enemy  of  Old  Shirpurla,  viz.  Gishban. 

At  about  4000  B.C.,  not  long  after  the  time  of  Eannatum,  Gishban  seems 
to  have  acquired  new  power  and  might.  It  directed  its  chief  attention  not 
so  much  towards  Sliirpurla  as  towards  the  south.  Probably  the  rulers  of 
Shirpurla  had  at  this  time  been  reduced  to  utter  weakness  by  its  old  enemies 
(i.e.  Kish  and  Gishban),  of  which  enemies  Gishban  was  destined  to  play 
the  most  important  role  iu  the  development  of  ancient  Babylonian  history. 


358  THE  HISTORY  OF  IVIESOPOTAMIA 

[ca.  4000  B.C.] 

Luf'alzaggisi,  the  son  of  Ukush,  patesi  of  Gishban,  we  find  at  the  head 
of  the^iirmies  of  Gishban,  which  he  leads  victoriously  against  the  south. 
After  Erech  had  opened  its  doors,  tlie  whole  of  Babylonia  to  the  Persian 
Gulf  fell  an  easy  prey  to  the  conquering  hero.  He,  although  originally 
only  the  son  of  a  patesi,  becomes  king  of  Erech,  nay,  even  king  of  the 
"  whole  world."  "  Enlil,  king  of  the  lands,  has  given  to  Lugulzaggisi  the 
kingsliip  of  tiie  world  ;  he  has  made  him  to  prosper  before  the  world  ;  he  it 
was"^  that  luul  phiced  the  lands  under  his  sceptre — the  lands  'from  the 
rising  of  the  sun  even  unto  the  going  down  of  the  same.'  J£e  it  also  was 
that 'gave  liim  the  tribute  of  those  lands,  which  he  made  to  dwell  in  peace, 
notwfllistandhig  that  they  had  been  brought  under  a  new  regime."  With 
these  words  Lugalzaggisi  acknowledges,  as  the  kings  of  Shirpurla  did,  that 
Enlil,  and  Enlil  alone,  had  granted  to  him  so  unprecedented  a  dominion, 
extending  from  the  lower  sea  of  the  Tigris  and  the  Euphrates  {i.e.  the 
Persian  Gulf)  to  the  upper  sea  {i.e.  the  Mediterranean).  Constituted  thus 
"lord  of  tlie  world,"  he  now  becomes  its  "summus  episcopus."  "  In  the 
sanctuaries  of  Kengi,  as  patesi  of  the  lands,  and  in  Erech,  as  high  priest, 
they  (the  gods)  established  him." 

To  (piote  Ililprecht:  "Babylonia,  as  a  whole,  had  no  fault  to  find  with 
this  new  and  powerful  regime.  The  Sumerian  civilisation  was  directed  into 
new  channels  from  stagnation  ;  the  ancient  cults  between  the  lower  Tigris 
and  Euphrates  began  to  revive  audits  temples  to  shine  in  new  splendour." 
Tlius,  endowed  with  the  highest  temporal  and  spiritual  power,  he  "  makes 
Erech  to  abound  in  rejoicing."  Nor  does  he  forget  the  other  representative 
cities  of  his  domain :  "  Ur,  like  a  steer,  to  the  top  of  the  heavens  he  raised." 
"  Over  Larsa,  the  beloved  city  of  Shamash,  he  poured  out  waters  of  joy." 
His  own  native  town  and  land  receive  chief  attention  :  "  Gishban,  the 
beloved  city  of  ...  to  an  unheard-of  power  he  raised."  He,  as  wise 
ruler  and  statesman,  not  only  shows  his  good  will  and  favour  towards  the 
larger  and  more  influential  cities,  but  also  protects  tlie  weaker  ones : 
"  Ki-Innanna-ab  he  kept  in  an  enclosure,  like  a  sheep  that  is  to  be  shorn." 

Indeed,  "  Lugalzaggisi  stands  out  from  the  dawn  (?)  of  Babylonian  his- 
tory as  a  giant  who  deserves  our  full  admiration  for  the  work  he  accom- 
plished." 

Seeing  that  Semitisms  occur  in  almost  all  the  earliest  inscriptions  so  far 
known  to  us,  and  that  the  rulers  themselves  may  have  been  and  probably 
were  Semites  —  let  us  confess  this  —  then  the  other  question  arises:  At 
wliat  time  did  the  Semites  come  into  the  country,  so  as  to  induce  the  original 
inhabitants  to  employ  expressions  foreign  to  their  own  language?  Where 
did  they  come  from?  To  the  last  question,  which  has  been  repeatedly 
discussed  by  scholars,  different  answers  have  been  given.  Some  make 
Africa  the  original  home  of  the  Semites;  others  Arabia;  and  Hilprecht, 
who  last  spoke  of  this  problem,  assigns  for  this  purpose  Kish,  or  better, 
Kharran  some  distance  north  of  Babylonia.  According  to  his  theory, 
Lugalzaggisi,  the  great  conqueror  froni  Gishban  (Kharran),  Avas  the  first 
Semite  to  occupy  any  territory  in  Babylonia,  and  thus  opened  the  way  for 
the  Semitic  population.  But  Lugalzaggisi  does  not  antedate  Ur-Nina. 
Ur-Nina  is  a  Semite,  as  we  have  seen,  consequently  Semites  were  in  the 
country  before  Lugalzaggisi. 

Gishban  is  not  Kharran,  but  the  neiglibouring  state  of  Shirpurla ;  hence  the 
Semites  did  not  come  from  Kharran,  but  actually  occupied  already  the  whole 
country  of  Babylonia.  Thus  the  two  questions  —  when  did  the  Semites 
invade   Babylonia?  and,  whence  did  they  come?  —  are   still  awaiting  an 


OLD   BABYLONIAN   HISTORY  359 

[ca.  6000-3800  B.C.] 

answer.  It  is  possible  that  some  tablets  may  give  us  a  key  to  this  problem, 
but  so  far  these  tablets  have  not  been  found. 

But  further,  if  the  Semites  at  so  early  a  time  as  4500  B.C.  (Uruka- 
gina)  had  possession  of  Babylonia  and  had  adopted  the  old  language  of  the 
country,  which  language  they  interspersed  with  their  own  idiom,  they  must 
have  been  for  a  long  time  resident  in  the  land.  This  would  bring  the 
immigration  of  the  Semites  back  to  at  least  5000  B.C.  and  earlier,  when  the 
Sumerian  power  began  to  decay.  We  must  therefore  push  back  the  height 
of  Sumerian  influence  to  a  yet  more  remote  period. 

Hence,  whatever  view  we  take  in  regard  to  the  two  peoples  and  their 
languages,  we  are  led  to  the  same  general  result  :  Civilisation  and  history 
must  go  hack  to  at  least  6000  B.C. 

THE   FIRST   DYNASTY   OF   UR 

Of  Ur  —  the  Biblical  "  Ur  of  the  Chaldees  "  —  we  have  already  heard  at 
the  time  of  Eannatum.  It  was  situated  at  the  western  side  of  the  Euphrates, 
opposite  the  place  where  the  Shatt-el-Khai  flows  into  it.  Up  to  the  time  of 
Lugalzaggisi  it  may  not  have  been  of  very  great  importance.  This  latter 
ruler,  however,  "  raised  it  like  a  steer  to  the  top  of  the  heaven,"  hence  at  no 
long  period  subsequent  to  Lugalzaggisi  we  meet  two  kings,  father  and  son, 
ruling  at  Ur.  It  is  not  impossible  that  this  dynasty  may  itself  have  brought 
about  the  overthrow  of  Lugalzaggisi,  as  to  whose  successors  we  have  no  in- 
formation. Probably,  also,  it  took  possession  of  the  more  northern  part  of 
Babylonia  (Nippur),  for  we  find  that  both  these  kings  present  vases  to  Enlil, 
the  "lord  of  the  lands." 

The  names  of  these  two  monarchs  forming  the  first  dynasty  of  Ur  are  : 

Lugalkigubnidudu,  and  his  son  (?)  ;  Lugalkisalsi. 

Their  dominion  extended  over  Ur,  Erech,  and  Nippur,  probably  also 
over  Shirpurla,  for  the  kings  of  the  south  could  not  have  gained  possession  of 
Nippur  without  passing  Shirpurla.  This  would  explain  wliy  we  know  so  very 
little  about  Shirpurla  at  this  time.  It  is,  however,  remarkable  that  both  these 
kings  should  call  themselves  first  "kings  of  Erech,"  and  then  "kings  of  Ur  "; 
wliile  on  the  other  hand,  Lugalkigubnidudu  expressly  says  that  Enlil  added 
(tal))  the  lordship  (nam-en~)  to  the  kingship  (nam-lugal)^  which  lordship  so 
added  was  Erech.  We  would  expect  that,  if  he  were  originally  king  of  Ur, 
the  title,  "  king  of  Ur,"  would  come  first.  Here,  then,  we  have  an  analogy  to 
and  a  confirmation  of  the  argument  used  in  regard  to  Urzaguddu.  The 
latter  king  had  also  two  titles,  viz.  "king  of  Kish  "  and  "king  of  .  .  .  ," 
and  it  was  argued  that  the  latter  title,  "  king  of  .  .  .  ,"  was  the  original, 
I.e. Urzaguddu  became  later  on  "king  of  Kish."  So  here  "king  of  Ur  "  was 
the  original  title  ;  Lugalkigubnidudu  subsequently  became  "king  of  Erech." 

How  long  this  dynasty  flourished,  how  many  rulers  were  comprised  in  it, 
and  when  and  by  whom  it  was  overthrown,  we  cannot  tell.  Probably,  how- 
ever, it  was  replaced  by  a  mighty  kingdom  which  arose  in  the  north  (that  of 
Agade),  destined  to  bear  sway  over  "  the  four  corners  of  the  world." 

Once  more  —  before  we  leave  southern  Babylonia  and  pass  over  to  the 
north  —  we  have  to  direct  our  attention  to  Shirpurla.  The  traces  which  we 
possess  of  the  life  of  Shirpurla  and  its  patesis  during  this  time  (i.e.  4100- 
3800  B.C.)  are  but  fragmentary.  Only  one  patesi  is  known  to  us  from  a 
tablet  recently  publislied  by  Thureau-Dangin,  in  the  Revue  tVAssyriologie. 
This  patesi,  Lugalanda  by  name,  cannot  have  lived  very  long  after  Lumma- 


SeO  THE   HISTORY   OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

[ca.  4000-3800  B.C.] 

dur,  for  the  writing  of  that  tablet  shows  all  the  pala30graphic  peculiarities' 
of  the  inseription.s  t)f  Eannatuni.  Probably  he  belonged  to  those  patesis 
over  whom  Lugiilzaggisi  or  his  successors  may  have  ruled. 

With  tlie  next  two  patesis,  Lugalushumgal  and  his  son  (?)  Ur-E,  we 
arrive  at  the  time  of  Siiarganisharali  [Sargon],  3800  B.C.  A  considerable 
gap  in  this  period  has  still  to  be  tilled  up.  Let  us  hope  that  the  future 
excavations,  combined  with  tiie  industry  of  the  decipherer,  will  bring  some 
light  into  this  darkest  of  all  periods  in  Old  Babylonian  history. 

Mentioning  only  another  patesi  that  belongs  to  this  period,  Ur-(dingir) 
Utu(?) — whose  name  is  followed  by  [nam?] 
j)atesi  Uru-um-ki-ma  {i.e.  Ur) — we  pass  from 
the  south  to  the  north  of  Babylonia,  i.e.  to 
the  city  of  Agade. 

KINGS   OF   AGADE 

Agade,  near  the  modern  Abu-Habba, 
formed  in  olden  times  with  Sippar  a  double 
city.  It  was  situated  near  the  Euphrates 
and  north  of  Babylon.  As  early  as  3800 
B.C.  Semitic  kings  ruled  in  this  city,  extend- 
ing their  sceptres  over  the  whole  of  Baby- 
lonia. 

The  first  king,  as  far  as  our  knowledge 

goes,  was   Siiarganisharali,   cited   by   us   as 

Sargon  I.     He  was  the  son  of  a  certain  Itti- 

Bel.     This  latter  is  neither  called  a  king  nor 

7  r  .-•-,-*  IMI         even  a  patesi.     In  this  we  may  see  a  confir- 

'(/•'•4S^w^'  '/f'i        mation  of  the  so-called  "legend  of  Sargon," 

:'  ,  •'  ^vXSSif'  1:1  f.        according  to  which  this  monarch  was  "  of  an 

inferior  birth  on  his  father's  side,"  and  so 

■  either  a  usurper  or  the  founder  of  the  dy- 

^  'I     I  nasty   of   Agade.      This   legend  —  probably 

31  \    -^  \"i  ^  written  in  the  eighth  century  B.C. — purports 

'  [Ci  I  ^  to  be  a  copy  of  an  inscription  written  on  a 

"^  .  ■  if^r^      '^  statue  of  this  great  king,  and  bears  a  certain 

^'^^  -^  similarity  to  the  Biblical  account  of  Moses. 

r  -  It  reads :  "  Shargena,  the  powerful  king,  the 

Thk  fim)in(»  UK  iHi.  i.NKA.NT  Saroon    klug  of  Agadc,  am  I.     My  mother  was  of 

noble  family  (?)  [others:  was  poor],  my 
father  I  did  not  know,  whereas  the  brother  of  my  father  inhabited  the 
mountains.  My  town  was  A/.ipiranu,  which  is  situated  on  the  bank  of  the 
Euj)hrates.  My  mother  of  noble  family  (?)  (or,  who  was  poor)  conceived 
me  and  gave  birth  to  me  secretly.  She  put  me  into  a  basket  of  ahurru 
(reeds?),  ;ind  shut  up  the  mouth  (?)  of  it  (?)  with  bitumen;  she  cast  me 
into  the  river,  which  did  not  overwhelm  (?)  me.  The  river  carried  me 
away  and  brought  me  to  Akki,  the  drawer  of  water.  Akki,  the  drawer  of 
water,  took  me  up  in  .  .  .  Akki,  the  drawer  of  water,  reared  me  to  boyhood. 
Akki,  the  drawer  of  water,  made  me  a  gardener.  During  my  activity  as 
gardener,  Ishtar  loved  me.  X  -f  IV  years  I  exercised  dominion,  .  .  .  years  I 
command.id  the  black-headed  people  (i.e.  the  Semites)  and  ruled  them,"  etc. 
The  rest  of  this  legend  tells  us  something  about  his  campaign  against  Dur- 
ilu  on  the  borders  of  Elam ;  it  is,  however,  too  fragmentary  to  be  coherent. 


OLD   BABYLONIAN   HISTORY  361 

[ca.  3800  B.C.] 

In  connection  with  this  legend  we  would  call  the  attention  of  the  reader 
once  more  to  the  fact  that  not  merely  the  identity  of  this  Shargena  with  our 
Sharganisharali,  his  deeds  and  warlike  expeditions  recorded  in  the  so-called 
"  Tablet  of  Omens,"  with  the  date  of  his  rule,  have  been  doubted,  but  even 
his  very  existence.  A  series  of  new  facts  connected  with  the  time  of  Naram- 
Sin  and  Shargan-isharali  have  since  come  to  light  by  the  publication  of  a 
great  number  of  contract-tablets  written  during  the  reign  of  these  kings. 
These  tablets  are  to  be  found  in  Revue  d'Ass^riologte,  iv,  No.  iii.  Hence  it 
is  now  impossible  to  doubt  the  historicity  of  Sharganisharali,  as  was  done 
by  Niebuhr. 

Down  to  the  time  of  Hilprecht's  publication  of  Old  Babylonian  Inscrip- 
tions, Part  I,  our  knowledge  of  Sargon  I  was  almost  entirely  drawn  from 
the  "legend"  and  the  "Tablet  of  Omens."  Hence  it  happened  that  the 
great  deeds  which  were  attributed  to  Sargon  and  Naram-Sin  in  the  "Tablet 
of  Omens"  were  said  to  be  "purely  legendary"  (so  by  Winckler,  Geschichte 
Babylon,  und  Assyr.,  p.  38).  Others  thought  that  his  deeds  had  been 
simply  projected  backwards  (so  Maspero,  Bawn  of  Civilization,  New  York, 
1895,  p.  599  ;  "Sargon  II  is  he  who  projected  backward");  others  again,  not 
believing  that  Sargon  I  could  have  undertaken  such  expeditions  and  have 
become  practically  the  "king  of  the  four  corners  of  the  earth,"  invented 
another  king  Sargon  (so  Hommel,  Gresch.  Baby,  und  Assyr.,  Berlin,  1883, 
p.  307,  note  4 ;  this  Sargon  he  places  at  about  2000  B.C.). 

Thanks  to  the  excavations  at  Telloh  and  the  industry  of  Thureau- 
Dangin,  we  are  now  in  a  position  to  prove  that  the  statements  of  the 
"Tablet  of  Omens"  are  correct  in  almost  every  particular. 

Let  us  hear  what  this  "  Tablet  of  Omens  "  has  to  say.  Eleven  of  these 
"omens"  are  ascribed  to  Sargon  and  two  to  Naram-Sin.  They  generally 
begin  with  the  phrase:  "When  the  moon  was  in  such  and  such  position," 
then  Sargon,  etc. 

The  first  omen  records  Sargon's  expedition  to  and  subjection  of  Elam. 

The  second  tells  how  he  marched  to  the  land  Akharri  (i.e.  the  West- 
land),  and  subjected  it,  and  that  his  army  subjugated  the  kihrati  irbitta,  i.e. 
"the  four  corners  of  the  world." 

The  third  tells  us  that  he  brought  sorrow  upon  Kish  and  Babylon,  and 
built  a  city  after  the  pattern  (?)  of  Agade,  and  called  it  Ub-da-ki,  i.e. 
"place  (city)  of  the  world." 

The  fourth  records  another  expedition  against  the  West  and  the  taking 
possession  of  the  four  corners  of  the  earth.     So  also  the  fifth  omen. 

The  sixth  omen  is  too  fragmentary  to  yield  any  certain  sense. 

The  seventh  gives  us  a  fuller  account  of  the  expedition  against  Akharri ; 
he  crosses  the  sea  of  the  West  and  wages  war  against  it  for  three  years,  takes 
it,  erects  there  his  statues,  and  transports  the  prisoners,  whom  he  had  taken, 
over  land  and  sea. 

The  eighth  describes  the  repairing  of  one  of  his  palaces,  which  he  calls 
"E-ki-a-am  i-ni-lik,"  i.e.  "the  house":  "so  let  us  walk." 

In  the  next  we  hear  of  a  campaign  against  a  certain  Kashtubilla  of  Kasalla, 
who  had  revolted.  Sargon  goes  against  him,  conquers  him  and  his  army,  and 
destroys  the  rebellious  country. 

The  tenth  probably  is  one  of  the  most  important.  It  reads:  "Sargon, 
against  whom  under  this  omen  the  elders  of  the  whole  country  had  revolted, 
and  in  Agade  had  shut  him  up  —  Sargon  went  out,  conquered  them,  and  cast 
them  down,  subdued  their  army,  and  ..." 

The  last  omen  tells  us  something  about  Sargon's  campaign  against  tlie 


362  THE  HISTORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

[ca.  3750-2700  B.C.] 

land  Suri,  how  he  overcame  it,  and  took  it,  and  how  he  destroyed   its 

army.  •  •         *        i 

The  two  omens  relating  to  Naram-Sin  record  a  campaign  against  Apirak 
(Omen  i)  and  against  Magan  (Omen  ii).  In  both  expeditions  Naram-Sin 
was  so  suceessfal,  that  lie  even  took  captive  the  kings  of  these  countries, 
viz.:   llesh-Kamman  (Adad),  king  of  Apirak,  and  N.  N.  king  of  Magan. 

According  to  tliis  '"Tablet  of  Omens,"  then  Sargon  I  subdued  Elam,  the 
"West-land,"  brought  woe  upon  Babylon  and  Kish,  conquered  the  country 
Kasalla,  sup[)res.sed  a  revolt  which  had  arisen  against  him  while  on  his  ex- 
peditions, and  linally  subdued  the  land  Siiri  "in  its  totality."  f> 

Sargon's  son  and  successor,  Naram-Sin,  followed  up  the  successes  of  his 
father  by  marching  into  Magan,  whose  king  he  took  captive.  He  assumed 
the  imperial  title  of  "king  of  the  four  zones,"  and,  like  his  father,  was 
addressed  as  a  "god."  He  is  even  called  "the  god  of  Agade "  (Accad), 
reminding  us  of  the  divine  honours  claimed  by  the  Pharaohs  of  Egypt,  whose 
territory  now  adjoined  that  of  Babylonia.  A  finely  executed  bas-relief,  rep- 
resenting Naram-Sin,  and  bearing  a  striking  resemblance  to  early  Egyptian 
art  in  many  of  its  features,  has  been  found  at  Diarbekir.  Babylonian  art, 
however,  had  already  attained  a  high  degree  of  excellence ;  two  seal  cylin- 
ders of  the  time  of  Sargon  are  among  the  most  beautiful  specimens  of  the 
gem-cutter's  art  ever  discovered.  The  empire  was  bound  together  by  roads, 
along  which  there  was  a  regular  postal  service,  and  clay  seals,  which  took 
the  place  of  stamps,  are  now  in  the  Louvre  bearing  the  names  of  Sargon  and 
his  son.  A  cadastral  survey  seems  also  to  have  been  instituted,  and  one 
of  the  documents  relating  to  it  states  that  a  certain  Uru-iNIalik,  whose  name 
appears  to  indicate  his  Canaanitish  origin,  was  governor  of  the  land  of  the 
Amorites,  as  Syria  and  Palestine  were  called  by  the  Babylonians.  It  is 
probable  that  the  first  collection  of  astronomical  observations  and  terrestrial 
omens  was  made  for  a  library  established  by  Sargon. 

Bingani-shar-ali  was  the  son  of  Naram-Sin,  but  we  do  not  yet  know 
whether  he  followed  his  father  on  the  throne.  Another  son  was  high  priest 
of  the  city  of  Tutu,  and  in  the  name  of  his  daughter,  Lipus-Eaum,  a  priestess 
of  Sin,  some  scholars  have  seen  that  of  the  Hebrew  deity,  Yahveh.  The 
Babylonian  god,  Ea,  however,  is  more  likely  to  be  meant. 

THE   KINGS    OF   UR 

The  fall  of  Sargon's  empire  seems  to  have  been  as  sudden  as  its  rise. 
The  seat  of  supreme  power  in  Babylonia  was  shifted  southward  to  Erech, 
Isin,  and  Ur.  At  least  three  dynasties  appear  to  have  reigned  at  Ur  and 
claimed  suzerainty  over  the  other  Babylonian  states.  One  of  these,  under 
(iungunu,  succeeded  in  transferring  the  capital  of  Babylonia  from  Isin  to 
I'r.  It  is  still  uncertain  whether  Gungunu  belonged  to  the  second  or  third 
dynasty  of  Ur ;  if  to  the  second,  among  his  successors  would  have  been 
Ur-(iur,  a  great  builder,  who  built  or  restored  the  temples  of  the  Moon-god 
at  Ur,  of  the  Sun-god  at  Lar.sa,  of  Ishtar  at  Erech,  and  of  Bel  at  Nippur. 
His  son  and  successor  was  Dungi  II,  one  of  whose  vassals  was  Gudea  the 
patesi  or  high  priest  of  Lagash  [Shirpurla].  Gudea  was  also  a  great  builder, 
and  the  materials  for  his  buildings  and  statues  were  brought  from  all  parts  of 
western  Asia,  cedar  wood  from  the  Amanus  Mountains,  quarried  stones  from 
Lebanon,  copper  from  northern  Arabia,  gold  and  precious  stones  from  the 
desert  between  Palestine  and  Egypt,  dolerite  from  Magan  (the  Sinaitic 
peninsula),  and  timber  from   Dilmun    in  the  Persian  Gulf.      Some  of  his 


OLD   BABYLONIAN   HISTORY  363 

[ca.  2700-2340  b.c] 

statues,  now  in  the  Louvre,  are  carved  out  of  Sinaitic  dolerite,  and  on  the 
lap  of  one  of  them  is  the  plan  of  his  palace,  with  the  scale  of  measurement 
attached.  Six  of  the  statues  bore  special  names,  and  offerings  were  made  to 
them  as  to  the  statues  of  the  gods.  Gudea  claims  to  have  conquered  Anshan 
in  Elam,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  son,  Ur-Ningirsu.  His  date  may  be  pro- 
visionally fixed  at  2700  B.C. 

The  high  priests  of  Lagash  still  owned  allegiance  to  Ur,  when  the  last 
dynasty  of  Ur  was  dominant  in  Babylonia.  The  dynasty  was  Semitic,  not 
Sumerian,  though  one  of  its  kings  was  Dungi  II.  He  was  followed  by  Bur- 
Sin  II,  Gimil-Sin,  and  Ine-Sin,  whose  power  extended  to  the  Mediterranean, 
and  of  whose  reigns  we  possess  a  large  number  of  contemporaneous  monu- 
ments in  the  shape  of  contracts  and  similar  business  documents,  as  well  as 
chronological  tables.  After  the  fall  of  the  dynasty,  Babylonia  passed  under 
foreign  influence. 

ACCESSION   OF   A   SOUTH   ARABIAN   DYNASTY 

Sumu-abi  ("  Shem  is  my  father"),  from  southern  Arabia  (or  perhaps 
Canaan),  made  himself  master  of  northern  Babylonia,  while  Elamite  invaders 
occupied  the  South.  After  a  reign  of  fourteen  years,  Sumu-abi  was  suc- 
ceeded by  his  son,  Sumu-la-ilu,  in  the  fifth  year  of  whose  reign  the  fortress 
of  Babylon  was  built,  and  the  city  became  for  the  first  time  a  capital.  Rival 
kings,  Pungun-ila  and  Immeru,  are  mentioned  in  the  contract  tablets  as 
reigning  at  the  same  time  as  Sumu-la-ilu  (or  Samu-la-ilu) ;  and  under  Sin- 
muballit,  the  great-grandson  of  Sumu-la-ilu,  the  Elamites  laid  the  whole  of 
the  country  under  tribute,  and  made  Eri-Aku,  or  Arioch,  called  Rim-Sin  by  his 
Semitic  subjects,  king  of  Larsa.  Eri-Aku  was  the  son  of  Kudur-Mabuk, 
who  was  prince  of  Yamudbal  [or  E-mutbal],  on  the  eastern  border  of 
Babylonia,  and  also  "governor  of  Syria." 

The  Elamite  supremacy  was  at  last  shaken  off  by  the  son  and  successor 
of  Sin-muballit,  Khammurabi,  whose  name  is  also  written  Ammurapi  and 
Khammuram,  and  who  was  the  Amraphel  of  Genesis  xiv.  1.  The  Elamites, 
under  their  king,  Kudur-Lagamar  or  Chedorlaomer,  seem  to  have  taken 
Babylon  and  destroyed  the  temple  of  Bel-Merodach ;  but  Khammurabi 
retrieved  his  fortunes,  and  in  the  thirtieth  year  of  his  reign  (in  2340  B.C.), 
he  overthrew  the  Elamite  forces  in  a  decisive  battle  and  drove  them  out  of 
Babylonia.  The  next  two  years  were  occupied  in  adding  Larsa  and  Yamud- 
bal to  his  dominion,  and  in  forming  Babylonia  into  a  single  monarchy,  the 
head  of  which  was  Babylon. 

A  great  literary  revival  followed  the  recovery  of  Babylonian  independ- 
ence, and  the  rule  of  Babylon  was  obeyed  as  far  as  the  shores  of  the 
Mediterranean.  Vast  numbers  of  contract  tablets,  dated  in  the  reigns  of 
Khammurabi  and  other  kings  of  the  dynasty,  have  been  discovered,  as  well 
as  autograph  letters  of  the  kings  themselves,  more  especially  of  Khammurabi. 
Among  the  latter  is  one  ordering  the  despatch  of  two  hundred  and  forty 
soldiers  from  Assyria  and  Situllum,  a  proof  that  Assyria  was  at  the  time 
a  Babylonian  dependency.  Constant  intercourse  was  kept  up  between 
Babylonia  and  the  West,  Babylonian  officials  and  troops  passing  to  Syria 
and  Canaan,  while  "Amorite"  colonists  were  established  in  Babylonia  for 
the  purposes  of  trade.  One  of  these  Amorites,  Abi-ramu  or  Abram  by 
name,  is  the  father  of  a  witness  to  a  deed  dated  in  the  reign  of  Khammu- 
rabi's  grandfather.  Ammi-satana,  the  great-grandson  of  Kliammurabi,  still 
entitles  himself  "  king  of  the  land  of  the  Amorites,"  and  both  his  father  and 


364  THE  HISTORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

[ca.  2287-1100  B.C.] 
son  bear  the  Canaanitish  (and  South  Arabian)  names  of  Abesukh  or  Abishua 
[Hbishum],  and  Ammi-zadok  [or  Ammi-sadugga]. 

Sanisu-.satana,  the  son  of  Ammi-zadok,  was  the  last  king  of  the  first 
dynasty  of  liabylon,  which  was  followed  by  a  dynasty  of  eleven  Sumerian 
kings  for  3G8  years.  We  know  but  little  of  them;  their  capital  has  not  yet 
been  discovered,  and  no  trailing  documents  dated  in  their  reigns  have  been 
found.  They  were  overthrown  and  Babylonia  was  conquered  by  Kassites 
or  Ko.ssieuns  from  tlie  mountains  of  Elam,  under  Kandish  [Gandish]  or 
Gaddas  (in  1800  «.('.),  who  established  a  dynasty  which  lasted  for  576 
years  and  nine  months. 

THE   KASSITE   DYNASTY 

Under  this  foreign  domination,  Babylonia  lost  its  empire  over  western 
Asia.  Syria  and  Palestine  became  independent,  and  the  high  priests  of 
Assluir  n'lade  themselves  kings  of  Assyria.  The  divine  attributes  with  which 
the  Semitic  kings  of  Babylonia  had  been  invested  disappeared  at  the  same 
time;  the  title  of  "god"  is  never  given  to  a  Kassite  sovereign.  Babylon, 
however,  remained  the  capital  of  the  kingdom  and  the  holy  city  of  western 
Asia.  Like  the  sovereigns  of  the  Holy  Roman  Empire,  it  was  necessary  for 
the  prince,  who  claimed  rule  in  western  Asia,  to  go  to  Babylon  and  there  be 
acknowledged  as  the  adopted  son  of  Bel  before  his  claim  to  legitimacy  could 
be  admitted.  Babylon  became  more  and  more  a  priestly  city,  living  on  its 
ancient  prestige  and  merging  its  ruler  into  a  pontiff.  From  henceforth, 
down  to  the  Persian  era,  it  was  the  religious  head  of  the  civilised  East. 

One  of  the  earlier  Kassite  kings  was  Agum-kakrime,  who  recovered  the 
images  of  Merodach  and  his  consort,  which  had  been  carried  away  to  Khani. 
At  a  later  date  Kadashman-Bel  and  Burna-buriash  I  corresponded  with 
the  Egyptian  Pharaohs,  Amenhotep  III  and  Amenhotep  IV  (1400  B.C.). 
The  Assyrian  king  Asshur-uballit  still  owned  allegiance  to  his  Babylonian 
suzerain,  and  intermarriages  took  place  between  the  royal  families  of  Assyria 
and  Babylonia.  Babylonia,  moreover,  still  sought  opportunities  of  recover- 
ing its  old  supremacy  in  Palestine,  which  the  conquests  of  the  XVIIIth 
Dynasty  had  made  an  Egyptian  province,  and  along  with  Mitanni  or  Aram- 
Naharain  and  the  Ilittites  intrigued  against  the  Egyptian  government nvith 
disaffected  conspirators  in  tlie  West.  After  the  death  of  Burna-buriash,  how- 
ever, civil  war  in  Babylonia  led  to  Assyrian  interference  in  the  affairs  of  the 
country,  and  from  this  time  forward  even  the  nominal  obedience  of  Assyria 
to  its  oUl  suzerain  was  at  an  end. 


ASSYRIAN   CONQUEST  OP  BABYLON 

Frequent  wars  broke  out  between  the  two  nations,  and  eventually  (about 
1280  II. c.)  Tukulti-Ninib  of  A.ssyria,  in  tlie  fifth  year  of  his  reign,  captured 
Babylon  and  sent  the  treasures  of  E-sagila,  the  temple  of  Bel-Merodach,  to 
Aashur.  For  seven  years  the  Assyrian  monarch  reigned  over  Babylonia,  then 
a  revolt  obliged  him  to  retire  ;  Adad-shum-usur  of  the  native  dynasty  was 
I)laced  on  the  Babylonian  throne  ;  and  Tukulti-Ninib  was  shortly  afterwards 
murdered  by  his  son,  Asshurnazirpal  I.  Assyria  steadily  increased  in  power, 
while  Babylonia  fell  more  and  more  into  decay.  Shalraaneser  I,  the  builder 
of  Calah  (now  Nimrud)  in  1300  B.C.,  carried  his  victorious  arms  in  all 
directions,  and  Tiglathpilcser  I  extended  the  Assyrian  Empire  as  far  as  the 
Mediterranean  (1100  B.C.). 


OLD   BABYLONIAN   HISTORY  365 

[ca.  1230-745  B.C.] 

The  Kassite  Dynasty  had  fallen  about  1230  B.C.,  in  consequence  of  an 
attack  on  the  part  of  the  Elamites,  and  a  new  dynasty  which  sprang  from 
Isin  took  its  place,  and  lasted  for  132|^  years.  Then  came  a  series  of 
short-lived  dynasties,  ending  with  that  of  Nabu-nasir,  the  Nabonassar  of 
classical  writers,  who  ascended  the  throne  of  Babylon  in  747  B.C.  Assyria 
was  at  the  time  in  the  throes  of  a  revolution.  Civil  war  and  pestilence 
were  devastating  the  kingdom,  and  its  northern  provinces  had  been  wrested 
from  it  by  Ararat  (or  Van)  [Urartu].  In  746  B.C.  Calah  rebelled,  and 
on  the  thirteenth  of  Airu  (April),  in  the  following  year,  Pulu  or  Pul,  who 
took  the  name  of  Tiglathpileser  III,  seized  the  throne,  and  inaugurated  a 
new  and  vigorous  policy,  c 

At  this  point  it  seems  well  to  interrupt  the  story  of  Babylonia  for  a  time 
until  we  have  traced  the  origins  and  rise  of  that  Assyrian  power  in  which 
the  fortunes  of  Babylon  were  soon  involved  and  subordinated  until  the 
destruction  of  Nineveh,  when  the  New  Babylonian  Empire  emerged  into 
historic  prominence. « 


CHAPTER   III.     THE    RISE   OF   ASSYRIA 


Rclidld,  the  Assyrian  was  a  cedar  in  Lebanon  with  fair  branches, 
and  with  a  Klia<h)winf:  shroud,  and  of  an  high  stature  ;  and  his  top  was 
anion;;  tiic  IhicLc  boii^^hs. 

Tii«  waters  niach;  him  great,  the  deep  set  him  up  on  high  with  her 
rivers  running  round  about  his  plants,  and  sent  out  her  little  rivers 
unto  all  llie  trees  of  the  Held. 

Therefore  his  lieight  wiis  exalted  above  all  the  trees  of  the  field, 
aufl  liis  houghs  were  midtiplicHJ,  and  his  branches  became  long  because 
of  the  multitude  of  waters,  wium  ho  shot  forth. 

All  tiie  fowls  of  lutavcn  made  their  nests  in  his  boughs,  and  under 
liis  hninciies  did  ail  ),li((  beasts  of  the  field  bring  forth  their  young,  and 
under  his  shadow  dwelt  all  great  nations. 

'I  liuH  was  ho  fair  in  his  greatness,  in  the  length  of  his  branches  :  for 
liis  root  was  by  great  waters.  —  Kzckicl  xxxi.  ;{-7. 


TnK  Assyrian  I^^inpiro  is  in  some  rospects  uniqiio  in  liistory.  Despite 
i\\v  pi()V(;rl)iiil  t<'ii(l('Mc,y  of  liistory  to  r(3}K'!it  itself,  there  Ikih  been  no  dupli- 
cjition  of  the  triij^'ie  histoi'y  of  this  wondtM-ful  body  politic.  It  rose  to  be  the 
most  powerful  of  nations  ;  it  reached  out  and  <rained  the  widest  empire  that 
had  hitherto  been  seen  ;  its  capital,  Nineveh,  was  for  a  few  centuries  the 
metropolis  of  the  world.  Hut  in  the  very  fulness  of  its  imperial  llio^ht  it 
was  slructk  down  and  nttiM-ly  destroyed. 

Other  (jmpires  have  been  subjuj^al cd  ;  Nineveh  was  aiinihilalcd.  The 
very  nanic!  '■'■  A.s.syrian"  became  only  a  memory  and  a  tradition.  I^ale  in  the 
seventh  century  n.c.  Ninevcdi  was  the  boastxid  mistress  of  the  world  ;  two 
ecnturies  later  the  mounds  that  eovei'cd  her  ruins  \\v\\\  noted  by  the  (irook 
historian  Xmophon,  who  mandied  j»ast  them  with  (he  ill-falrd  Ten  Thou- 
sand, nuMcly  as  the  relics  of  some  ancient  city  of  unknown  name.  So  brief 
may  be  the  hi^diest  fam«!  I  Yet  the  secjuel  is  stranger  still.  As  we  have  seen, 
these  for^'otten  mounds  treasured  se(;rets  of  history  which  they  luive  since 
j^'iven  up  to  tlm  exj)lorer,  and  our  own  j^eneration  has  seen  Assyria  restored 
to  its  place  in  history.  TJie  (hitaiis  of  its  career  uro  more  fully  "known  to  us 
than  those  of  almost  any  oUku-  nation  of  anti(iuity.  Such  "a,  pluenix-like 
rej,'encration  is  a  httinj,'  st^cpnd  t.o  tiu!  fantastic  career  with  its  trat-^ic  denoue- 
ment, which  is  idiout  to  i^laim  our  attiMition. 

It  must  not  1h)  supj)os«Ml  tliat  the  Assyrian  lOmpire  cam(>  suddeidy  to  the 
lieight  (jf  power  just  suggested.      On   iJni  contrary,  its  rise   was  slow,  and 


{ 


ll 


THE   EISE   OF   ASSYKIA  367 

[ca.  3000  B.C.] 

accomplished  by  intermittent  impulses.      Xanirally  enough,  the   growing 

nation  has  left  us  no  such  exhaustive  records  of  its  history  during  earlier 

J  days  as  have  come  to  us  from  its  time  of  might.     Indeed,  for  some  centuries 

I  after  Assyria  began  to  assume  importance,  we  have  but  fragmentary  records 

"  of  its  history.     Only  here  and  there  a  great  monarch  puts  the  stamp  of  his 

achievements  upon  an  epoch  so  indelibly  that  time  itself  cannot  wipe  it  out. 

Such  names  as  Sargon  II.  Shalmaneser.  and  Tiglathpileser  were  remembered 

by  posterity  as  the  names  of  great  heroes  whose  deeds  various  successors 

strove  to  emulate,  and  whose  names  were  taken  up,  sometimes  by  usurpers 

of  the  throne,  sometimes  by  legitimate  descendants  of  royalty,  and  thus 

doubly  perpetuated. 

It  is  not  till  we  are  well  within  the  last  thousand  years  of  the  pre-Chris- 
tian era,  however,  that  the  monarchs  of  Assyria  come  to  be  so  well  known 
J  to  us  as  to  seem  like  true  historic  personages  in  the  same  sense  in  which 

I  these   terms  would   be  applied  to  the  Alexanders  and    Ccesars  of  a  later 

period.  Such  kings  as  Sargon  II.  Asshumazirpal.  Tiglathpileser  III.  Shal- 
maneser II  and  a  Little  later.  Sennacherib.  Esarhaddon.  and  Asshurbanapal. 
left  records  so  voluminous  and  so  perfectly  authenticated  as  to  bring  their 
authors  into  the  clearest  light  of  history.  Nowhere  else  outside  of  Egypt 
have  such  full  records  been  preserved  of  the  deeds  of  ancient  monarchs  as 
in  the  case  of  these  Assyrian  kings.  Naturally  enough,  the  record  ceases 
before  the  destruction  of  Nineveh  ;  there  was  no  Assyrian  scribe  left  to  tell 
of  that  tragic  event. 

But  now  the  scene  shifts  to  Babylon  ;  the  kings  of  that  principality  take 
up  the  broken  record,  and  for  a  few  generations  supply  us  with  historical 
documents  of  the  utmost  importance.  And  where  the  Babylonian  records 
end.  the  Persian  chronicles  begin.  These  are  supplemented  in  due  course 
by  the  reports  of  the  Grecian  historians,  beginning  with  Herodotus,  so  that 
the  historical  sequence  is  practically  unbroken. 

^Ve  have  seen  that  these  Assyrian  and  Babylonian  records  were  quite 
unknown  throughout  later  classical  times,  and  from  then  on  until  restored 
late  in  the  nineteenth  century.  A  peculiar  interest,  then,  attaches  to  the 
comparison  of  these  records  with  the  traditions  of  Babylonian  and  Assyrian 
heroes  which  the  classical  writers  have  preserved.     In  general,  it  can  hardly 

ibe  said  that  the  comparison  is  flattering  to  the  classical  mind.  No  Assyrian 
tablet  tells  us  of  any  such  person  as  Ninus.  the  alleged  founder  of  Nineveh, 
Nor  is  there  any  royal  cylinder  that  tells  of  the  mighty  conquests  of  Queen 
Semiramis.  There  is,  indeed,  a  queen  of  that  name  mentioned,  but  she  is  the 
consort  of  a  late  king  of  Nineveh,  and  there  is  nothing  recorded  to  suggest 
that  her  achievements  were  in  any  respect  noteworthy.  We  are  forced  to 
conclude,  then,  that  the  Greek  historians,  in  recording  the  alleged  liistory  of 
Assyria,  depended  upon  verbal  traditions.  They  appear  to  have  been  alto- 
gether ignorant  of  the  contents  of  the  authentic  historical  dociuuents,  many 
of  which  were  still  accessible  in  the  libraries  of  Babylonia  when  Herodotus 
visited  that  city.  It  is  interesting  to  note,  however,  that  the  Greeks  had  a 
%'ivid  realisation  of  the  sometime  greatness  of  Assyriiu  even  though  they 
were  unable  to  form  a  clear  and  correct  image  of  the  picture.  Semiramis 
was  really  an  idealised  impersonation  of  the  general  conception  of  the  Assyr- 
ian conqueror.  Sargon,  Tiglathpileser.  and  their  successors  were  forgotten 
in  name,  but  their  deeds  were  vaguely  rememlvred.  and  out  of  the  reminis- 
cences of  their  actual  conquests  arose  the  conception  of  a  mythical  ruler, 
wliose  name  was  destined  for  centuries  to  supplant  the  names  of  actual 
heroes.     What  happened  here  is  but  a  repetition  of  what  has  happened  else- 


I 


CHAPTER  III.     THE   RISE   OF  ASSYRIA 


Beliokl,  tlie  Assyrian  was  a  cedar  in  Lebanon  with  fair  branches, 
and  with  a  shadowing  shroud,  and  of  an  high  stature  ;  and  his  top  was 
among  the  thick  boughs. 

The  waters  made  him  great,  the  deep  set  him  up  on  high  with  her 
rivers  running  round  about  his  plants,  and  sent  out  her  little  rivers 
unto  all  the  trees  of  the  field. 

Therefore  his  height  was  exalted  above  all  the  trees  of  the  field, 
and  his  boughs  were  multiplied,  and  his  branches  became  long  because 
of  the  multitude  of  waters,  when  he  shot  forth. 

All  the  fowls  of  heaven  made  their  nests  in  his  boughs,  and  under 
his  branches  did  all  the  beasts  of  the  field  bring  forth  their  young,  and 
under  his  shadow  dwelt  all  great  nations. 

Thus  was  he  fair  in  his  greatness,  in  the  length  of  his  branches  :  for 
his  root  was  by  great  waters.  —  Ezekiel  xxxi.  3-7. 


The  Assyrian  Empire  is  in  some  respects  unique  in  history.  Despite 
the  jjroverbial  tendency  of  history  to  repeat  itself,  there  has  been  no  duijli- 
eation  of  the  tra^i^ic  liistory  of  this  wonderful  body  politic.  It  rose  to  be  the 
most  powerful  of  nations  ;  it  reached  out  and  gained  the  widest  empire  that 
had  hitlierto  been  seen  ;  its  capital,  Nineveh,  was  for  a  few  centuries  the 
metropolis  of  the  world.  But  in  the  very  fulness  of  its  imperial  flight  it 
was  struck  down  and  utterly  destroyed. 

Other  empires  have  been  subjugated  ;  Nineveh  was  annihilated.  The 
very  name  "  Assyrian  "  became  only  a  memory  and  a  tradition.  Late  in  the 
seventh  century  u.c.  Nineveh  was  the  ])oasted  mistress  of  the  world  ;  two 
centuries  later  the  mounds  that  covered  her  ruins  were  noted  by  the  Greek 
historian  Xenophon,  who  marclied  past  them  with  the  ill-fated  Ten  Thou- 
sand, merely  as  the  relics  of  some  ancient  city  of  unknown  name.  So  brief 
may  be  tlie  higliest  fame  !  Yet  the  sequel  is  stranger  still.  As  we  have  seen, 
these  forgotten  mounds  treasured  secrets  of  history  which  they  have  since 
given  up  to  the  explorer,  and  our  own  generation  has  seen  Assyria  restored 
to  its  place  in  history.  The  details  of  its  career  are  more  fully  known  to  us 
than  tho.se  of  almost  any  other  nation  of  antiquity.  Such  a  phoenix-like 
regeneration  is  a  fitting  sequel  to  the  fantastic  career  with  its  tragic  denoue- 
ment, which  is  about  to  claim  our  attention. 

It  must  not  be  supposed  that  tlie  Assyrian  Empire  came  suddenly  to  the 
height  of  power  just  suggested.     On  the  contrary,  its  rise  was  slow,  and 


:'«Kicta^  . 


JC  »  :5 


ais^  if:  «aes9  .aoar  Jksssr-ssr  Tnmafwjtes:  jc^  xamrx  it  ts^ 


^jisa^  jljkt  t^^?^,:j 


«te;^  9«iv«M»«;. 


368 


THE  HISTORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

[ca.  3000-1120  B.C.] 

where  under  similar  conditions.  There  is  no  myth  without  its  background 
of  fact.  Had  there  never  been  great  conquerors  ruling  over  Assyria,  there 
would  never  have  arisen  the  legend  of  Semiramis.  That  "  there  is  no  smoke 
without  some  fire  "  is  a  maxim  wliich  the  historian  should  never  overlook  ; 
it  is  a  maxim  to  which  the  story  of  Assyrian  history  gives  peculiar  emphasis. 
So  much  has  been  said  about  the  sources  of  Assyrian  history  that  only 
a  word  need  be  added  here.  We  shall  have  occasion  as  we  proceed,  to  call 
attention  in  greater  detail  to  the  specific  records  of  various  kings.  In  addi- 
tion to  these,  however,  there  are  certain  historical  documents  of  a  more  gen- 
eral character,  which  have  been  largely  instrumental  in  enabling  the  modern 
investigator  to  reconstruct  Babylonian  and  Assyrian  history.  The  most 
important  of  these  are  certain  Babylonian  king-lists  and  a  so-called  Syn- 
chronistic History,  in  which  the  succession  of  rulers  in  Babylonia  and  in 
A.ssyria  is  synchronised.  These  chronological  documents  taken  together  do 
not  enable  us  fully  to  reconstruct  the  history  of  the  long  periods  in  ques- 
tion, but  the  gaps'  are  relatively  insignificant,  in  particular  after  about  the 
year  1000  B.C.  ;  and  for  the  later  monarchs  of  Assyria  the  records  are 
often  so  voluminous  as  to  furnish  accurate  details  regarding  all  the  events 

of  importance. 

It  has  already  been  pointed  out  that  the 
earliest  history  of  Assyria  is  no  less  obscure 
than  that  of  early  Babylonia.  As  nearly  as 
the  facts  can  now  be  restored  to  us,  it  would 
appear  that  for  some  centuries  the  people  to 
the  north  of  Babylonia  were  struggling  for 
supremacy  against  the  older  civilisation  of 
the  South.  Gradually  the  northerners  — 
the  Assyrians,  as  they  became  known  — 
gained  in  strength  until,  finally,  about  the 
beginning  of  the  fourteenth  century  B.C., 
under  Shalmaneser  I,  Asshur  obtained  a 
position  at  least  equal  to  Babylonia.  After 
the  death  of  this  monarch  Assyria  seems  to 
have  weakened  for  a  time,  and  it  is  not 
until  about  1100  B.C.  that  another  great 
monarch  appeared  to  put  the  stamp  of  his 
personality  upon  the  epoch.  This  new  ruler 
was  known  as  Tiglathpileser  I.  He  has 
been  called  the  first  of  the  great  Assyrian 
conquerors,  though  perhaps  this  estimate 
does  scant  justice  to  certain  of  his  prede- 
cessors. In  any  event,  he  restored  the  in- 
fluence of  Assyria,  subjugated  Babylonia, 
and  is  said  to  have  been  the  first  Assyrian 
ruler  to  be  crowned  as  "  King  of  the  Four 
Corners  of  the  Earth."  It  is  believed  that 
Nineveh  was  established  as  the  capital  of 
the  empire  in  the  reign  of  the  son  and 
successor  of  Tiglathpileser,  who  bore  the  unfamiliar  name  of  Asshur-bel-kala. 
It  is  curious  how  largely  the  personality  of  an  individual  monarch 
dominates  the  history  of  an  epoch  among  oriental  nations.  An  illustration 
of  tliis  familiiir  fact  is  shown  by  antithesis  in  the  scantiness  of  the  records 
for  about  a  century  after  the  death  of  Tiglathpileser.     Imperfect  records 


An  A.hhykian  I'ki 


THE   RISE  OF   ASSYRIA  371 

country  began  to  play  its  part  in  Mesopotamian  history  with  the  set  purpose 
of  appropriating  what  Babylonia  had  achieved.  The  Assyrians  had  no  such 
gains,  hallowed  by  the  associations  of  thousands  of  years  to  boast  of  in  their 
own  country.  They  were  a  tardy  supplement  to  the  Semitic  immigration. 
They  felt  themselves  an  appendage  to  the  Semitic  population  already  settled 
in  Mesopotamia,  and  consequently  regarded  its  ancient  cults  as,  in  a  measure, 
their  own.  The  fact  implies  an  unconscious  confession  that  they  had  nothing 
analogous  or  equivalent  to  set  against  the  old  centres  of  Babylonian  civilisa- 
tion, and,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  the  chief  towns  of  Assyria  cannot  for  a  moment 
be  compared  in  importance  with  those  of  Babylonia.  The  most  famous  of 
the  former  owed  their  day  of  splendour  to  the  rise  of  the  Assyrian  Empire 
or  even,  to  some  extent,  to  the  fancy  of  individual  kings  ;  and  when  the 
Assyrian  Empire  passed  from  the  stage  of  history  these,  its  artificial  crea- 
tions, were  abolished  with  it. 

Babylonia  rose  again  after  every  fresh  blow,  because  her  rise  to  the 
position  she  held  had  its  root  in  a  vital  need  of  the  peoples  of  anterior  Asia; 
while  soon  after  the  fall  of  the  Assyrian  Empire  the  very  names  of  the  great 
cities  of  Assyria  had  passed  from  the  memory  of  the  dwellers  in  the  land. 
The  case  is  different  with  the  cities  of  northern  Mesopotamia,  which  be- 
longed to  the  Assyrian  Empire,  but  existed  before  its  rise,  and  survived  its 
fall.  The  only  other  exception  among  the  large  Assyrian  cities  is  Arbela, 
which,  being  situate  at  the  junction  of  the  trade  routes  to  northern  Meso- 
potamia, Armenia,  and  Media,  had  probably  been  in  existence  before  the 
time  of  the  Assyrian  Empire,  and  likewise  retained  its  importance  to  a  later 
period. 

ASSYRIAN   capitals:     ASSHUR   AND   NINEVEH 

The  oldest  capital  of  Assyria  was  Asshur,  situated  on  the  right  bank  of 
the  Tigris,  on  the  site  of  the  present  Kalah  Sherghat.  It  was  originally 
the  seat  of  rulers  called  patesis,  who  were  probably  subjects  of  the  Baby- 
lonian monarchy.  In  the  first  half  of  the  second  millennium  B.C.  these 
rulers  extended  their  sway  over  the  district  which  they  styled  "  the  land  of 
the  city  of  Asshur,"  and  assumed  the  title  of  "king."  Asshur  was  always 
held  in  honour  as  the  ancient  capital,  but  it  lay  so  far  to  the  south  (being,  in 
fact,  almost  beyond  the  borders  of  the  country),  that  it  soon  became  impera- 
tive for  the  "  kings  of  Assyria "  to  transfer  the  centre  of  government  to 
a  more  convenient  place.  Shalmaneser  I  (circa  1300)  accordingly  chose 
Calah  for  his  residence.  The  natural  result  was  the  decline  of  the  impor- 
tance of  Asshur,  since  its  situation  was  not  such  as  to  assure  it  a  leading 
position.  In  later  times  it  subsisted  mainly  upon  its  old  reputation,  and 
enjoyed  special  privileges,  which  were  confirmed  even  by  Sargon.  It  was 
the  seat  of  Asshur,  the  chief  national  divinity.  The  kings  of  Assyria,  from 
Shalmaneser  I  to  Sargon,  held  their  court  at  Calah  (Nimrud).  Its  conse- 
quence seems  to  have  declined  after  the  reign  of  Tiglathpileser  I,  for  his 
son,  Asshur-bel-kala  removed  to  Nineveh,  which  remained  the  royal  resi- 
dence till  the  reign  of  Asshurnazirpal.  The  latter  rebuilt  Calah  and  so 
improved  it  that  it  remained  the  capital  until  Sargon  chose  Dur-Sharrukin 
(Khorsabad),  which  in  turn  Nineveh  replaced  as  capital. 

Nineveh  (Ninua),  situated  above  Calah,  on  tlie  left  bank  of  the  Tigris, 
and  opposite  the  present  town  of  Mosul,  is  now  represented  by  the  two 
mounds  of  Kuyunjik  and  Neby-Yunus.  It  was  one  of  the  oldest  and  most 
important  cities  of  the  province  of  Assyria,  and  was  higlily  esteemed  from 
the  very  earliest  times  of  the  Assyrian  Empire  as  being  the  seat  of  a  cult  of 


372  THE   HLSTORY   OF   MESOPOTAMIA 

[ca.  1741  B.C.] 

an  Ishtar  known  as  ''  Ishtar  of  Ninua,"  to  distinguish  her  from  the  Ishtar 
of  Arbela.  We  must  therefore  look  upon  it  as  a  city  which  originally  stood 
on  an  equal  footing  with  Asshur,  and  was  subjugated  by  the  patesi  of 
tlie  latter  city.  It  became  the  royal  residence  in  the  reign  of  Asshur-bel- 
kala,  tl»e  son  of  Tiglathpileser  (or  even  earlier),  and  remained  so  until  the 
reign  of  Assiiurnazirpal.  lint  it  really  owed  its  fame  as  the  capital  and 
chief  city  of  Assyria,  which  it  represented  in  the  eyes  of  other  nations,  to 
Sennacherib.  He  built  an  entirely  new  Nineveh,  which  was  to  show  forth 
worthily  the  power  and  ghny  of  the  Assyrian  Empire.  His  successors  con- 
tinued to  reside  there,  and  contributed  to  its  splendour.  Esarhaddon  and 
As.sluubanapal  built  palaces  there,  and  Nineveh  formed  the  last  bulwark  of 
the  Assyrian  Empire. 

In  the  Euplirates  Valley,  and  mainly  on  the  right  bank,  between  the 
bank  where  tiie  river  turns  towards  the  southwest  and  Babylonia,  various 
states  had  come  into  being  which,  by  the  force  of  their  natural  connection 
with  Babylonia,  inclined  towards  that  kingdom  rather  than  towards  Assyria 
and  northern  Mesopotamia.  There  are  Laqi,  Khindanu,  and  (east  of  the 
latter)  Sukhi,  or  Shuhi,  which  last  extended  from  somewhere  near  the 
mouth  of  the  Khabur  to  Babylonia,  and  was  under  Babyloman  ascendency 
down  to  a  late  period.  These  states  had  probably  in  the  first  instance  been 
dependencies  of  the  Babylonian  Empire,  but  had  enjoyed  virtual  inde- 
pendence from  the  time  of  the  fall  of  Babylonia  and  the  rise  of  Assyria. 
Assiiurnazirpal  was  tlie  first  to  subjugate  these  "governors,"  who,  up  to  this 
time,  had  "paid  no  tribute"  to  the  Assyrian  kings,  and  wdio  were  supported 
by  Bal)ylonia  in  their  struggle  with  Assyria.  The  population  of  these  states 
was  composed  of  the  same  elements  as  that  of  Mesopotamia.  The  original 
Semitic- Babylonian  settlers  had  been  ousted  by  Aramtean  immigrants.  This 
was  most  evident  in  Laqi,  the  westernmost,  which  was  not  a  homogeneous 
body  politic  in  the  reign  of  Asshurnazirpal,  but  was  governed  by  various 
sheikhs.  And,  generally  speaking,  these  states  were  semi-nomadic  common- 
wealths. 

THE   RISE   OF   ASSYRIA 

The  city  of  Asshur  was  originally  a  patesi-ship.  The  situation  of  Asshur 
.seems  to  point  to  a  close  connection  with  Babylonia  rather  than  with  northern 
Mesopotamia,  and  for  the  present,  at  least,  it  seems  most  likely  that  we  ought 
to  regard  it  as  a  va.ssal  state  to  Babylonia  or  the  Kingdom  of  the  Four 
(Quarters  of  the  World.  Nor  must  we  ignore  the  possibility  that  it  may 
have  formed  part  of  the  realm  of  the  "Kishshati." 

A  record  left  by  an  Assyrian  king  enables  us  to  determine  one  point 
of  time,  at  least,  when  Asshur  was  still  a  dependency  and  ruled  by  a 
patesi.  Tiglathpileser  I  built  that  part  of  the  great  temple  of  Asshur 
which  was  intended  for  the  worship  of  the  gods  Ann  and  Ramman  (Adad), 
and  in  the  record  he  has  left  he  observes  that  this  temple  was  built  by  the 
patesi  Sliamshi-Adad,  the  son  of  Ishme-Dagan,  patesi  of  Asshur,  six  hundred 
and  forty-tme  years  before  the  reign  of  his  own  great-grandfather  Asshur- 
dan,  sixty  years  earlier.  Accordingly  Asshur  must  have  been  ruled  by 
patesis  sixty  plus  six  hundred  and  forty-one  years  before  1100,  when  Tig- 
lathpileser was  on  the  throne,  and  its  exaltation  to  the  rank  of  a  kingdom  must 
have  taken  place  later  than  that.  The  names  of  two  patesis  of  Asshur 
and  those  of  their  fathers  are  known  to  us  from  inscriptions  of  their 
own.  One  of  them,  Shamshi-Adad,  and  his  father,  Ignr-Kapkapu,  we 
may  place  before  or  after  Shamshi,  the  son  of  Ishme-Dagan,  with  equal 


THE  RISE  OF  ASSYRIA  373 

[ca.  1741-1300  B.C.] 

probability,  while  the  form  of  the  other  two  names,  Irishum  and  his  father 

Khallu,  being  simple  and  exhibiting  nothing  of  the  compound  character  of 

later  Assyrian  names,  leads  us  to  conjecture  that  they  belong  to  an  earlier 

period. 

The  names  of  these  six  patesis  and  their  work  in  the  building  of  the 
temple  of  Asshur  represent  our  whole  stock  of  knowledge  concerning  Asshur 
before  it  rose  to  be  a  royal  city.  The  first  king  of  Assyria  of  whom  we 
know  anything  is  Asshur-bel-nish-eshu,  who  is  introduced  to  us  by  the 
Synchroni.stic  History  as  a  contemporary  of  the  Koss;eaii  ^  king  Karaindash 
of  Babylon.  As  this  monarch  reigned  some  time  about  the  first  half  of  the 
fifteenth  century  B.C.,  there  is  an  interval  of  over  three  hundred  years 
between  him  and  the  patesi  Shamshi-Adad,  an  interval  of  which  we  know 
nothing  except  that  the  rise  of  Asshur  and  the  establishment  of  the  kingdom 
of  Assyria  must  fall  within  it.  Of  the  circumstances  and  conditions  under 
which  these  events  took  place  we  know  nothing  in  detail,  but  an  explanation 
naturally  suggests  itself  from  the  state  of  Babylonia.  During  this  same 
period  Babylonia  had  sunk  to  such  a  depth  of  decrepitude  that  her  own 
strength  was  no  longer  adequate  to  secure  her  against  hordes  of  invaders, 
and  she  could  continue  to  exist  only  under  the  protection  of  the  Kosssean 
kings  and  their  armies.  These  disorders,  which  inevitably  attend  such  a  state 
of  things,  served,  as  they  invariably  do  in  the  East,  to  promote  the  formation 
of  new  states  under  energetic  and  enterprising  leaders,  and  to  these  circum- 
stances the  kingdom  of  Asshur  probably  owed  its  rise. 

From  the  reign  of  Shalmaneser  I  (circa  1300)  onwards  the  kings  of 
Assyria  bear  the  title  of  "  Shar  Kishshati "  and  even  place  it  before  that  of 
"  King  of  Asshur."  "  Shar  Kishshati "  means  "  King  of  the  World,"  and  the 
title  is  thus  formed  in  the  same  fashion  as  the  Babylonian  "  King  of  the 
Four  Quarters  of  the  World."  And  the  Assyrian  title,  like  the  Babylonian, 
was  not  merely  general  in  scope,  but  was  bound  up  with  the  possession  of  a 
particular  district  and  particular  cities. 

It  is  doubtful  whether  Assyria  subdued  the  kingdom  of  the  Kishshati 
from  the  outset,  or  gained  possession  of  it  at  a  later  period.  According  to 
the  scanty  records  at  present  open  to  us,  the  latter  hypothesis  seems  the 
more  probable.  The  first  Assyrian  king  to  bear  the  title  of  "  Shar  Kish- 
shati"  is  Shalmaneser  I  (about  1300),  and  he  gives  it  to  his  father,  Adad- 
nirari  I  (or  Raraman-nirari),  although  the  latter  does  not  assume  it  in  his 
own  inscription.  Shalmaneser  attaches  so  much  weight  to  this  title  that  on 
a  couple  of  bricks,  which  date  from  his  reign,  he  actually  styles  himself 
"  King  of  Kishshati "  alone,  and  omits  the  royal  title  of  Assyria  ;  and  we 
therefore  may  conclude  that  the  union  of  northern  Mesopotamia  and  Assyria 
was  the  work  of  Adad-nirari  and  of  Shalmaneser. 

This  would  be  at  least  one  fixed  point  in  the  earliest  history  of  Assyria 
from  which  to  trace  the  development  of  the  empire.  Before  Shalmaneser 
we  have  to  do  only  with  the  little  kingdom  of  Asshur,  which  was  chiefly 
engaged  in  struggles  with  Babylonia  and  its  eastern  neighbours,  and  after 
his  time  with  the  united  dominions  of  Assyria  and  northern  Mesopotamia, 
the  leading  power  of  Mesopotamian  civilisation  against  tlie  West  and  the 
attacks  of  barbarians  on  every  side.  The  Synchronistic  History  is  our 
principal  guide  to  Assyrian  history,  as  it  was  to  the  history  of  Babylonia 
before  it  came  into  touch  with  Assyria.  We  have  but  few  inscriptions  of 
the  kings  of  this  early  stage  of  A.ssyria's  existence,  and  only  by  the  aid 

[}  It  is  so  uncertain  that  Karaindash,  etc..  were  actually  Kossaeans  that  the  word  Kassite  or 
Ka.sshite  is  kept  by  some  scholars,  as  IIiiprecht,/Goodspeed,(/  McCurdy,'''  and  Rogers. »J 


374  THE   HISTORY   OF    MESOPOTAMIA 

[ca.  1450-1325  B.C.] 

of  the  above-mentioned  document  can  we  more  or  less  connectedly  trace 
the  course  of  history.  Before  the  reign  of  Asshur-bel-nish-eshu,  at 
which  the    chronicle   now  begins,  we  can  be  sure  of  nothing  but  a  great 

With  Asshur-bel-nish-eshu,  who  reigned  in  the  first  half  of  the  fifteenth 
century,  begins  a  line  of  kings  with  a  certain  degree  of  continuity.  Of 
himself  we" only  knt)w  what  is  told  in  the  Sychronistic  History,  namely,  that 
lie  concluded  an  alliance  with  Karaindash  of  Babylon  by  which  they  guar- 
anteed one  another  in  possession  of  their  dominions.  He  was  presently  — 
though  perhaps  not  immediately  —  succeeded  by  Puzur-Asshur  [probably 
about  1420  ij.c]  of  whom  we  are  told  the  same  thing.  He  entered  into 
friendly  alliance  with  Burna-buriash. 

Of  \ns  supposed  successor,  Asshur-nadin-akhe,  we  know,  from  the  letters  of 
his  son  Asshur-uballit  to  Amenhotep  IV,  that  he,  like  his  Babylonian  con- 
temporary, lield  communication  with  the  kings  of  Egypt.  In  an  inscription 
of  a  later  king  mention  is  made  of  a  building  of  his,  the  foundation  of  a 
palace  at  Asshur.  For  the  rest,  it  is  by  no  means  impossible  that  he  may 
have  reigned  before  Puzur-Asshur,  and  that  the  latter,  as  well  as  Asshur- 
uballit,  was  his  son. 

We  possess  a  letter  written  by  Asshur-uballit  to  Amenhotep  IV  of 
Egypt.  It  gives  an  account  of  presents  made  to  the  king  of  Egypt — a 
war  chariot  yoked  to  two  white  horses,  and  a  seal  cylinder  —  makes  excuse 
for  the  tardy  return  of  Egyptian  ambassadors  on  the  plea  that  they  had 
been  stopi)ed  by  the  (nomadic)  Sutu,  and  ccmtains  the  usual  importunate 
requests  for  richer  presents  in  return.  In  Babylonia,  Asshur-uballit  suc- 
ceeded in  nuiking  a  way  for  As.syrian  interference,  and  thus  came  a  step  nearer 
to  the  goal  all  kings  of  Assyria  longed  to  reach,  the  suzerainty  of  Babylon. 
Apart  from  the  attempt  of  Asshur-narara  and  Nabu-daian,  which  presum- 
ably came  to  nothing,  the  little  kingdom  of  Assyria  had  been  on  friendly 
terms  with  Babylonia,  and  had  made  alliance  which  probably  contributed 
more  to  her  own  security  than  tliat  of  the  other  party.  Internal  troubles 
were  tlie  pretext  which  first  rendered  feasible  his  successfid  interference  in 
Babylonian  affairs. 

The  assassination  of  the  Babylonian  king  by  the  malcontent  Kossajans, 
and  the  elevation  of  Nazibugash  to  the  throne,  gave  Asshur-uballit  an  admira- 
ble ])retext  for  restoring  '*  order"  in  Babylonia  and  placing  Kurigalzu,  his 
other  grandson,  on  the  throne.  Adad-nirari  mentions  another  expedition  of 
his  against  the  Shubari.  His  successor,  Bel-nirari  I  [about  1370  B.C.], 
l)oasts  in  his  inscription  that  he  conquered  the  Kasshu  (Kossseans)  and 
enlarged  the  borders  of  the  land.  This  probably  refers  to  a  distinct  cam- 
l)aign  against  the  Ka.sshu,  and  not  to  the  war  with  Kurigalzu  II,  in  which 
he  was  likewise  victorious.  The  latter  enterprise  also  resulted  in  territorial 
expansion,  which  does  not  necessarily  seem  to  have  been  made  permanent. 

I*udi-ilu  (about  1350),  the  son  and  successor  of  Bel-nirari,  waged  war, 
we  are  told  by  his  son,  vVdad-nirari,  against  the  otherwise  unknown  Turuki 
and  Nigimkhi,  who  probal)ly  dwelt  somewhere  in  the  direction  of  Armenia, 
and  extended  the  Assyrian  frontier  to  the  north  (Gutium).  Adad-nirari  I 
(about  1325)  has  left  an  inscription  which  has  been  discovered  at  Kalah 
Shergat  (As.shur).  According  to  it,  he,  like  his  predecessors,  waged  most 
of  hi.s  wars  on  the  northeastern  frontier  of  his  kingdom,  and  endeavoured, 
by  building  cities,  to  revive  the  prosperity  of  the  region  occupied  by  the 
Shul)ari,  Lulumi,  Guti,  and  Kasshu  of  the  northeast,  which  had  been  laid 
waste  by  previous  wars.     His  inscription  relates  mainly  to  the  buildings 


I 


THE   KISE   OF   ASSYRIA  376 

[ca.  1325-1275  B.C.] 

he  erected  in  connection  with  the  temple  of  Asshur.  It  is  the  first  from 
Assyria  with  a  definite  date.  It  was  indited  in  the  limmu  (i.e.  the  year  of 
office)  of  Shulman-kharradu. 

His  son,  Shalmaneser  I  (about  1300),  was  one  of  the  mightiest  Assyrian 
kings,  and  probably  the  first  who  raised  Asshur  to  a  position  equal,  if  not 
superior,  to  that  of  Babylonia.  We  do  not  know  much  about  him  from 
inscriptions  left  by  himself,  and  are  therefore  obliged  to  depend  on  occasional 
statements  of  succeeding  kings.  He  ruled  over  Mesopotamia  westward  to 
the  Balikh  at  least,  if  not  to  the  Euphrates,  and  assured  to  Assyria  the 
possession  of  the  northern  tract  between  the  Euphrates  and  Tigris,  which 
was  afterward  the  provinces  of  Gumathene  and  Sophene.  He  founded  colo- 
nies there,  and  planted  them  with  Assyrian  settlers  to  form  a  bulwark  to 
Mesopotamia  against  the  tribes  of  the  North.  Afterwards,  when  the  power 
of  Assyria  was  impaired,  these  colonies  were  in  great  straits,  but  they  held 
their  own,  and  were  then  reinforced  by  Asshurnazirpal,  to  whom  they  served 
as  a  welcome  basis  for  the  new  Assyrian  province  of  Tuskhan  which  he 
established  there. 

With  the  extension  of  the  kingdom  and  the  inclusion  of  northern  Meso- 
potamia, the  need  of  another  capital  than  Asshur,  which  lay  too  far  to  the 
south,  made  itself  felt.  The  city  Shalmaneser  chose  for  this  purpose  was 
Calah,  which  remained  the  capital  down  to  the  time  of  Sargon,  except  during 
the  period  of  decline  which  followed  upon  the  reign  of  Tiglathpileser  I.  His 
object  in  this  change  of  residence  was  clearly  to  give  expression  to  the 
altered  state  of  things  which  had  come  about  in  Assyria  and  Mesopotamia. 
Assyria  was  not  to  be  the  privileged  kingdom,  but  the  two  political  organi- 
sations, Asshur  and  the  Kingdom  of  the  Kishshati,  were  to  be  equal  mem- 
bers of  the  new  empire,  each  retaining  its  own  centre  in  Asshur  and  Kharran 
respectively,  while  the  king  founded  his  own  capital  for  himself,  to  avoid 
giving  the  preference  to  either. 

Shalmaneser's  son,  Tukulti-Ninib  I  (about  1275)  [but  probably  some- 
what earlier]  was  no  less  fortunate  in  his  enterprises  than  his  father.  He 
was  the  first  to  achieve  the  object  of  every  king  in  Assyria —  dominion 
over  Babylon.  Adad-nirari  III,  in  his  list  of  his  ancestors,  styles  him 
"King  of  Sumer  and  Accad,"  from  which  we  may  certainly  conclude  that 
he  held  the  same  sort  of  position  toward  the  whole  of  Babylonia,  and 
the  kingdom  of  Babylon  more  particularly,  as  was  afterward  attained  by 
Shalmaneser  II  —  that  is  to  say,  he  must  have  ruled  over  the  several  prov- 
inces of  all  Babylonia  and  exercised  a  kind  of  suzerainty  over  Babylon. 

The  rapid  rise  of  Assyria  seems  to  have  been  followed  by  equally  rapid 
decline.  For  a  hundred  years  we  have  hardly  any  information  concerning 
it,  and  do  not  even  know  the  names  of  the  kings  who  reigned  during  that 
period.  The  lack  of  inscriptions,  or,  at  any  rate,  of  vaunting  records  in  the 
reigns  of  later  kings,  seems  in  itself  to  indicate  a  time  of  humiliation,  while 
the  conditions  which  we  find  prevailing  when  our  sources  of  information 
become  more  copious,  show  that  soon  after  the  reign  of  Tukulti-Ninib,  and 
therefore  probably  before  the  end  of  the  thirteenth  century  B.C.,  the  power 
of  Assyria  must  have  been  seriously  curtailed  and  exposed  to  grievous 
shocks.     Whence  they  arose  we  shall  presently  see.^ 

There  is  scarcely  a  year  in  which  additional  information  concerning 
this  obscure  period  does  not  come  to  light.  A  recently  deciphered  fragment 
of  the  Babylonian  Chronicle  mentions  an  Assyrian  king,  Tukulti-Asshur-Bel, 
contemporaneous  with  Tukulti-Ninib,  but  of  the  relation  of  the  two  kings 
nothing   is   stated.      Professor   Winckler   in   AltorientaliscJie   Forschungen^ 


376  THE  HISTORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

[ca.  1275-1235  B.C.] 

suggests  that  the  former  was  the  latter's  son,  and  co-regent  while  he  was 
engaged  in  ruling  and  reducing  Babylon.  Professor  Rogers  sums  up  the 
end  of  Tukulti-Ninih's  life:  ''  For  seven  years  was  this  rule  over  Babylonia 
maintained.  Tlie  Habvlunians  rt-belled,  drove  out  the  Assyrian  conquerors, 
and  set  up  once  more  a  Babylonian,  Adad-shum-usur  (about  1268-1239 
B.C.),  over  them.  When  Tukulti-Ninib  returned  to  Assyria  he  found  even 
his  own  i)eople  in  rebellion  under  the  leadership  of  his  son.  In  the  civil 
war  that  foUowed  he  lost  his  life,  and  the  most  brilliant  reign  in  Assyrian 
historv  up  to  that  time  was  closed." 

Tliis  rebellious  son  was  not  the  above  mentioned  Tulkulti-Asshur-Bel, 
but  Asshurnazirpal  I.  Ilis  reign  continues  the  period  of  decline,  and  in  it  it 
is  believed  that  Adad-sluun-usur  actually  attacked  Assyria.  Next  come  two 
kings,  Assliur-narara  and  Nabu-daian,  whose  reigns  seem  to  have  been  con- 
tenip(traneous  (about  1250  B.C.).  A  fragment  of  a  clay  tablet  was  found 
containing  a  letter  from  Adad-shum-usur  to  these  two  kings,  in  which  he 
remonstrates  on  their  folly  in  taking  up  arms  against  him,  which  shows  that 
Babvlon's  power  was  still  waxing. a 

We  do  not  know  how  it  came  to  pass  that  Assyria  lost  the  ascendancy 
she  iiad  gained  over  Babylonia  under  Tukulti-Ninib,  but  it  is  certain  that 
some  lifty  years  later  Bel-kudur-usur  found  himself  relegated  to  Assyria 
proper,  and  was  obliged  to  fight  for  the  possession  of  his  capital.  [Accord- 
ing to  Professor  Rogers,  Meli-Shipak  (about  1238)  and  Marduk-apal-iddin 
(about  1223-1211)  were  tlie  Babylonian  kings  in  this  war.  He  places 
Adad-sh\nn-iddin's  death  at  1269,  and  Adad-shum-usur's  at  1238  B.C., 
basing  these  dates  on  some  recent  illuminative  suggestions  of  Professor 
Hommel.]  The  Synchronistic  History,  which  is  incomplete  at  this  point, 
states  that  Ninil)-apal-esharra  (who  was  probably  the  son  of  Bel-kudur- 
usur)  was  forced  to  retreat.  The  Babylonians  ai)pear  to  have  pursued 
and  besieged  him  in  his  own  capital  of  Asshur,  and  there  a  battle  was 
fought,  in  which,  according  to  the  apparent  purport  of  the  Synchronistic 
History,  the  Assyrians  were  beaten.  But  the  victory,  if  victory  it  were, 
cannot  have  been  decisive,  for  after  the  battle  the  Babylonians  withdrew 
without  making  any  further  attempt  to  invade  the  remoter  parts  of  the 
country.  The  defeat  of  tlie  Assyrians  must,  therefore,  have  been  more  like 
a  successful  defence  of  their  city.  Slight  as  this  clew  is,  it  makes  it  evident 
that  for  a  while  Assyria  had  to  fight  for  her  life  against  Babylon,  and 
that  she  lield  her  own  with  difficulty.  The  development  of  this  state 
of  things  must  be  sought  in  the  great  hiatus  made  by  the  reign  of  Bel- 
kudur-usur.  The  titles  of  the  Babylonian  kings  of  the  period  also  go  to 
prove  tiiat  at  this  time  Babylonia  had  actually  repossessed  herself  of 
n(»rthern   .Mesopotamia. 

Since  we  find  Tiglathpileser  in  possession  of  much  the  same  dominions  as 
Tukulti-Ninib  (though  Sumer  and  Accad  did  not  belong  to  him),  the  course 
r)f  events  during  all  the  twelfth  century,  from  Ninib-apal-esharra  to  Asshur- 
rish-isiii,  is  self-evident.  The  business  in  hand  was  the  reconquest  of  what 
had  been  lost,  and  at  it  the  succeeding  rulers  steadily  and  successfully 
laboured. 

Of  Ninib-apal-esharra,  the  Synchronistic  History  says  nothing  except 
that  he  succ(!ssfully  withstood  the  Babylonian  attack,  nor  does  Tiglathpileser 
mention  any  other  deeds  of  his.  The  latter,  however,  expressly  gives  him 
the  character  of  a  capable  commander,  "who  led  the  troops  of  Asshur 
aright,"  presumably  with  reference  to  his  retreat  after  the  death  of  Bel- 
kudur-usur  and  the  repulse  of  the  Babylonian  king. 


THE   RISE   OF  ASSYRIA  377 

[ca.  1200-1116  B.C.] 

His  son  and  successor,  Asshur-dan  (about  1200  B.C.),  won  some  victories 
over  Babylon  and  reconquered  some  parts  beyond  the  Zab  from  Samana- 
shum-iddin  (king  of  Babylonia).  Tiglathpileser  lays  stress  upon  the  fact 
that  he  lived  to  a  great  age  (to  about  1150  B.C.).  Of  his  son,  Mutakkil- 
Nusku,  no  particulars  are  known.  He  probably  carried  on  the  work  of  his 
predecessors,  for  Assyria  gradually  regained  all  she  had  lost. 

Then  Asshur-rish-ishi  (about  1140  B.C.),  the  father  of  Tiglathpileser  I, 
reports  that  he  had  reconquered  the  Lulumi  and  Kuti,  whom  Adad-nirari 
had  formerly  subjugated,  and  who  had  either  fallen  under  the  sway  of  Baby- 
lon or  made  themselves  independent  ;  and  that  he  had  repulsed  the  nomads, 
whom  Adad-nirari  had  likewise  driven  back,  and  who  had  naturally  taken 
advantage  of  Assyria's  weakness  to  press  forward  again.  His  war  with 
Nebuchadrezzar  I,  king  of  Babylon,  seems  to  have  been  waged  mainly  for  the 
possession  of  ^Mesopotamia,  which  the  defeat  of  the  nomads  was  also  intended 
to  secure.  It  is  most  probable  that  he  gained  his  end,  the  evacuation  of  the 
kingdom  of  Kishshati,  of  which  Nebuchadrezzar  styles  himself  king  in  one 
of  his  inscri^Dtions.^ 


THE   FIRST   GREAT   ASSYRIAN   CONQUEROR 

Asshur-rish-ishi's  son,  Tiglathpileser  I  (Tu- 
kulti-apal-esharra,  meaning  "  My  help  is  the  son 
of  Esharra,"  i.e.  the  god  Ninib),  is  the  first  of  the 
great  Assyrian  conquerors.  Directly  after  his 
accession  to  the  throne  he  marched  against  the 
Mushke  (Mushkaya)  to  conquer  the  districts  pre- 
viously taken  by  them.  The  Mushke  (the  Mes- 
hech  of  the  Old  Testament,  and  the  Moschi  of 
the  Greeks)  were  defeated,  as  well  as  the  people 
of  Kummukh  and  the  mountainous  races  of  the 
Kharia  and  Qurkhi  country  stretching  from  the 
north  of  the  Tigris  to  the  Upper  Zab.  In 
the  next  campaign  the  same  district  was  trav- 
ersed, but  the  king  then  crossed  the  Lower  Zab, 
and  thence  proceeded  northward  into  the  moun- 
tains. The  whole  mountainous  district  was  then 
incorporated  with  the  Assyrian  kingdom,  and 
Tiglathpileser  was  then  able  to  jiroceed  to  the 
subjugation  of  the  lands  of  western  Armenia  and 
Pontis,  never  before  entered  by  the  Assyrian  rulers. 

He  crossed  sixteen  mountains,  reached  (what 
he  calls  the  land  of  the  Nairi)  the  upper  Eu- 
phrates, which  he  crossed,  and  defeated  in  a 
great  battle  twenty-five  kings  [twenty-three  ac- 
cording to  others],  who  encountered  him  witli 
their  troops  and  war  chariots.  The  enemies  were 
pursued  as  far  as  the  banks  of  the  Bhick  Sea, 
when  all  the  princes  swore  fealty  and  bound  _^^_ 
themselves  to  pay  tribute.     On  the  return  march 

the  town  Milidia,  i.e.  Melitene  on  the  Euphrates,  ^"^  Assyrian  kinq 

was  taken  and  forced  to  pay  tribute. 

The  next,  the   fourth  campaign  of  the  king  was  directed  against  the 
Aramaeans,  of  the  North  Mesopotamian  steppe ;  he  penetrated  as  far  as  the 


378  THE  HISTORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

[ca.  1116-1050  B.C.] 
Euphrate.s,  and  conquered  several  places  in  the  vicinity  of  Carchemisli. 
Then  followed  an  expedition  to  the  east  against  [the  Musri  and]  the  then 
unknown  race  of  the  Qumani.  In  later  years  Tiglathpileser  undertook 
campaigns  in  the  west.  An  inscription  at  the  source  of  the  Supnat,  the 
first  easterly  tributary  of  the  Tigris,  tells  us  that  he  traversed  the  country 
of  Nairi  (Armenia)  three  times,  and  that  he  subjugated  all  the  country 
'•from  the  great  sea  of  the  west  country  to  the  sea  of  Nairi."  In  particu- 
lar we  learn  that  he  made  a  voyage  in  ships  from  Arvad  (Aradus)  on  the 
Mediterranean  Sea,  that  he  hunted  in  Lebanon  (he  was  a  passionate  hunter), 
and  tliat  the  kings  of  Egypt  sent  him  some  rare  sea  fishes  as  a  present. 
It  is  very  probiil)le  that  one  of  the  mutilated  inscriptions  which  the 
Assyrian  kings  had  put  up  on  the  Dog  River  (the  Nahr-el-Kelb,  north 
of  Beirut),  quite  close  to  the  victory  monuments  of  Ramses  II,  related  to 
Tiglathpileser.  He  also  made  war  against  Marduk-nadin-akhe  of  Babylon, 
but  witli  no  success  ;  at  least  we  learn  that  the  Babylonian  king,  in  the 
year  1110  B.C.,  carried  off  images  of  gods  from  an  Assyrian  city.  [Accord- 
ing to  Pr()fess(U-  Rogers,  Tiglatlij)ileser  marched  to  Babylon  and  was  there 
acknowledged  King  of  the  Four  Quarters  of  the  World.] 

However,  Tighithpileser  in  a  second  campaign  was  completely  victorious 
in  a  battle  of  the  Lower  Zab,  and  took  all  the  capitals  of  the  northern  half 
of  Accad:  Dur-Kurigalzu,  the  double  town  Sippar,  Babylon,  and  Upi. 
The  ste{)pe  district  on  the  western  bank  of  the  Euphrates  (the  land  of  the 
Shuhi  or  Sukhi)  was  also  subjugated  by  him.  Thus  did  Tiglathpileser 
create  a  great  kingdom,  w^hich  included  the  whole  district  of  the  Euphrates 
and  Tigris,  as  far  as  Babylon,  as  Avell  as  the  mountainous  country  of  western 
Armenia  and  eastern  Asia  INIinor,  as  far  as  Pontis  ;  and  his  supremacy  was 
also  recognised  by  northern  Syria. 

Of  the  organisation  of  the  kingdom,  we  only  know  that  the  contiguous 
districts,  such  as  the  valley  of  the  Khabur,  eastern  Kummukh,  and  Qurkhe 
were  incorporated  with  the  state,  and  governed  by  Assyrian  ministers, 
whilst  tlie  more  distant  countries  retained  their  native  rulers,  and  were 
only  bound  to  the  payment  of  tribute.  The  kingdom  has  no  enduring 
position.  We  hear  that  Asshur-bel-kala  (about  1090  B.C.),  the  son  of 
Tiglathpik'ser,  lived  in  the  greatest  peace  with  Marduk-shapik-zer-mati,  the 
Babylonian  king.  When,  after  the  latter's  fall,  Adad-apal-iddin,  the  son  of 
E.sagila-shaduni,  was  raised  to  the  throne,  Asshur-bel-kala  married  his 
daughter  and  brought  her  liome  to  Assyria,  with  many  presents.  [In  this 
reign,  according  to  Rogers,  the  seat  of  empire  was  probably  established  at 
Nineveh.] 

Babylonia  had  evidently  regained  her  complete  independence,  though 
the  As.syrian  chronicles  fail  to  relate  the  means  whereby  it  was  achieved. 
Asshur-i)el-kala  was  succeeded  by  his  brother  Shamshi-Adad  (about 
1080  n.c),  of  whom  we  know  nothing  further;  and  then  follows  a  great  gap 
in  the  line  of  kings.  [Here  may  be  inserted  the  names  of  Asshurnazirpal  II 
ai)out  1050  B.C.,  Erba-Adad,  and  Asshur-nadin-akhe.] 

Of  King  As.shur-erbi  it  is  only  mentioned  that  under  him  the  districts 
(•onquered  i)y  Tiglath])ileser,  namely,  the  country  Pitru  on  the  Sagur  near 
Carchemisli,  and  the  city  of  Mutkinu,  east  of  the  Euphrates,  were  taken  by 
the  Aranuean  king.  This  was  evidently  the  king  of  the  country  of  Bit- 
Adini,  whose  chief  dominion  lay  east  of  the  Euphrates,  the  capital  being 
Tel-Barsip,  which  is  probably  Birejik,  opposite  the  Zeugma  of  the  Greeks. 
At  the  beginning  of  the  ninth  century  we  again  have  more  accurate  informa- 
tion about  Assyria,  and  so  find  that,  beyond  a  part  of  the  mountainous  dis- 


THE   RISE   OF  ASSYRIA  379 

[ca.  1050-884  B.C.] 

trict  east  and  southeast  of  Nineveh,  the  kings  now  have  only  the  country 
on  the  upper  Tigris  (around  Amida),  Kiunmukh,  and  a  great  part  of  the 
cultivated  land  of  Mesopotamia. 

The  district  on  the  Euphrates,  opposite  Carchemish,  is  independent  and 
split  up  into  several  princedoms  (Bit-Adini,  Nila,  Bit-Bachiani,  and  farther 
north,  Tel-Abnai),  the  exact  boundaries  of  which  it  has  hitherto  been  im- 
possible to  determine.  The  country  on  the  Balikh  seems  to  have  remained 
Assyrian ;  it  is  very  remarkable  that  the  city  of  Kharran  is  not  mentioned 
in  any  of  the  later  campaigns.  The  district  farther  east,  Nisibis  and  the 
neighbouring  Gozan,  the  fruitful  valleys  of  the  Khabur  and  its  tributaries, 
even  the  city  of  Suru  in  the  land  of  Bit-Khalupe  on  the  Euphrates  (Sura, 
east  of  Thapsachos),  were  governed  by  Assyrian  ministers.  The  govern- 
ment of  Assyrian  ministers  in  the  lower  valley  of  the  Khabur  is  of  special 
interest  to  us. 

The  whole  district  of  this  river,  as  well  as  the  land  of  Sangara  farther 
east,  is  full  of  heaps  and  ruins,  which  mark  the  localities  of  old  and  later 
times.  The  most  important  are  the  ruins  at  the  place  now  called  Arban  on 
the  Khabur.  Here  are  the  remains  of  an  ancient  palace,  built  in  the  Assyr- 
ian style,  with  four  winged  oxen,  with  men's  heads,  an  open-mouthed  lion, 
the  portrait  in  relief  of  a  warrior,  etc.  The  oxen  bear  the  inscription 
"  Palace  of  the  Mushesh-Ninib."  The  possibility  of  getting  at  a  satisfactory 
date  for  this  palace  is  unfortunately  not  yet  apparent.  That  scarabs  of 
Tehutimes  III  and  Amenhotep  III  have  been  found  in  Arban  and  Calah,  is 
no  sufficient  clew.  As  King  Asshurnazirpal  III  of  Assyria  went  down  the 
Khabur  in  the  year  884  B.C.,  Shulman-khaman-ilani  of  Sadikkan  and  Ilu- 
Adad  of  Shuma  brought  him  heavy  tribute.  Doubtless  one  of  these  two 
places  is  the  Arban  of  to-day,  and  their  governors  were  semi-independent 
Assyrian  ministers,  known  as  the  Mushesh-Ninib,  for  the  names,  writing, 
and  style  of  art  show  us  that  we  have  not  here  to  do  with  a  native  govern- 
ment. The  population  of  the  valley  of  the  Khabur  was  doubtless  Aramaean, 
like  that  of  Kharran  and  Nisibis. 

The  eleventh  and  tenth  centuries  B.C.  confirmed  the  complete  freedom 
of  the  local  government  of  the  countries  of  Western  Asia.  Whilst  the  kingdom 
of  the  Pharaohs  was  decaying  from  age,  a  new  nation  was  rising  in  Syria  and 
evolving  an  active  intelligent  life  of  its  own. 

The  Phoenician  merchants  circulated  the  products  of  the  civilisation  of 
Syria  along  all  the  coasts  of  the  Mediterranean,  and  the  dwellers  on  the 
JEgean  Sea  having  already  entered  the  circle  of  cultured  races,  competing 
with  the  Phcenicians  in  trade  and  the  traverse  of  the  sea,  took  possession  of 
the  coasts  one  after  another  and  thereby  developed  a  complete  political  and 
intellectual  life.  The  fate  of  Western  Asia  was  determined  by  the  evolution 
of  Syria's  culture  not  taking  a  wide-reaching,  powerful,  political  form,  but 
rather  hindering  it.  Since  the  days  of  the  Kheta  kingdom's  glory,  there 
has  been  no  great  power  in  Syria.  So  when  a  conquering,  military  state 
was  now  formed  on  the  Tigris,  under  a  fearless,  warlike  prince,  it  met 
with  no  sustained  resistance. 

The  success  of  Assyria  was  due  to  her  military  organisation.  Little  as 
we  know  of  its  particulars,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  wliole  race  regarded 
war  and  conquest  as  the  real  aims  of  existence,  and  the  more  successful  they 
were,  the  more  they  ignored  all  other  sides  of  life  ;  wliereas  the  little  states 
of  Syria  made  tillage,  trade,  and  industry  the  cliief  occujjations  of  their  life, 
albeit  every  inhabitant  was  presumably  bound,  like  the  Israelites,  to  take  up 
arms  in  case  of  need,  in  the  defence  of  his  country.     The  sole  great  mili- 


380  THE   HISTORY   OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

[ca.  1090-885  B.C.] 
tary  power  was  Egypt,  but  her  warrior  caste  was  composed  of  foreign  mer- 
cenaries wlio  ex{)loited  the  country,  although  from  a  military  point  of  view 
they  evidently  did  not  benefit  it  more  than  the  generality  of  their  class  in 
similar  cases. 

The  outcome  of  events  was  thus  a  foregone  conclusion.  The  Assyrian 
campaigns  of  two  centuries  ended  in  the  political  and  national  fall  of  the 
races  of  Syria.  The  progress  of  events  then  led  further  to  the  annihilation 
of  nationality  in  the  whole  of  Western  Asia.  The  kingdom  of  Tiglath- 
pileser  I  fell," soon  after  his  death,  and  there  now  ensues  a  little  later  a  gap 
of  more  than  a  century  in  our  information  about  Assyria.  The  very  scanty 
notices  eommence  about  950  B.C.  Asshur-dan  II,  mentioned  as  "the  maker 
of  a  canal,"  reigned  at  that  time.  [A  recently  discovered  inscription  of 
Atlad-nirari  II  speaks  of  his  grandfather  Tiglathpileser.  Therefore,  a  new 
Tiglathpileser,  the  second  of  his  name,  is  now  reckoned  in  the  list  of  kings, 
and  the  approximate  dates  950-930  B.C.  assigned  to  his  reign.  Nothing  is 
known  of  him  except  that  he  is  called  "King  of  Kishshati  and  King  of 
Asshur."  Asshur-dan  ITs  reign  is  now  put  down  as  beginning  930  B.C., 
and  Adad-nirari  II's  at  911.]  Asshur-dan's  successor,  Adad-nirari  II, 
mentioned  with  the  building  at  the  "Gate  of  the  Tigris"  (890  B.C.), 
conquers  King  Shamash-nuulammik  of  Babylon  in  a  battle  on  Mount 
Yalman,  and  made  war  against  his  successor,  Nabu-shum-ishkun  [who 
was  also  defeated  and  yielded  certain  cities].  In  the  peace  made  by  an 
alliance,  the  boundary  was  fixed  near  the  city  of  Tel-Bari,  south  of  the 
Lower  Zab. 

The  next  king,  Tukulti-Ninib  II  (890-885  B.C.),  fought  in  the  north- 
west mountains,  and  at  the  source  of  Supnat,  the  first  tributary  of  the 
Tigris,  he  had  his  statue  (stele)  erected  near  that  of  Tiglathpileser.  In 
spite  of  repeated  attacks,  the  mountainous  districts  on  the  east  as  far  as  the 
lake  of  Van,  the  chief  part  of  tlie  land  of  Qurkhi,  retained  essentially  their 
independence.  The  warlike  efforts  of  these  rulers  had  been  hitherto  directed 
against  the  races  of  the  mountains  of  Kasjar  (Masius),  the  south  of  the 
Tigris,  and  close  to  Aramaean  Mesopotamia,  which,  in  spite  of  numerous 
camj)aigns,  liad  never  been  subjugated.  If  Nisibis,  Gozan,  and  the  valley  of 
the  Khabur,  and  apparently  also  Kharran,  belonged  to  the  Assyrians  under 
Assluirna7.iri)al,  they  either  remained  independent  after  the  twelfth  century, 
or  were  subjugated  by  the  kings  of  this  period.  In  the  east,  the  moun- 
tainous races  of  Khul)ushkia  and  Kirruri  (on  the  Upper  Zab,  and  as  far 
as  the  lake  of  Urumiyeh)  are  tributary,  mkI  on  the  Lower  Zab,  we  find 
under  Asshurnazirpal,  an  Assyrian  governor  of  Dagara,  in  the  land  of  the 
Eui)hrates,  whose  fortified  citadels  were  mostly  situated  on  the  banks  of 
the  river,  or  like  Anat,  on  an  island,  paid  tribute.  Tukulti-Ninib's  son, 
Asshurnazirpal  III  («85  to  8(50),  entered  on  fresh  conquests  directly  after 
ins  accession  to  the  throne. c 

THE    KEIGN   AND   CRUELTY  OF   ASSHURNAZIRPAL 

Tiglathi)ileser's  work  of  conquest  was  to  be  begun  over  again ;  Asshur- 
nazirpal felt  the  full  force  of  the  mission,  and  he  accomplished  it  with  a 
cruelty  worthy  of  the  hero  he  took  for  pattern,  and  his  successors  applied 
themselves,  as  did  he,  to  avenge,  arms  in  hand,  Asshur's  temporary  humili- 
ation. 

Scarcely  was  Asshurnazirpal  seated  on  the  throne,  when  he  turned  atten- 
tion to  his  armies,  —  his  war  chariots  and  armed  men  were  numerous  and 


march.     It   was    the    land 
Accustomed    to    prolonged 


THE   RISE  OF  ASSYRIA  381 

[885  B.C.] 

well  equipped  ;  they  were  ready  to  take  the 
of  Numme  which  received  the  first  blow, 
and  uninterrupted  peace,  the  in- 
habitants had  never  even  thought 
of  measures  for  defence,  and  they 
fled  to  the  mountains  at  the  ap- 
proach of  the  Assyrians,  who  made 
bloodless  captures  of  the  towns  of 
Libe,  Surra,  Abuku,  Arura,  and 
Arubi,  situated  at  the  base  of 
Mounts  Rime,  Aruni,  and  Etini. 
"  These  majestic  peaks,"  relates 
Asshurnazirpal,  "  rise  up  like  dag- 
gers' blades,  and  only  the  birds  of 
the  sky  in  their  flight  can  reach 
their  summits.  The  natives  en- 
trenched themselves  among  them 
as  though  in  eagles'  nests.  None 
of  the  kings,  my  fathers,  had  ever 
penetrated  so  far.  In  three  days 
I  reached  those  heights  ;  I  brought 
terror  in  the  midst  of  their  hiding 
places,  I  shook  their  nests ;  two 
hundred  defenders  perished  by  the 
sword,  and  I  seized  their  flock 
and  a  rich  booty.  Their  corpses 
strew^ed  the  mountains  like  leaves 
from  the  trees,  and  those  who  es- 
caped had  to  take  refuge  in  caves." 
These  proceedings  terrified  the 
peaceful  inhabitants  of  the  Kirruri 
district,  who  hastened  from  Sim- 
irra,  Ulmania,  Adanit,  Khargai, 
and  Kharasi,  to  throw  themselves 
at  the  conqueror's  feet  and  offered 
all  that  he  was  wont  to  seize  — 
horses,  oxen,  sheep,  and  brazen 
vessels.  They  were  given  an 
Assyrian  governor.  Such  was 
the  fright   throughout  the  whole 

of  Nairi  that  while  he  still  lingered  in  Kirruri,  Asshurnazirpal  received 
ambassadors  from  the  people  of  Gozan  and  Khubushkia  who  came  from  far 
to  the  east,  bringing  presents  asking  for  the  chains  of  slavery. 

From  Kirruri  the  Assyrian  king  went  a  little  to  the  east  into  the  district 
of  Qurkhi,  pillaging  in  turn  at  least  a  dozen  towns  and  finally  arrived  at  the 
borders  of  Urartu.  The  only  serious  resistance  he  encountered  was  under 
the  walls  of  Nishtum,  which  paid  dear  for  its  courage.  These  beginnings 
were  a  forecast  of  the  future,  and  Asshurnazirpal  did  not  even  wait  for  the 
following  year  to  recommence.  While  still  wearing  the  dignity  of  "limrau," 
on  the  24th  day  of  the  mouth  Abu  (July-August),  he  set  out  to  lay  waste 
the  country  now  called  the  Bohtan  district,  between  the  Tigris  and  the 
western  spurs  of  the  Judi  Mountains.  Here  were  the  districts  of  Nippur 
and  Pazati,  comprising  more  than  twenty  important  towns,  among  which 


ASSHUKNAZllUAL 

(Based  on  Sculptures  in  the  British  Museum) 


382  THE   HISTORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

[885-880  B.C.] 

Atkun  and  Pilazi  were  burned.  As.sliiirnazirpal  then  crossed  the  Tigris  and 
invaded  Kuraniukh  to  claim  the  annual  tribute  it  had  forgotten  to  furnish. 
[It  is  po.ssible  that  he  went  for  the  purpose  of  quelling  a  rebellion.] 

At  the  moment  he  was  thinking  of  going  on  to  the  Moschi,  more  to  the 
northwest,  a  mes.senger  brouglit  him  a  letter  which  contained  the  following 
news:  "The  city  of  Sum  (iSurieh  of  the  present  day),  which  is  subject  to 
Hit-Khalupe,  is  in  revolt ;  the  inhabitants  have  put  Khamitai,  their  governor, 
to  death,  and  have  ])roclaimed  Akhi-yababa,  son  of  Lamaman,  whom  they 
have  l)rought  from  Hit-Adini,  as  their  king."  Furious  at  this  information, 
Asshurnazirpal  invoked  Asshur  and  Adad,  counted  his  chariots  and  soldiers, 
and  flew  to  the  seat  of  trouble  by  descending  the  coui'se  of  the  Khabur. 
His  progress  was  hampered  by  the  arrival  of  many  persons,  their  hands  filled 
with  {irt'stMits  and  their  mouths  with  protestations  of  fidelity.  There  were 
Sliulman-khaman-ilani  of  Sadikkan,  Ilu-Adad  of  Shuma,  and  a  hundred  others. 

Tlie  city  of  Suru  took  fright,  and  the  rebels  came  out  to  meet  him,  bring- 
ing tiie  keys  of  the  citadel.  They  kissed  his  feet,  but  Asshurnazirpal  was 
inflexible.  "  "  I  killed  one  out  of  every  two  of  them,"  he  says,  and  one-half 
of  the  remainder  was  reduced  to  slavery.  Akhi-yababa,  a  prisoner,  witnessed 
the  pillage  of  his  palace,  he  saw  his  wives,  sons,  and  daughters  in  chains,  and 
his  tutelary  gods,  his  chariot,  his  armour,  and  his  treasure  carried  off.  He 
saw  all  his  ministers  flayed  alive  as  well  as  the  leaders  of  the  rebellion.  A 
pyramid  erected  at  the  city  gate  was  covered  with  their  skins  ;  some  were 
walled  up  in  the  masonry,  others  were  crucified  and  exposed  on  stakes  along 
the  side  of  the  pyramid.  One  would  hesitate  to  believe  all  this  and  would 
willingly  take  the  Assyrian  monarchs  for  boasters  of  their  cruelty,  if  the  bas- 
reliefs  with  which  they  decorated  their  palace  walls,  and  which  to-day 
ornament  our  museums,  did  not  speak  to  our  eyes  or  their  accompanying 
inscriptions  speak  to  our  intelligence.  We  must  tax  our  wits  to  imagine 
more  refinement  of  torture  or  of  methods  of  execution. 

Before  Asshurnazirpal  returned  to  Nineveh,  he  made  a  military  tour  of  the 
regions  about  the  junction  on  the  Khabur  and  Euphrates,  which  formed  the 
country  of  Laqi.  All  the  petty  dynasties  of  this  land  brought  their  tribute. 
Then  he  advanced  as  far  as  Khindanu,  on  the  Euphrates,  the  frontier  of  the 
Shuhi  country.  On  returning  to  liis  capital  the  king  was  followed  by  an 
endless  file  of  slaves,  horses,  oxen,  sheep,  chariots  laden  with  stuffs  of  wool 
and  linen,  ingots  of  gold,  bronze  and  iron,  copper  and  leaden  vessels,  and 
wooden  framework ;  the  booty,  he  says,  was  as  numberless  as  the  stars  of  the 
sky.  The  soldiers  liad  laid  hold  of  every  manner  of  object,  and  in  the  divi- 
sion a  use  was  found  for  everything. 

At  Nineveh  the  king  occupied  himself  with  embellishing  his  palace  while 
lie  waited  for  the  spring.  In  one  of  the  inner  courts  he  erected  a  statue  to 
himself  of  colos.sal  size,  and  the  history  of  his  recent  conquests  was  engraved 
on  the  i)alace  gates.  He  was  daily  obliged  to  receive  the  homage  of  ambas- 
sadors who  arrived  from  all  parts  to  acknowledge  his  suzerainty,  offer  pres- 
ents, and  claim  the  sad  honour  of  serving  such  a  master,  for  they  had  learned 
by  experience  that  it  was  too  late  for  a  city  to  offer  its  submission  when  the 
king  was  at  its  gates. 

It  happened  that  Asshurnazirpal  was  en  pleine  fete  surrounded  by  his 
court  when  news  came  of  a  rebellion  in  the  region  situated  around  the 
sources  of  tlie  Tigris.  The  leader  of  this  insurrection  was  an  Assyrian, 
Khula  by  name,  whom  in  former  days  Shalmaneser  had  appointed  governor 
of  Darudamusa  and  Khalzilukha.  The  king  set  out  at  once,  and,  arriving  at 
the  sources  of  the  Tigris,  he  sought  out  the  steles  w^hich  his  predecessors, 


THE  RISE   OF  ASSYRIA  383 

[880-876  B.C.] 

Tiglathpileser  and  Tukulti-Ninib,  had  erected,  and  by  their  side  set  up  one 
for  himself.  On  the  way  he  stopped  to  levy  tribute  on  the  country  of 
Izalla  and  took  by  assault  the  cities  of  Kinabu,  Mariru,  and  Tela.  After  a 
bloody  contest  under  the  walls  of  the  last  place  he  put  out  the  eyes  and  cut 
off  the  noses  and  ears  of  the  prisoners  whose  lives  he  spared.  Khula  was 
flayed  alive. 

There  stood  in  this  region,  within  the  land  of  Nirbu,  a  city  which  bore 
the  name  of  Asshur  and  had  probably  been  built  by  Tiglathpileser  in  order 
to  control  the  surrounding  country.  Since  this  town  had  also  taken  part  in 
the  rebellion,  Asshurnazirpal  caused  it  to  be  razed  to  its  foundations  as  well 
as  the  city  of  Tushka,  upon  whose  ruins  he  built  a  pyramid  surmounted  by 
his  statue  and  bearing  an  inscription  which  related  the  conquest  of  the  land 
of  Nairi.  Here  he  received  tribute  of  the  kings  of  Nairi.  The  districts  of 
Urumi  and  Bituni  also  brought  their  gifts.  But  scarcely  had  Asshurnazirpal 
turned  his  back  when  all  the  tribes  of  Nairi  revolted,  and  he  had  to  return 
and  prosecute  a  regular  man-hunt  among  the  mountains. 

The  year  had  been  very  full,  and  it  was  easy  to  foresee  that  the  disasters 
following  the  reign  of  Tiglathpileser  would  soon  be  repaired.  In  three  cam- 
paigns Asshurnazirpal  had  carried  the  torch  over  a  portion  of  the  land  of 
Nairi,  to  the  south  and  east  of  Lake  Van,  to  the  sources  of  the  Tigris,  through 
the  Khabur  Valley,  and  down  the  Euphrates,  But  like  the  effect  of  a  tem- 
pest which  passes  and  devours  everything,  the  Assyrian  domination  founded 
only  in  fear  was  fatally  ephemeral  and  became  shaky  just  as  soon  as  the  chas- 
tising arm  was  observed  to  withdraw. 

Feeling  secure  in  the  direction  of  Nairi,  which  he  had  treated  so  harshly, 
Asshurnazirpal  turned  his  attention  to  the  fertile  slopes  along  the  left  bank 
of  the  Tigris.  He  risked  encountering  the  Babylonians,  but  these  latter  had 
no  longer  any  fear  for  liim,  and  the  weakened,  scattered  Kassite  (or  Kos- 
saean)  tribes  could  scarcely  be  called  formidable.  Babitu,  Dagara,  Bara, 
Kakzi,  and  twenty  other  places  underwent  the  fate  reserved  for  cities  taken 
by  assault ;  one  hundred  and  fifty  towns  were  pillaged  and  burnt,  and  the 
whole  land  of  Nishir  was  devastated.  The  rainy  season  suspended  hostili- 
ties, and  Asshurnazirpal  returned  to  winter  quarters  at  Nineveh,  but  as  soon 
as  the  weather  permitted  on  the  first  of  Sivan  (May)  he  returned  to  Zamua. 
The  capital  of  Zamua  was  Zamri,  and  there  King  Amikha  resided,  in  no  con- 
dition to  resist.  He  fled  to  the  mountains  where  Asshurnazirpal  dared  not 
pursue  him,  and  contented  himself  with  laying  hands  on  the  riches  of  the 
palace.  All  the  surrounding  districts  hastened  to  offer  their  submission 
with  the  exception  of  the  city  of  Mizu,  which  was  taken  by  assault. 

The  following  year  was  consumed  in  military  expeditions  to  the  sources 
of  the  Tigris,  in  the  lands  of  Kummukh,  Qurkhi,  and  Kashiari,  where  certain 
cities  like  Mattiate  and  Irisia  had  neglected  to  pay  tribute  or  manifested 
symptoms  of  rebellion.  Asshurnazirpal  experienced  no  serious  or  well- 
organised  resistance  except  beneath  the  walls  of  Bit-Ura  in  the  land  of 
Dirra.  "  The  city,"  he  says,  "  crowns  a  height,  is  surrounded  by  a  strong 
double  enceinte  and  lifts  itself  like  a  great  thumb  above  the  mountain. 
With  the  help  of  Asshur  —  my  lord  —  I  attacked  it  with  my  valorous  sol- 
diers, and  besieged  it  for  two  days  from  the  side  of  the  rising  sun.  Arrows 
fell  upon  it  like  the  hail  of  the  god  Adad.  Finally,  my  warriors,  whose  zeal 
I  had  encouraged,  fell  upon  the  city  like  vultures.  I  took  tlie  citadel,  I  put 
eight  hundred  men  to  the  sword,  and  I  cut  oft'  their  lieads.  I  made  a 
mound  with  their  corpses  before  the  city  gate  ;  the  prisoners  were  beheaded 
and  I  put  seven  hundred  of  them  to  the  cross.     The  city  was  pillaged  and 


384  THE  HISTORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA. 

[876  B.C.] 
destroyed;  I  transformed  it  into  a  heap  of  ruins."  Passing  thence  into  the 
land  of  Qurkhi,  Asshurnazirpal  committed  the  same  atrocities :  two  hundred 
captives  had  their  heads  cut  off,  and  two  thousand  others  were  reduced  to 
slavery.  One  of  the  kinglets  of  the  land  who  had  succeeded  in  winning  the 
king's  good  graces  from  the  time  of  the  first  war,  Ammibaal,  by  name,  son 
of  Zamani,  had  become  odious  to  his  people,  because  of  his  friendship  for  the 
tyrant,  and  he  was  put  to  death  by  his  own  officers.  The  king  of  Assyria 
hastened  to  avenge  his  faithful  vassal.  When  the  culprits  saw  the  storm 
advancing,  tliev  tried  to  ward  it  off  by  offering  all  they  possessed  to  the 
invader,  and  for  once  he  remained  satisfied. 

He  had  under  his  authority  all  the  regions  between  the  source  of  the 
Supnat  and  the  borders  of  the  land  of  Shabitani  on  one  side ;  between  the 
land  of  Kirruri  and  that  of  Kilzani  on  the  other,  from  the  banks  of  the  Zab 
to  the  city  of  Tel-Bari  which  is  above  Zaban  from  Tel-Sa-abtan  to  Tel-Sa- 
zabtan ;  besides  this  he  annexed   to  his  empire  the  cities  of  Kimiru  and 


1,A>-KEL1EF8   SHOWUfQ   ASSYRIANS   TORTURING   PRISONERS 

(After  Layard) 

Kuratu,  the  land  of  Birut  and  of  Kardunyash,  and  he  imposed  tribute  upon 
the  whole  of  Nairi. 

What  was  to  be  done  with  so  much  wealth  constantly  accumulating  in 
the  storehouses  of  Nineveh,  and  for  whom  was  this  gold,  these  jewels,  this 
])ronze,  the.'^e  rieh  stuffs  ?  To  what  use  could  he  put  these  thousands  of 
slaves  who  ran  the  risk  of  becoming  so  many  idle  mouths  to  feed?  Asshur- 
nazirpal had  the  idea  of  building  a  palace  which  would  surpass  the  wildest 
dreams  of  his  predecessors,  and  he  fixed  its  location  in  the  city  of  Calah, 
which  was  particularly  the  city  of  his  dynasty. 

British  arclu'eologists,  who  have  made  a  special  study  of  the  ruins  of 
Calah,  astonished  at  the  treasures  they  found  buried  under  the  mound 
Nimrud,  have  attempted  to  reconstruct  from  their  own  imaginations  and  the 
recovered  documents  the  general  aspect  of  the  city  in  the  days  of  Asshur- 
nazirpal, who  has  left  his  name  and  inscriptions  in  every  corner  of  it.  ''In  a 
strong  and  healthy  po.sition,"  says  George  Rawlinson,  "on  a  low  spur  of 
the  Jebel  Maklub,  protected  on  either  side  by  a  deep  river,  the  new 
capital  grew  to  greatness.  Palace  after  palace  rose  on  its  lofty  platforms, 
rich  with  carved  woodwork,  gilding,  painting,  sculpture,  and  enamel,  each 
aiming  to  outshine  its  predecessors;  while  stone  lions,  sphinxes,  obelisks, 
shrines,  and  temple  towers  embellished  the  scene,  breaking  its  monotonous 
sameness  by  variety.  The  lofty  ziggurat  (pyramid)  attached  to  the  temple 
of  Ninib,  dominating  over  the  whole,  gave  unity  to  the  vast  mass  of  palatial 
and  sacred  edifices.  The  Tigris,  skirting  the  entire  western  base  of  the 
mound,  glossed  in  its  waves,  and,  doubling  the  apparent  height,  rendered  less 


THE   RISE   OF   ASSYRIA  385 

[876  B.C.] 

observable  the  chief  weakness  of  the  architecture.  When  the  setting  sun 
lighted  up  the  whole  with  the  gorgeous  lines  seen  only  under  an  eastern  sky, 
Calah  must  have  seemed  to  the  traveller  who  beheld  it  for  the  first  time  like 
a  vision  of  fairyland." 

From  the  pyramid  of  the  temple  of  Ninib  the  Assyrian  priests  ob- 
served the  motions  of  the  heavens,  calculated  the  return  of  eclipses,  and 
questioned  the  future.  In  the  temple  searched  by  Layard  traces  were 
everywhere  found  of  Asshurnazirpal  and  what  he  himself  calls  "  the  glory  of 
his  name."  His  portrait  has  been  found  repeated  a  dozen  times  on  the  bas- 
reliefs;  he  has  all  the  features  of  a  corrupt  and  cruel  monarch.  His  low, 
retreating  forehead  lacks  nobility  ;  the  eyes  are  unusually  large  ;  the  cheek- 
bones stand  out  prominently  ;  the  nostrils  of  the  round,  aquiline  nose  are  too 
large ;  the  clipped  moustache,  brushed  and  curled  at  the  ^nds,  reveals  thick, 
sensual  lips,  while  the  chin  and  face  are  covered  with  that  heavy  false  beard 
which  falls  upon  the  breast  in  symmetrical  twists,  and  was  worn  by  all  the 
kings.  The  thick,  short  neck,  the  broad  shoulders  and  thick-set  body,  gave 
the  king  a  robust,  vigorous  aspect.  His  statue  in  the  British  Museum  repre- 
sents him  standing.  In  one  hand  he  holds  a  scythe,  in  the  other  a  sceptre. 
On  his  breast  is  written,  "  Asshurnazirpal,  great  king,  powerful  king,  king  of 
legions,  king  of  Assyria,  son  of  Tukulti-Ninib  (?),  great  king,  powerful  king, 
king  of  legions,  king  of  Assyria,  son  of  Adad-nirari,  great  king,  powerful 
king,  king  of  Assyria.  He  possesses  lands  from  the  shores  of  the  Tigris  as 
far  as  Labana  [Lebanon] ;  he  has  subjected  to  his  power  the  great  sea,  and 
all  the  lands  from  the  rising  to  the  setting  of  the  sun." 

Several  years  after  this  statue  was  erected  Asshurnazirpal  would  not  have 
fixed  the  Lebanon  range  as  the  western  limit  of  his  empire,  for  the  fortunes 
of  war  still  smiled  upon  him.  The  last  portion  of  his  reign  is  filled  with 
two  great  expeditions  in  which  he  covered  himself  with  glory.  The  definite 
submission  of  the  middle  and  lower  Euphrates  region,  including  the  land  of 
Kardunyash,  and  the  conquest  of  a  part  of  Syria  and  Phoenicia.  A  revolt 
in  the  lands  of  Laqi  and  Shuhi,  on  the  Middle  Euphrates,  was  an  excellent 
pretext  for  recommencing  the  war  interrupted  by  the  work  of  embellish- 
ing Calah.  [He  marched  upon  Suru,  levying  tribute  at  every  step.]  For 
a  long  time  this  little  land  of  Shuhi  had  been  warring  with  the  Assyrians, 
and  though  unceasingly  beaten  and  ransomed,  it  nevertheless  managed  to 
hold  up  its  head,  and  had  been  able  hitherto  to  maintain  its  independence. 
Its  sovereigns  appear  to  have  had  continual  friendly  relations  with  their 
neighbours  the  kings  of  Babylon,  at  least  on  the  occasions  when  it  was 
necessary  to  resist  the  men  of  the  North. 

This  time  the  Shuhites  again  appealed  to  the  Chaldeans,  whom  the  in- 
scription, through  tradition,  doubtless,  still  calls  the  Kassites  or  Koss»ans. 
[Suru  was  taken,  and  among  the  prisoners  were  the  brother  and  the  general 
of  Nabu-apal-iddin,  king  of  Babylon.] 

Then  terror  seized  the  soul  of  the  weak  Nabu-apal-iddin,  king  of  Baby- 
lon, and  all  Chaldea  trembled.  Unfortunate  wars  and  intestine  quarrels  had 
put  Babylon  out  of  condition  to  fight  against  the  all-pervading  Assyrian 
superiority.  Nevertheless  Asshurnazirpal  does  not  say  that  he  entered 
Babylonia,  which  he  even  seems  to  have  prudently  respected.  He  con- 
tents himself  with  telling  us  that  he  erected  his  statue  in  the  city  of  Suru, 
and  spread  terror  throughout  Chaldea  and  all  the  lands  watered  by  the 
Euphrates. 

The  following  year  he  was  compelled  to  suppress  a  revolt  of  the  moun- 
taineers inhabiting  the  southern  slopes  of  Mount  Masius  in  the  very  heart  of 

H.   W. VOL.   I.   2  C 


38G  THE  HISTORY   OF   MESOPOTAMIA 

[87GB.C.] 

Mesopotamia.  This  was  the  state  of  Bit-Adini,  whose  principal  cities  were 
Kaprabi  and  Tel-Aban.  Asshurnazirpal  scattered  an  army  of  eight  thou- 
sand horsemen,  and  bronglit  back  to  Calah  two  thousand  four  hundred  slaves 
to  work  at  the  embellishment  of  his  capital. 

In  spite  of  the  peace  which  ruled  in  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates  basins, 
whose  resources  were,  moreover,  completely  exhausted,  Asshurnazirpal  now 
resolved  to  strike  a  great  blow  on  their  western  side,  which  would  be  a  field 
for  rapine  in  which  no  Assyrian  had  ever  yet  set  foot.  The  occasion  seemed 
favourabk',  for  on  the  west  of  the  Euphrates  the  Hittites  were  in  no  condi- 
tion to  wage  war;  they  had  not  yet  recovered  from  the  terrible  blows  dealt 
them  by  Tiglathpileser,  and  their  resistance  in  any  case  would  not  be  very 
great. 

Assliurnazirpal  Avent  right  ahead  [starting  on  the  8tli  day  of  Airu 
(April),  M7»i.  —  RoGEiis],  traversing  the  states  of  Bit-Bahian,  Amila,  and 
Hit-Adini  as  far  as  the  Euphrates,  which  he  crossed  on  floats  in  sight  of  Car- 
ihemish.  Into  the  city  he  made  a  bloodless  entry,  receiving  tlie  homage 
and  tribute  of  King  Sangara.  A  Hittite  prince,  Lubarna,  Avho  ruled  in 
the  valley  of  the  river  Apre  (modern  Afrin)  [in  a  state  called  Patin] 
and  possessed  places  of  considerable  importance  such  as  Ilazaz  and  Kunu- 
lua  (the  capital).  Lubarna  made  preparations  to  oppose  the  march  of 
the  invader,  but  on  seeing  him  approach  fell  on  his  knees  and  stripped  him- 
self of  all  he  possessed  for  offerings.  He  was  soon  master  of  both  slopes  of 
the  Lebanon,  and  he  could  see  tlie  great  Plioenician  Sea  (Mediterranean). 
There,  in  astonishment,  and  grateful  to  the  gods  for  all  their  blessings,  he 
offered  them  a  sacrifice  of  thanks  on  a  wave-washed  rock.  "  I  received,"  he 
says,  "the  tril)ute  of  the  kings  of  the  land  of  the  sea,  the  people  of  Tyre, 
Sidon,  Bybhis,  Makhallat,  Maiz,  Kaiz,^  Akharri,  and  of  Arvad,  which  is  situ- 
ateil  full  on  the  sea  ;  they  brought  me  silver,  gold,  tin,  iron,  iron  utensils, 
garments  of  wool  and  linen,  '  pagut,'  large  and  small,  of  sandal  and  ebony 
wood,  skins  of  marine  animals,  and  they  kissed  my  feet." 

Assliurnazirpal,  protected  by  Ninib  and  Nergal,  the  gods  of  strength,  em- 
•barked  on  a  vessel  which  he  captured  in  the  harbour  of  Arvad  and  took  a 
sea  trip,  during  which  he  killed  a  dolphin.  Several  days  later  he  hunted 
among  the  steep  gorges  of  Lebanon,  killed  buffaloes  and  boars,  capturing  a 
number  of  them  alive,  which  he  sent  to  Assyria.  He  boasts  of  having  killed 
one  hundred  and  twenty  lions  himself,  and  claims  that  these  animals  suc- 
cumbed to  fright  before  his  almightiness.  He  further  enumerates  troops  of 
wild  animals  which  he  drove  back  to  their  lairs,  —  antelopes,  deer,  ibexes, 
gazelles,  tigers,  foxes,  leopards  ;  he  also  killed  some  eagles  and  vultures. 
Among  these  mountains  this  true  son  of  Niinrod  quite  forgot  himself  until 
the  king  of  Egypt,  whom  the  fame  of  his  deeds  had  reached,  sent  a  congrat- 
ulatory embassy  asking  for  his  friendship.  When  later  the  kings  of  Egypt 
and  Assyria  met  on  the  shore  of  the  Mediterranean,  it  was  by  no  means  for 
mutual  etjiigratulation  and  the  exchange  of  presents. 

After  this,  Asshurnazirpal  turned  northward  into  the  Amanus  Mountains, 
where  he  cut  down  cedar,  pine,  and  cypress  trees  for  his  great  buildings  in 
( 'alah.  No  one  will  ever  know  how  much  effort,  nor  the  lives  of  how  many 
slaves  it  cost,  to  transj)ort  those  gigantic  logs  cut  in  the  Amanus  forests 
over  the  mountainous  and  trackless  country  to  the  banks  of  the  Tigris. 

Asshurnazirpal  never  revisited  the  shores  of  the  Mediterranean,  and  like 
Moses  he  but  caught  a  glimpse  of  the  promised  land  which  his  successors 

>  [According  to  the  best  authority  Makhallat,  Maiz,  and  Kaiz  formed  Tripolis.] 


THE   RISE   OF   ASSYRIA  387 

[87&-854  B.C.] 

were  destined  to  conquer,  and  whose  inexhaustible  riches  tliey  so  lonsr 
exploited.  What  we  know  of  the  remainder  of  his  reign  is  the  story  of 
unimportant  expeditions,  principally  for  the  collection  of  tribute  in  the  north 
of  Mesopotamia  and  around  the  sources  of  the  Tigris.  The  district  of  Khi- 
pani  and  its  capital,  Khuzirina,  as  well  as  the  states  of  Assa,  Qurkhi,  and 
Adini,  underwent  new  trials  ;  the  city  of  Amida,  the  modern  Diarbekir, 
witnessed  a  pyramid  of  human  skulls  rising  febore  its  walls,  and  three  thou- 
sand slaves  —  those  whose  eyes  were  not  put  out  or  who  were  not  crucified  — 
were  sent  to  Nineveh,  where  they  were  employed  in  digging  a  great  irriga- 
tion canal  to  make  use  of  the  waters  of  the  Upper  Zab,  the  borders  of  which 
were  planted  with  trees  torn  from  the  forests  of  Syria. 

The  last  eight  years  of  his  life  seem  to  have  been  more  peaceful  than 
their  predecessors,  although  we  can  scarcely  suppose  that  he  passed  them  in 
profound  peace,  which  would  be  as  hard  to  reconcile  with  his  turbulent 
and  sanguinary  nature  as  with  the  terrible  condition  of  the  lands  he  had  con- 
quered, all  of  which  were  trying  to  regain  their  freedom.  At  all  events,  he 
left  his  successors  an  immense  empire,  an  unbroken  frontier,  and  an  Assyr- 
ian domination  recognised  from  the  Zagros  to  the  Amanus  Mountains,  and 
from  the  sources  of  the  Euphrates  to  the  gates  of  Babylon. f^ 

SHALMANESER    II    AND    HIS    SUCCESSORS 

Aside  from  the  ruthlessness  of  his  conquests,  Asshurnazirpal  was  chiefly 
remarkable  for  rebuilding  the  city  of  Calah,  constructing  a  canal,  erecting 
himself  a  wonderful  palace,  whose  ruins  have  been  found  at  Nimrud,  and  the 
building  or  rebuilding  of  a  great  aqueduct.  He,  who  had  butchered  and 
battled  so  liberally,  died  in  860  B.C.  in  peace. 

His  son,  Shalmaneser  II  (Shulman-asharid)  (860-824  B.C.)  commenced 
warlike  operations  at  once.  After  a  campaign  eastward  (860)  he  entered 
upon  a  systematic  conquest  of  the  western  countries.  After  several  cam- 
paigns (859-856)  Akhuni's  district  of  Bit- Adini,  on  both  sides  of  the. 
Euphrates,  was  completely  subjugated,  incorporated  with  the  kingdom,  and 
peopled  with  Assyrian  colonists,  and  Tel-Barship  on  the  Euphrates  was 
changed  into  an  Assyrian  residence  city  under  the  name  of  Kar-Shulman- 
asharid  (City  of  Shalmaneser).  Finally  he  succeeded  in  capturing  the 
prince  who  had  fled  across  the  Euphrates  into  the  mountains.  Next  fol- 
lowed the  campaigns  on  the  west  of  the  Euphrates.  In  the  year  859  he 
twice  defeated  a  coalition  of  North  Syrian  princes,  the  rulers  of  Carchemish, 
Patin,  Sama'al,  etc.,  joined  by  the  kings  of  Que,  and  Khilukha;  then  he 
subjugated  the  Amanus  district  and  the  district  on  the  lower  Orontes  (the 
country  of  Patin).  In  the  following  year,  the  annual  tribute  of  all  the 
North  Syrian  states  was   definitely  settled. 

In  the  year  854  B.C.  Shalmaneser  advanced  fartlier  south.  Khalman 
made  submission,  but  a  strong  coalition  was  formed  against  him  in  the  dis- 
trict of  Hamath  by  Hadad-ezer,  or  Ben-Hadad  II,  of  Damascus,  Irkhulina  of 
Hamath,  and  Ahab  of  Israel.  The  adjacent  smaller  states  of  tlie  princes, 
Matinu-Baal  of  Arvad  (Aradus),  Baasha  of  Amnion,  etc.,  followed  suit. 

The  Syrian  states  evidently  recognised  the  full  extent  of  the  danger 
threatening  them ;  Ahab  of  Israel  probably  made  peace  with  Damascus  so 
as  to  be  able  to  withstand  the  Assyrians.  Only  tlie  IMurnician  cities  were 
obdurate ;  whilst  the  Arabian  prince,  Gindil)u,  sent  a  tlionsand  camel  riders, 
and  even  the  Egyptian  king  sent  one  thousand  men.  A  battle  took  place  at 
Qarqar  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Orontes.     Shalmaneser  boasts  of  a  complete 


388  THE   lllSTOKY   OF   MESOPOTAMIA 

[854-82<)  B.C.] 

victory.  [His  inscription  says  :  "  Fourteen  thousand  of  their  warriors  I 
slew  with  arms ;  like  Adad  I  rained  a  deluge  upon  them,  I  strewed  hither 
and  yon  their  bodies,  I  tilled  the  face  of  the  ruins  with  their  widespread 
soldiers;  chariots,  saddle-horses,  and  yoke-horses  1  took  from  them."] 

Hut  he  attained  no  further  successes,  and  his  power  was  limited  to  north- 
ern Syria.  In  the  years  850,  849,  and  846,  Shalmaneser  renewed  his  attacks 
upon  central  Syria,  the  last  time  with  one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand 
men,  but  without  great  success.  Their  tribute  money  was  not  much  safe- 
guard to  the  North  Syrian  princes,  the  places  in  the  district  of  Carchemish 
and  in  the  Amanus  Mountains  were  again  and  again  plundered  and  burned, 
and  the  iniiabitants  massacred.  Only  the  king  of  Patin,  who  was  farthest 
awav,  and  therefore  the  most  powerful  of  the  vassals,  seems  to  have  been 
better  treated. 

The  iifth  campaign,  in  842,  was  more  successful,  but  in  the  meanwhile 
the  revolutions  in  Damascus  and  Samaria  overthrew  the  old  dynasties,  and 
Hazael  and  Jehu  ascended  the  throne.  In  a  battle  at  the  foot  of  Mount 
Lebanon,  Ilazael  was  conquered  and  shut  up  in  his  capital;  but  Damascus 
was  not  taken.  Shalmaneser  laid  waste  the  Hauran,  then  repaired  to  the 
const,  where  Tyre  and  Sidon,  and  also  Jehu  of  Israel,  paid  him  tribute. 
The  tribute  payment  of  the  latter  (gold,  lead,  vessels,  etc.)  is  depicted  on 
Shalmaneser's  black  obelisk.  In  the  year  839  the  campaign  was  repeated 
without  any  far-reaching  success  ;  and  Tyre,  Sidon,  and  Byblus  paid  tribute. 
When  the  peo])le  of  Patin  slew  their  king,  the  Assyrian  general,  Asshur- 
daian  (or  Dan-Asshur),  took  fearful  revenge  for  the  death  of  the  faithful 
vassal.  But  Shalmaneser  extended  his  dominion  in  this  district  northward 
only.  In  the  years  838  and  837,  twenty-four  kings  of  Tabal  (in  Cappa- 
docia),  as  well  as  the  king  of  Milid  (Melitene),  were  compelled  to  pay 
tril)ute;  and  in  835  and  834,  King  Kati  of  Que;  i.e.  East  Cilicia  west  of 
Mount  Amanus,  was  vanquished,  and  the  town  Tarzi  {i.e.  in  all  probability 
Tarsus),  was  taken  and  given  to  his  brother  Kirri. 

Shalmaneser  II  had  the  same  success  in  the  east  and  north  of  his 
kingdom.  After  the  mountainous  district  on  the  Tigris  had  been  conquered, 
the  Assyrians  came  into  direct  c(mtact  with  the  powerful  race  of  the  Alaro- 
dians,  whose  territory  extended  on  both  sides  of  the  Lake  of  Van,  from  the 
source  of  the  Euphrates  to  the  land  of  Garzan,  or  Gozan,  on  Lake  Urumiyeh. 
After  making  a  fearful  visitation  to  Khubushkia  and  its  vicinity,  Shalmaneser 
h;id  already  attacked  their  king,  Arame,  on  the  east  in  860.  In  857  he 
invaded  his  district  on  the  west,  after  crossing  the  Arsanias-  In  845  he 
penetrated  as  far  as  the  source  of  the  Euphrates,  and  in  833  Asshur-daian, 
his  commander-in-chief,  repeated  the  same  campaign.  It  seems  that  Arame 
and  his  successor,  Siduri  (or  Sarduris),  in  the  year  888,  made,  on  the  whole, 
a  valiant  defence. 

Much  greater  success  attended  the  campaigns  against  the  south-easterly 
mountainous  races  of  Urartu  on  the  "  sea  of  the  land  of  the  Nairi,"  i.e.  the 
lake  of  Urumiyeh,  and  the  districts  of  Manna,  Parsua,  Amada^  (Media), 
etc.,  at  the  south  and  east  of  the  same  as  well  as  that  against  the  land  of 
Namri  south-east  of  the  Zab.  In  the  years  844,  836,  830,  and  829  the 
lanipiiigns  in  these  districts  were  ccmducted  sometimes  by  the  king  himself, 
iind  sonu'times  by  his  commander-in-chief. 

Tlie  fiimous  representations  on  Shalmaneser's  black  obelisk  show  how 
King  Sua  of  Gozan   and   the  Lord  of  ]\Iusri  (i.e.  the  eastern  mountainous 

*  [Also  written  "  Mada  "  in  a  later  inscription  of  Adad-nirari  III.  This  is  the  true  land  of 
Media,  which  the  Greeks  confused  with  that  of  Mauda.] 


\ 


mkmi 


'HE    0HP:LISK    of    SlIALMANKSEK    II 


THE   RISE   OF  ASSYRIA  389 

[829-783  B.C.] 

district)  sent  him  a  collection  of  wonderful  animals,  double-humped  camels, 
apes,  a  rhinoceros,  an  elephant,  and  a  yak,  besides  gold,  silver,  bronze  vessels, 
and  horses. 

Between  the  great  campaigns  there  were  a  few  smaller  struggles  ;  in  855 
in  the  Masius  Mountains,  in  853  against  the  kings  of  Tel-Ab^ai,  and  in  847 
against  the  town  of  Ishtarat  and  the  country  of  Yati,  districts  south  of  the 
source  of  the  Tigris;  in  848  against  the  unknown  land  of  Paqarakhubuni, 
west  of  the  Euphrates,  and  finally  in  831  against  the  Qurkhi.  The  black 
obelisk  records  that  the  desert  district  of  Sukhi,  on  the  other  side  of  the 
Euphrates,  subjected  by  Asshurnazirpal,  remained  dependent,  and  Marduk- 
bel-usur  of  Sukhi  brings  to  the  king  as  tribute  silver  and  gold,  elephants' 
teeth,  garments,  and  also  stags  and  lions.  In  the  years  852  and  851 
Shalmaneser  advanced  to  Babylon.  The  king  of  Babylon,  Nabu-apal- 
iddin,  had  just  died,  and  his  brother  Marduk-bel-usate  had  taken  up  arms 
against  Marduk-nadin-shum,  the  son  of  Nabu-apal-iddin.  Shalmaneser  went 
to  the  assistance  of  the  rightful  king,  defeated  the  rebels  in  two  expeditions, 
and  presented  rich  gifts  in  the  sacred  cities  of  Babylon,  Borsippa,  and  Kutha 
to  the  chief  gods  enthroned  there.  Then  repairing  farther  southward  into 
the  land  of  Chaldea  proper,  he  vanquished  the  kings  of  Bit-Adini  and  of  Bit- 
akkuri,  and  exacted  tribute  from  Mussallim-Marduk  and  Yakin,  who  was 
ruler  of  the  sea  country,  which  was  subsequently  called  Bit- Yakin  after  him. 

We  see  that  the  unity  of  the  kingdoms  of  Sumer  and  Accad  was  now  no 
more ;  but  that  south  of  Kardunyasli,  the  district  of  Babylon,  there  arose  a 
line  of  smaller  states.  Perhaps  the  South  was  always  separated  from 
Kardunyash  after  the  KossEsan  conquest. 

In  the  last  years  of  Shalmaneser's  reign  his  son  Asshur-danin-apli  ■^.belled 
against  him  with  a  great  portion  of  the  kingdom,  including  Asshur,  Arbela, 
the  town  of  Imgur-Bel,  founded  by  Asshurnazirpal,  Amido,  and  Tel-Abnai, 
on  the  upper  Tigris,  Zaban  on  the  Zab,  etc.  But  another  son,  Shamshi- 
Adad  IV,  quelled  the  insurrection  [and  it  took  him  four  years  of  hard 
fighting  to  dissipate  the  opposition]  and  succeeded  his  father  on  the  throne. 
The  first  campaigns  of  the  new  ruler  were  directed  against  the  Nairi  countries, 
the  mountains  on  the  north  and  east  of  the  Tigris,  and  his  general,  Mushaqqil- 
Asshur,  penetrated  as  far  as  the  "  Sea  of  the  Sunset,"  which  means  as  far  as 
the  Black  Sea.  Then  the  king  attacked  Babylonia ;  a  line  of  frontier  places 
was  taken,  and  [in  the  battle  of  Dur-Papsukal,  in  northern  Babylonia]  King 
Marduk-balatsu-iqbi,  who  had  been  supported  by  the  rulers  of  Chaldea, 
Elam,  Namri,  and  the  Aramaean  races  of  eastern  Babylonia,  was  slain. 

This  expedition  was  repeated  in  the  years  813  and  812  ;  and  other  wars 
the  king  mentioned,  in  shorter  notices,  cannot  be  more  accurately  localised. 
He  made  no  attempt  of  any  encroachment  of  Syria's  rights. 

The  successes  of  [his  son]  Adad-nirari  III  (811-783  B.C.)  are  of  greater 
importance.  In  the  North  and  South  all  the  races  hitherto  subjugated,  in- 
cluding the  Medes,  the  people  of  Parsua,  etc.,  were  kept  in  subjection.  Fre- 
quent mention  is  made  of  expeditions  against  Manna,  Khubushkia,  Namri, 
and  Aa.  The  king  says  that  his  kingdom  was  extended  as  far  as  the  coasts 
of  the  "great  Sea  of  the  Sunrise,"  i.e.  the  Caspian  Sea.  In  800  mention  was 
made  of  an  expedition  ''to  the  sea  coasts"  (i.e.  Babylonia,  not  Syria).  As 
in  Shalmaneser's  time,  all  the  kings  of  the  land  of  Kaldi  (Chaldea)  paid 
tribute ;  in  the  chief  cities  of  Babylonia  the  king  offers  sacrifice,  gains  ricli 
booty,  and  fixes  boundaries.  Many  expeditions  were  moreover  made  against 
the  Aramajan  race  of  Itu'a  which  dwelt  in  Babylonia,  and  these  were  repeated 
in  subsequent  reigns.     "On  the  west  of  the  Euphrates,"  says  Adad-nirari, 


390  THE   HISTORY   OF   MESOPOTAMIA 

[806-774  B.C.] 

''I  subjugated  the  land  of  Khatti,  the  whole  land  of  Akharri,  Phoenicia,  Tyre, 
Sidon,  the  kingdom  of  Israel  (Bit-Khumri),  Edom  and  Philistia  as  far  as 
the  coasts  of  tiie  West  Sea,  and  imposed  taxes  and  tribute  upon  them."  He 
makes  special  mention  of  an  expedition  against  Mari,  king  of  Damascus,  who 
was  besit'ged  in  his  capital  and  forced  to  capitulate,  and  pay  2300  talents  of 
silver,  20  talents  of  gold,  300  talents  of  bronze,  6000  talents  of  iron,  so  that  the 
loot  of  the  Assyrian  king  was  very  considerable.  These  events  cannot  be 
accurately  lixed,  chronologically.  The  chronological  lists  mention  campaigns 
in  80t),  80;"),  and  71>7,  against  Arpad,  Khazaz,  and  Mansuate  in  northern  Syria. 
The  war  against  Damascus  was  included  in  one  of  them,  for  it  led  to  the  pay- 
ment of  tribute  by  the  Pho'uician  cities  and  the  southern  states  (Israel,  Edom, 
and  Philistia ).  [There  exists  an  inscription  of  this  reign  referring  to  Sammu- 
ramat  as  "Lady  of  the  Palace  and  its  Mistress."  There  is  some  reason  for 
conjecturing  that  this  might  have  been  the  woman  round  whose  name  and 
undoubted  prestige  in  so  glorious  a  reign,  clustered  the  legends  of  Semira- 
rais.  No  previous  Assyrian  king  ruled  over  so  great  a  territory,  or  collected 
so  much  tribute  as  Adad-nirari  III,  or,  as  it  is  sometimes  written,  Ramman- 
nirari  III.  After  him  came  a  period  of  decline  in  which  there  are  no  royal 
inscriptions,  and  of  which  our  knowledge  comes  from  brief  notes  in  the 
E])onvni  lists.] 

The  next  king  Shalmaneser  III  (782-773)  also  went  to  Syria  and  made 
war  against  Damascus,  773,  the  land  of  Khatarikka,  772,  and  the  land  of 
Lebanon. 

His  successor  Asshur-dan  III  (772-754)  also  made  war  against  Lebanon 
in  the  years  767  and  755,  and  against  Arpad  in  the  year  75-4.  The  subju- 
gation of  Haraath  probably  occurred  in  one  of  these  expeditions.  Battles 
are  mentioned  against  Babylonia  (in  the  district  of  the  Aramaean  race,  Itu'a 
and  the  city  of  Gannanat)  in  777,  771,  769,  and  767,  in  which  the  city  of 
Kalneh  was  presumably  taken.  But  Shalmaneser  III  was  chiefly  concerned 
in  the  subjugation  of  the  land  of  Urartu,  the  Alarodians.  He  is  mentioned 
not  less  than  six  times  as  taking  the  field  against  them  (781-778,  776,  774); 
but  his  efforts  met  with  no,  or  at  least  no  enduring,  success. 

In  all  probability  the  formation  of  a  great  Armenian  kingdom  with  the 
city  of  Van  (Thuspa  of  the  (ireeks)  as  the  central  point  dates  from  this 
period.  Its  founder  was  Sarduris,  the  son  of  Litipris,  who  was  probably 
identical  with  the  king  Sarduris  who  was  conquered  in  833  by  Shalmaneser. 
In  two  inscriptions  written  in  Assyrian,  he  calls  himself  "King  of  the  land 
of  Nairi."  His  successors  (Ispuinish,  Minnas,  Argistis  I,  Sarduris  II)  then 
utilised  the  Assyrian  writing  for  inscribing  tlie  language  of  their  country. 
For  in  the  same  record  they  call  their  kingdom  Biaina,  whilst  it  is  called 
Urartu  by  the  Assyrians.  The  inscriptions  of  the  rulers  are  rather  numer- 
ous and  written  quite  in  the  Assyrian  style.  They  record  the  buildings  of 
the  kings  in  Van  itself,  where  a  citadel  was  built  by  Argistis,  sacritices  and 
gifts  to  Khaldi  and  the  numerous  other  deities  of  the  Armenian  Pantheon, 
campaigns  and  conquests. 

When  still  co-rcgcnt  with  Ispuinish,  his  father,  Minnas  erected  monu- 
ments in  the  two  high  jjasses  south  of  Lake  Urumiyeh  which  record  his  con- 
quests, and  other  inscriptions  also  relate  his  successes  against  the  land  of 
Manna  and  its  vicinity.  These  battles  presumably  occurred  in  the  latter 
time  of  Adad-nirari  III,  and  are  the  continuation  of  his  campaigns  in  the 
eastern  mountains.  Minnas  also  fought  against  the  land  of  Alzi,  against 
the  king  of  the  city  o;  Milid  (Melitene),  and  against  the  Kheta.  An  inscrip- 
tion on  a  wall  of  rock  on  the  Arsanias  below  an  old  castle  (near  Palu)  records 


THE   RISE   OF   ASSYRIA  391 

[774-745  B.C.] 

among  others  his  successes  in  this  direction.  In  the  north  he  penetrated  to 
and  beyond  the  Araxes;  one  of  his  inscriptions  is  to  be  found  on  the  right 
bank  of  the  river  opposite  Armavir,  and  two  others,  written  by  his  son 
Argistis,  north  of  Eriwan.  The  latter  seems  to  have  been  the  most  powerful 
ruler  of  Urartu.  A  long  inscription  on  the  rock  of  the  citadel  of  Van 
records  his  successes  in  the  land  of  Manna,  which  he  seems  to  have  subju- 
gated, and  also  in  the  west,  against  Melitene,  the  land  of  Khatti  (Kheta),  etc. 

Repeated  victories  over  the  Assyrians  are  mentioned,  which  w^ere  evi- 
dently won  against  Shalmaneser  III  and  Asshurdan  III,  or  their  generals. 
Sarduris  II,  the  son  of  Argistis,  was  also  very  successful  in  both  districts. 
For  it  appears  from  his  inscriptions,  confirmed  by  later  events,  that  Meli- 
tene, Kummukh,  Gurgum,  and  other  princedoms  on  the  Amanus,  became 
feudal  states  of  the  kingdom  of  Urartu,  which  included  the  whole  Armenian 
plateau  from  the  sources  of  the  Euphrates  and  Araxes  across  Lake  Urumi- 
yeh.     How  Sarduris  II  succumbed  to  the  Assyrian  will  be  shown  later. 

The  reign  of  Asshur-dan  III  seems  to  have  been  much  more  peaceful  than 
the  preceding  ones,  for  the  short  chronicle  of  this  period  repeatedly  records 
that  the  king  remained  "  in  the  land,"  and  therefore  undertook  no  campaign. 

The  successes  of  Argistis  were  of  great  importance.  Insurrections  also 
broke  out  in  the  interior  in  the  years  763  to  758,  first  in  the  city  of  Asshur, 
then  in  Arrapachitis  (Arpakha),  a  city  situated  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Upper 
Zab,  east  of  Nineveh,  and  finally  in  Guzanu,  in  the  Khabur  country.  After 
its  subjugation,  Asshur-dan,  as  already  related,  repaired  twice  more  to  Syria 
(755  and  754),  but  it  was  not  possible  with  the  increasing  extension  of  the 
Armenian  power  in  this  direction  to  retain  supremacy  over  the  smaller 
states  of  Syria. 

The  next  reign,  that  of  Asshur-nirari  II  (754-745)  was  still  less  event- 
ful. He  took  the  field  only  in  the  years  749  and  748  against  the  mountain- 
ous country  of  Namri,  in  the  southeast  [and  in  754  against  Arpad]. 
Otherwise,  he  remained  "in  the  land."  In  the  last  year  of  his  reign  the 
chronicle  mentions  an  insurrection  in  Calah.  The  fact  doubtless  was  that 
in  the  spring  of  the  following  year  (746)  the  throne  was  ascended  by  a 
usurper  who  called  himself  after  the  first  of  the  great  Assyrian  conquerors, 
Tiglathpileser. 

Tlie  overthrown  dynasty,  which  went  back  to  Ishme-dagan  and  Shamshi- 
Adad  and  the  ancient  Bel-kap-kapu,  had  held  the  throne  in  uninterrupted 
succession  for  more  than  a  thousand  years. c 

TIGLATHPILESER   III  (745-727  B.C.) 

The  eminent  Dutch  historian  Tiele  calls  the  new  monarch  Tiglathpileser  II, 
but  a  recently  discovered  inscription  of  Adad-nirari  II  speaks  of  his  grand- 
father, Tiglathpileser,  and  so  the  latter,  of  whom  nothing  is  known  beyond 
his  name,  is  now  denoted  the  second  ruler  of  his  name.  Therefore  the  subject 
of  the  present  chapter  is  here  called  Tiglathpileser  III. 

Tiglathpileser  III  mounted  the  throne  of  Assyria  on  the  13th  Airu  (about 
April)  of  the  year  745  B.C.,  and  resided,  says  Tiele,  during  the  greater  part  of 
his  reign  at  Calah  and  Nineveh,  where  he  built  palaces.  He  was  without 
any  doubt  an  Assyrian,  and  not  a  Chaldean,  as  has  been  supposed.  Whether 
he  was  the  rightful  heir,  or  whether  he  was  even  of  royal  blood,  remains 
undecided.  His  real  name  was  Pulu  (Pul,  Poros),  and  there  is  reason  to 
suppose  that  he  was  either  a  military  commander  or  a  younger  son  of  the 
king,  who  took  advantage  of  the  confusion  during  the  last  years  of  the  reign 


392  THE   HISTORY  OF   MESOPOTAMIA 

[747-740  B.C.] 

of  Asshurnirari  II  to  put  the  crown  on  his  own  head.  He  assumed  the  name 
of  the  great  conqueror,  Tiglathpileser. 

He  may  liave  employed  the  tirst  months  of  his  reign  in  restoring  quiet  in 
the  country  and  establishing  himself  securely  on  the  throne.  It  is  only  in 
September  of  the  year  745  (month  Tasrit)  that  he  marches  into  the  field 
and  turns  liis  arms'against  Babylonia.  Nabonassar  (Nabu-nasir)  had  ruled 
at  Babylon  since  747,  but  nothing  else  is  known  of  him,  though  he  seems  to 
have  been  the  founder  of  a  new  method  of  reckoning  time.  Tiglathpileser's 
first  campaign  was  not,  however,  directed  against  him,  at  least  not  imme- 
diately ;  his  lirst  object  was  to  destroy  the  Aramaeans'  and  Chaldeans'  ever- 
increasing  i)Ower  in  that  country.  After  he  had  won  possession  of  the  city 
of  Sippar,  which  lay  between  the  Tigris  and  the  Euphrates,  and  perhaps  even 
of  Nippur  also,  and  had  conquered  Dur-Kurigalzu,  together  with  some  other 
less  important  strongholds  of  Kardunyash,  as  far  as  the  Ukni,  he  subdued 
the  nomadic  Aranneans  east  of  the  Tigris,  reorganised  the  government  of 
the  conquered  territory,  dividing  it  into  four  provinces,  over  which  Assyrian 
governors  were  placed,  founded  two  cities  [Kar-Asshur  Avas  one  and  probably 
Dur-Tukulti-apal-esharra  the  other]  as  administrative  centres  to  preserve 
the  allegiance  of  the  new  territory,  and  peopled  the  new  settlements  with  the 
prisoners  of  war.  The  priesthood  of  Babylon,  Borsippa,  and  Kutha  brought 
gifts  from  the  temples  of  their  gods  into  the  king's  headquarters,  and  thus 
averted  the  danger  which  threatened  their  towns  also.  For  the  time 
Tiglathpileser  contented  himself  with  the  successes  gained.  It  was  not 
at  present  his  intention  to  subdue  all  Babylonia,  or  perhaps  he  was  not 
yet  strong  enough  to  do  so.  Apparently  all  he  desired  was  to  secure  the 
southern  frontiers  of  Assyria  against  the  invasions  of  the  Aramaeans  and 
Chaldeans,  who  were  becoming  more  and  more  audacious,  before  he  ventured 
farther  afield. 

The  security  of  the  eastern  border  was  of  scarcely  less  importance.  In 
the  year  744  he  marched  against  the  ever  turbulent  Namri  which  lay  in  this 
direction  ;  here,  too,  he  compelled  all  to  bow  to  his  victorious  arms,  even 
penetrated  the  western  portion  of  the  future  Media,  and  exacted  tribute 
from  all  the  Median  princes  as  far  as  the  eastern  mountains  of  Biknu.  He 
did  not  proceed  in  person  to  further  conquests,  but  entrusted  the  punishment 
of  those  Medians  who  dwelt  farther  east  to  his  general,  Asshur-daninani, 
who  returned  victorious,  bringing  with  him  rich  booty,  especially  in  horses. 
However,  this  country  was  not  incorporated  in  the  empire. 

His  hand  was  now  free  for  the  re-establishment  of  the  weakened  power 
of  Assyria  in  the  west.  But  one  of  his  most  poAverful  enemies  who  had,  per- 
liaps,  already  stirred  up  Namri  to  resistance,  namely  Sarduris  II  of  Urartu, 
or  (.^haldia,  sought  to  jirevent  this.  When  Tiglathpileser  had  reached 
Arpa<l  in  Syria,  lie  found  his  flank,  and  when  he  would  have  marched  still 
farther,  his  rear,  threatened  by  a  considerable  army  at  whose  head  was 
Sarduris,  and  which  besides  the  hitter's  troops  consisted  of  those  of  the 
nortiiern  Hittite  states  of  Melid,  Gurgum,  Kummukh,  and  Agusi.  The 
defeat  of  the  allies  was  complete.  Sarduris  had  to  abandon  his  camp  and 
seek  refuge  in  flight.  About  seventy-three  thousand  prisoners  fell  into  the 
Assyrians'  hands. 

The  three  following  years  were  not  fortunate.  When  Tiglathpileser 
marched  against  Kummukh  he  does  not  appear  to  have  left  an  adequate  gar- 
rison behind  him  in  Ar[)ad,  for  in  the  year  742  the  town,  and  with  it  the 
key  of  the  west  country,  was  in  the  power  of  his  enemies,  and  he  found  him- 
self obliged  to  besiege  "it  for  three  years.     Not  till  the  year  740  did  he  take 


THE   RISE  OF  ASSYKIA  393 

[740-732  B.C.] 

it,  and  thither  came  Kushtashpi  of  Kummukh,  Rezin  of  Damascus,  Hiram  of 
Tyre,  Uriakki  of  Que,  Pisiris  of  Carchemish,  and  Tarkhulara  of  Gurgum,  to 
offer  him  rich  presents.  One  of  the  Hittite  princes,  Tutammu  of  Unqi,  a 
district  between  the  Orontes  and  the  Afrin,  refused  his  submission.  His 
capital,  Kinalia,  was  taken  for  the  second  time  and  the  whole  country  placed 
under  an  Assyrian  governor.  In  the  year  739  Tiglathpileser  continued  his 
conquest  north-east  of  Arpad,  devastated  Kilkhi,  a  district  belonging  to 
Nairi,  and  conquered  UUuba,  where  he  founded  an  Assyrian  capital  under 
the  name  of  Asshuriqisha.  But  it  was  long  before  the  land  of  the  Khatti 
(Syria)  was  pacified.  Between  740  and  738  no  less  than  nineteen  districts 
belonging  to  the  Syrian  kingdom  of  Hamath,  and  some  other  adjacent  dis- 
tricts, broke  away  from  Assyria,  and  from  some  mutilated  parts  of  the 
inscriptions  it  is  believed  we  may  conclude  that  they  asked  for  help  from 
Azariah  [Uzziah],  the  warlike  king  of  Judah.  At  all  events,  the  latter  at 
that  time  ventured  to  defy  the  power  of  Assyria,  and  Tiglath})ileser  con- 
nected this  hostile  attitude  with  the  rising  of  the  people  of  Hamath.  About 
738  Azariah  was  defeated  and  the  country  of  Hamath  added  to  Assyria. 
Then  the  king  had  recourse  to  his  favourite  means  for  the  suppression  of  the 
sentiment  of  nationality  —  namely,  the  transplantation  of  prisoners  of  war 
in  the  most  extensive  fashion.  Whilst  all  princes  of  any  consideration  and 
even  an  Arabian  queen  now  offered  the  conqueror  their  submission  and 
presents,  he  received  the  joyful  tidings  of  important  successes  won  by  his 
generals  on  the  other  frontiers  of  the  empire.  The  eastern  Aramteans  had 
shaken  off  the  Assyrian  yoke  and  advanced  to  the  Zab,  but  were  driven 
back,  though  with  some  difficulty.  At  the  same  time  the  governor  of  Lul- 
lume  was  harassing  the  Babylonians,  whilst  the  governor  of  Nairi  held  in 
check  the  populations  on  the  northern  frontier.  Booty  and  prisoners  were 
sent  to  the  king  in  the  land  of  the  Khatti. 

The  three  following  years  (737-735)  he  was  occupied  with  expeditions 
in  the  east  and  north-east.  Some  districts  of  Media  were  then  under  the 
Babylonian  rule,  and  now  passed  to  that  of  the  Assyrians.  But  the  most 
important  event  of  this  year  was  the  march  to  Turushpa,  the  capital  of 
Urartu  [Chaldia],  the  residence  of  Sarduris,  on  the  Lake  of  Van.  No 
Assyrian  conqueror  had  penetrated  so  far  as  this,  nor  did  Tiglathpileser 
succeed  in  taking  the  town  in  which  Sarduris  had  fortified  himself  after  his 
first  defeat ;  but  the  power  of  this  dangerous  rival  was  broken  for  a  long  time. 

Tiglathpileser  now  determined  to  bring  the  west  under  his  yoke,  and  did 
not  rest  until  he  had  brought  all  the  Hittite  and  Semitic  countries  to  the 
coast  of  the  Mediterranean  and  the  frontiers  of  Egypt,  except  some  Arabian 
districts,  under  his  sway.  This  took  him  three  years,  from  734-732.  Tlie 
immediate  inducement  to  this  expedition  was  probably  that  Ahaz  of  Judah, 
threatened  by  Rezin  of  Damascus  and  Pekah  of  Israel,  called  in  the  aid  of 
Assyria.  Moreover,  the  last  two  had  probably  paid  no  tribute,  and,  generally 
speaking,  Assyria  needed  little  persuasion  to  fish  in  troubled  waters.  The 
first  attack  was  directed  against  Rezin.  Beaten  in  the  open  field,  he  was 
compelled  to  retreat  to  his  capital.  Here  Tiglathpileser  shut  him  in  ''  like  a 
bird  in  its  cage  "  ;  he  conquered  all  the  towns  round  about,  including  the 
important  city  of  Sam'ala,  and  marched  on,  after  having  destroyed,  according 
to  his  wont,  all  crops  around  Damascus,  and  thus  increased  the  difficulty  of 
transporting  the  means  of  existence.  He  marched  into  Israel  (Bit-Khnmri), 
wasting  whole  districts,  some  of  which  he  added  to  his  empire,  —  for  the 
present,  however,  leaving  the  capital  undisturbed.  The  immediate  goal  was 
now  the  Philistine  Gaza,  wliose  king,  Hanno  (Kiuuiunu),  probably  trusting 


394  THE   HISTORY   OF   MESOPOTAMIA 

[732-7;U  B.C.] 

in  Damascus  and  Israel,  had  at  first  renounced  his  allegiance,  but  now  on  the 
approach  of  the  Assyrian  army  fled  to  Egypt.  The  town  was  taken,  and  a 
rich  booty  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victors.  Askalon,  whose  prince  Mitinti 
had  made  an  attempt  at  rebellion,  was  punished  —  though  probably  not  till 
later  — and  Rukipti,  Mitinti's  son,  raised  to  the  throne.  Shamshi,  "the 
queen  of  Arabia  in  the  land  of  Sheba,"  also  offered  resistance,  but  was  like- 
wise utterly  defeated  and  with  difficulty  escaped  with  bare  life.  Her 
country,  which  is  certainly  not  to  be  confounded  with  the  Sheba  of  the 
South,  became  an  Assyrian  province.  Other  Arab  tribes  submitted  volun- 
tarily,'and  amongst  them  the  well-known  Tenia;  and  Tiglathpileser  appointed 
the  powerful  tribe  of  the  Idibi'il,  as  being  nearest  to  Egypt,  to  be  wardens  of 
the  marches  at  the  gates  of  that  still  mighty  empire.  Now  came  the  turn  of 
Samaria,  the  only  city  of  Israel  which  the  conqueror  had  not  yet  reduced. 
He  appears,  indeed,  to  have  visited  it,  but  not  to  have  besieged  and  taken 
it,  vet  he  raised  Hoshea,  who  had  meantime  slain  Pekah,  to  the  throne, 
or  confirmed  him  in  its  possession.  It  was  longer  before  Damascus  fell. 
It  continued  to  hold  out  for  two  years  more.  That  it  was  then  taken  is 
pr()l)abk\ 

Of  all  the  kingdoms  of  the  West  there  now  remained  only  Tyre  and  Tabal, 
which  latter  lay  much  farther  north.  The  king  did  not  go  in  person  against 
either  of  these  towns,  but  he  sent  Rabshakeh,  who  subdued  them  and  changed 
the  government  in  Tabal,  while  on  Tyre  he  imposed  a  tax  of  not  less  than 
one  liundred  and  iifty  talents  [about  X60,000,  or  $300,000].  Whether  this 
took  place  now  or  later,  cannot  be  said  with  certainty. 

Victorious  over  all  rebellious  subjects  in  his  colossal  empire,  and  dreaded 
by  all  his  neighbours,  Tiglathpileser  now  felt  himself  strong  enough  to  make 
a  direct  attack  on  the  Aramaeans  and  Chaldeans  of  Babylonia,  and  to  conquer 
the  holy  city  itself.  In  the  year  731  he  ventured  and  accomplished  this  act 
of  daring.  In  Babylonia  itself  no  one  seems  to  have  resisted  him,  and  the 
population  seem  rather  to  have  received  him  as  a  deliverer.  He  entered 
Sippar,  Nippur,  Babylon,  Borsippa,  Kutlia,  Kisli,  Dilbat,  and  Erech,  each  in 
tlieir  turn,  and  received  the  protection  of  the  great  gods,  by  offering  them 
sacrifices.  Then  he  fell  on  the  Aramaic-Chaldean  tribe  of  Pekud  (Pekod), 
subdued  it  as  far  as  tlie  frontiers  of  Elam,  continued  his  victorious  march 
through  the  Chaldean  states  of  Bit-Silani  and  Bit-Sha'alli,  wdiicli  soon 
succumbed  to  his  arms.  Nabu-ushabshi,  the  king  of  the  former  state,  was 
impaled  before  the  gate  of  his  capital,  Sarrabani,  and  the  town  levelled  with 
tlie  ground  ;  Zakiru  of  Sha'alli  was  sent  to  Assyria  in  chains,  and  the  capital, 
which  still  offered  resistance,  was  starved  into  surrender.  Bit-Amukkani, 
whose  king,  Ukinzer  (Chinziros),  who  appears  to  have  been  at  that  time  the 
leading  chief  of  the  Chaldeans,  and  consequently  regarded  as  king  of 
Bal)ylon,  was  not  so  easily  overcome.  It  is  true  that  the  whole  country 
was  ravaged  and  tlie  king  shut  up  in  his  capital  of  Sapia ;  that  a  sortie  of  the 
garrison  miscarried;  that  in  fear  of  the  overwhelming  strength  of  Assyria, 
Balasu  of  l>it-Dakkuri,  Nadin  of  Larak  (Bit-Shala),  and  even  Marduk- 
bal-iddin  [Merodoch-baladan]  of  Bit-Yakin  on  the  seacoast,  the  man  who 
was  later  to  become  so  terrible  an  enemy  to  Assyria,  came  here  to  offer 
their  costly  gifts  and  their  submission  ;  but  Sapia  was  not  taken  and  Ukinzer 
not  conquered,  so  that  nominally  he  shared  the  rule  over  Babylon  for  yet 
another  year.  Still,  from  this  time  forward  it  was  not  without  reason  that 
Tiglathpileser  styled  himself  king  or  overlord  of  Babylon,  king  of  Sumer  and 
Accad  ;  he  might  boast  that  he  ruled  from  the  Persian  Gulf  to  the  far  East, 
over  the  coasts  of  the  Mediterranean  as  far  as  Egypt,  and  that  he  had 


THE   RISE   OF  ASSYRIA  395 

[731-726  B.C.] 

extended  his  kingdom  farther  than  any  of  his  predecessors.  He  reigned  for 
three  years  more,  for  the  most  part  in  peace,  as  far  as  we  know.  Of  his 
last  two  years  it  is  reported  that  he  clasped  the  hands  of  Bel ;  that  is,  that 
he  received  the  highest  religious  consecration  as  king  of  Baljylon.  In  the 
year  727  Shalmaneser  IV  succeeded  him  on  tlie  throne.  The  latter  only 
ruled  for  five  years,  and  of  his  short  reign  little  is  known. 

SHALMANESER    IV 

In  the  list  of  the  Babylonian  kings  for  these  five  years,  there  stands,  not 
his  name,  but  that  of  Ulule,  who  was  neither,  as  has  been  believed  hitherto, 
an  independent  prince  nor  a  viceroy  appointed  by  Shalmaneser,  but  none 
other  than  Shalmaneser  himself,  who  also  probably  resided  at  Babylon. 
Perhaps  his  expedition  against   Phcenicia  and  Israel  falls  as  early  as  the 


Assyrian  King  in  his  War  Chariot 


year  of  his  accession.  The  occasion  of  tlie  war  against  Tyre,  whose  king, 
Elulaeus,  at  that  time  stood  at  the  head  of  the  Phoenician  towns,  is  said 
to  have  been  an  expedition  undertaken  by  the  latter  against  the  Khittim  of 
Cyprus.  It  is  more  probable  that  the  Tyrian  king,  like  Hoshea  of  Israel, 
had  taken  advantage  of  Tiglathpileser's  death  to  renounce  his  allegiance  to 
Assyria.  Shalmaneser  again  subdued  Hoshea  and  raised  tribute  from  him. 
At  the  same  time  he  sent  into  Phcenicia  a  part  of  his  army,  which  devastated 
the  whole  country,  and  once  more  made  it  tributary.  After  this  the  whole 
empire  seems  to  have  quieted  down,  for  the  following  year  (726)  was  a  year 
of  peace.  But  the  calm  was  not  of  long  duration.  Scarcely  had  the  Assyr- 
ian troops  marched  away,  when  Hoshea  turned  to  the  Egyptian  king,  in  the 
hope  that  with  his  aid  he  might  free  himself  from  the  yoke  of  Assyria,  and 
from  thenceforward  once  more  refused  the  tribute. 

We  have  here  probably  a  great  conspiracy,  in  which  Iillukeus  was  also 
concerned,  for  Shalmaneser  now  marched  against  both  kings.  He  took 
Hoshea  prisoner,  evidently  after  a  struggle,  wasted  the  whole  land  of  Israel, 
but  at  Samaria,  whose  population  may  very  likely  have  incited  the  king  to 
revolt,  he  encountered  an  obstinate  resistance.  Meantime  the  whole  Phoe- 
nician mainland,  either  from  fear  or  under  pressure  from  the  superior  force 
of  Assyria,  hastened  to  desert  from  Elul.-eus  and  to  submit  to  Shalmaneser. 
The  Tyrian  king  found  himself  under  the  necessity  of  retreating  to  his 
fortress  on  the  ishiud  of  Tyre,  where  he  was  at  once  besieged.  It  was  only 
under  Shalmaneser's  successor  that  Samaria  was  taken  after  a  three  years' 


396 


THE   HISTORY   OF   MESOPOTAMIA 


siege,  and  Tyre  after  one  of  five  years.  We  cannot  but  experience  a  feeling 
of  respect  for  these  two  cities,  which  ventured  unaided  —  for  the  help  from 
Egyi)t  failed,  as  usual,  to  appear  — to  defy  the  gigantic  power  of  Assyria. 

[It  is  l)V  no  means  undisputed  that  Shalmaneser  marched  against  both 
Kluheus  and  Iloshea,  as  Professor  Tiele  states.  Some  of  the  historians 
believe  that  no  action  was  taken  against  the  king  of  Tyre,  and  that  since 
there  are  no  allusions  to  the  five  years'  siege  in  any  of  the  inscriptions, 
Josepluis,  tlie  sole  autliority,  made  a  mistake  in  attri])uting  to  Shalmaneser 
an  attack  on  Tyre  that  was  really  made  by  Sennacherib.] 

The  scanty  records  of  Shahnaneser's  reign  bear  witness  to  material  pros- 
perity. That  lie  was,  as  has  been  thouglit,  a  feeble  ruler,  under  whose 
administration  the  empire  declined,  is  entirely  unproved.  His  early  death 
prevented  him  from  acquiring  the  same  glory  as  his  predecessor,  and  if, 
immediately  after  his  decease,  the  vassals  of  the  empire  raised  the  standards 
of  rebi'llion  in  every  direction,  this  speaks  rather  for  than  against  the  influ- 
ence of  his  personality. « 


CHAPTER   IV.      FOUR  GENERATIONS   OF   ASSYRIAN 
GREATNESS  (722-626  b.c.) 

After  the  death  of  Shalmaneser  IV,  the  throne  of  Assyria  was  taken  by 
a  man  of  doubtful  antecedents,  who  became  the  founder  of  a  very  powerful 
dynasty.  This  king,  like  some  previous  usurpers,  adopted  a  name  famous 
in  Assyrian  history.  He  became  known  to  the  world  as  Sargon  II,  and 
Rogers  says  he  was  not  of  royal  blood  ;  Tiele,  however,  from  whom  we  shall 
quote,  thinks  differently. « 

In  the  year  722  B.C.  Sargon  became  king  in  Asshur.  He  was  an  As- 
syrian of  royal  blood,  who  seems,  however,  to  have  belonged  to  another 
branch  than  that  of  the  dynasty  which  had  ruled  before  Tiglathpileser  III, 
nor  does  he  appear  to  have  been  closely  related  to  the  latter  and  his  succes- 
sor. He  boasts  that  he  restored  to  the  ancient  seat  of  government,  the  city 
of  Asshur,  her  long  usurped  rights,  and  to  Kharran,  the  object  of  his  especial 
favour,  her  former  liberties,  which  had  also  long  been  curtailed.  Evidently, 
therefore,  he  appeared  to  a  certain  extent  in  the  character  of  an  innovator, 
or  rather  as  the  restorer  of  tlie  ancient  order. 

Samaria  fell  shortly  ^fter  his  accession,  and  a  part  of  its  inhabitants  were 
led  away  into  banishment,  to  be  replaced  later  on  by  otliers.  Whether  or 
no  Sargon  was  present  in  person  is  not  clear,  but  it  is  certain  that  he  could 
not  long  devote  his  attention  to  the  western  portion  of  the  empire.  Scarcely 
was  Shalmaneser  IV  dead  before  the  Chaldeans  revenged  themselves  for  the 
humiliation  they  had  suffered  at  the  hands  of  Tiglathpileser.  Marduk-bal- 
iddin  [Merodach-baladan]  of  Bit-Yakin,  at  that  time  tlie  most  powerful 
amongst  them,  since  through  his  timely  submission  to  the  Assyrians  his 
country  had  been  preserved  from  the  miseries  of  war,  had  made  liimself  mas- 
ter of  the  city  of  Babylon,  and  now  ruled  as  king  over  the  wliole  liabylonian 
country.  Sargon  marched  south,  perhaps  in  the  hope  of  recovering  what  was 
lost.  But  in  this  he  was  unsuccessful.  He  did  not  venture  to  attack  Babylon 
itself,  but  turned  his  arms  against  an  Arama3an  tribe,  tlie  Tu'mun,  who  had 
surrendered  their  chief  to  the  Chaldean  king.  The  tribe  was  subjugatod  and 
carried  to  Syria.  Sargon  now  pressed  on  as  far  as  the  town  of  I)ur-ilu  in 
whose  suburb  he  sustained  with  Babylon's  ally,  the  Elamite  king  Khum- 
banigash,  a  hotly  contested  fight,  from  which  he  asserts  that  he  came  off 
victor.  This  campaign,  however,  yielded  no  further  advantages.  Elam  re- 
tained its  independence  and  Merodach-baladan  possession  of  Babylon.     An 

397 


398  THE   }nSTORY   OF   MESOPOTAMIA 

[722-716  B.C.] 

indirect  result  was  that  the  South  had  learned  to  know  Sargon  as  a  military 
commander,  and,  for  the  future,  good  care  was  taken  not  to  molest  him. 

The  danger  threatened  from  another  quarter.  Syria  w^as  up  in  arms. 
At  the  head''  of  the  rising  was  Hamath,  where  a  man  of  mean  origin,  Ya- 
ubidi  or  Il-ubidi,  had  seized  the  government.  Arpad,  Simirra,  Damascus,  and 
Samaria  followed  his  example.  He  found  a  support  in  Hanno  (Khanunu) 
of  (iaza,  who  had  resumed  his  throne,  and  even  in  Shabak,Hhe  Ethiopian 
king  of  Kgvi)t,  whom  Iloshea's  unhappy  fate  does  not  seem  to  have  fright- 
ened fronrendeavouring  to  measure  his  strength  with  the  imperial  might  of 
Assyria.  Even  before  the  allies  could  unite  their  forces,  Sargon,  who  prob- 
ably received  early  intelligence  of  what  was  going  on  in  the  countries  of  the 
Mediterranean  coast,  encamped  before  Qarqar,  where  Ya-ubidi  had  fixed  his 
headcpiarters,  stormed  and  burnt  the  city,  had  the  ringleader  flayed  alive  and 
his  principal  adherents  put  to  death,  increased  his  host  with  three  hundred 
warriors  who  fought  in  chariots,  and  six  hundred  horsemen  from  amongst  the 
conquered,  and  then  marched  south  against  the  allied  armies  of  Hanno  and 
Shabak.  At  Raphia  on  tlie  Egyptian  frontier  was  fought  the  decisive  battle, 
which  turned  out  a  brilliant  victory  for  the  Assyrians.  Hanno  was  taken 
and  carried  off  to  As.syria  with  nine  thousand  of  his  subjects,  and  Shabak 
owed  iiis  safety  only  to  his  precipitate  flight  in  which  he  was  accompanied 
only  by  his  chief  herdsman.  Hezekiah  seems  to  have  thought  it  wise  not  to 
defy  the  victor  ;  perhaps  he  even  sent  Sargon  a  present.  Tyre  also  must 
have  been  pacified  in  this  year  (720). 

Meantime  the  other  enemies  of  the  empire  w^ere  not  yet  cowed.  The 
whole  north,  north-east  and  north-west,  longed  impatiently  to  shake  off  the 
Assyrian  yoke.  In  this  they  were  supported  by  Mitatti  of  Zikirtu,  Rusas  of 
I'rartu  and  Mita  of  Musklie,  who  had  secretly  formed  a  league  over  which 
Sargon  was  to  triumph  only  after  a  long  and  fierce  struggle.  In  the  year 
719  .Mitatti  contrived  to  persuade  some  towns  of  the  loyal  Iranzu  of  Man  to 
revolt,  whilst  Rusas  brought  several  other  towns  under  his  sway.  Sargon 
proceeded  against  them  with  so  much  energy  that  the  instigators  themselves 
held  cautiously  aloof,  while  they  beheld  their  country  laid  waste  and  most 
of  its  inhabitants  carried  into  the  west,  especially  to  Damascus.  In  the  year 
718  unrest  revealed  itself  in  Tabal,  where  Kiakki,  prince  of  Sinukhtu,  refused 
to  pay  his  trii)ute.  Rut  he,  too,  was  soon  led  away  captive  to  Assyria,  to- 
gether with  seven  tiiousand  of  his  subjects,  and  ^Nlatti  of  Atun,  a  faithful 
va.ssal,  was  invested  with  Kiakki's  province.  In  the  year  717  Sargon  had  to 
suppress  a  dangerous  rising.  Pisiris,  the  Hittite  prince  of  Carchemish, 
whicii  was  one  of  the  keys  of  the  West,  attempted,  with  the  support  of  Mita 
of  Muskhe,  to  make  himself  independent.  But  his  city  was  taken,  the 
majority  of  his  subjects  carried  off,  and  an  enormous  booty  stored  in 
Asshurnazirpal's  palace  at  Calah,  which  Sargon  had  restored  for  himself. 

These  (listurl>ances  were  nothing  compared  with  the  war  which  now,  in 
the  year  716,  broke  out  against  Sargon  and  lasted  several  years.  Rusas  of 
I'rartu  had  persuaded  the  chief  men  of  the  Assyrian  provinces  of  Karalla 
and  Man  to  secede,  in  which  he  was  supported  by  Zikirtu  and  by  the  moun- 
tain region  of  Umildish,  which  was  governed  by  a  certain  Bagdatti.  It 
appears  that  the  rebellion  had  sj)read  all  over  the  eastern  frontier,  and  the 
princes  of  western  Media  also  took  arms.  Sargon  boldly  attacked  his  ene- 
mies. He  began  witli  the  country  of  Man,  which  lay  nearest,  soon  got 
Bagdatti  into  his  power,  and  had  him  flayed.     The  chief  men  of  Man  raised 

['  The  word  is  Sib'e,  who  i.s  possibly  Sewe  or  So,  but  many  scholars  differ  as  to  his  identity. 
Winckkr.''  Goodaoeed.e  and  Budee./l 


See 


inckkr,''  Goodapeed,*  aud  Budge./J 


FOUR   GENERATIONS   OF   ASSYRIAN   GREATNESS  399 

[71&-715  B.C.] 

Ullusuiui,  the  brother  of  Aza,  whom  Bagdatti  had  murdered,  to  the  throne 
and  compelled  him  to  join  Rusas's  party,  to  which  the  princes  of  the  Nairi 
states,  Karalla  and  Allabra,  whose  names,  Asshurli  and  Itti,  denote  them  as 
Assyrian  deserters,  also  went  over.  But  scarcely  had  Sargon  set  out  against 
them  before  Ullusunu  and  his  nobles  found  themselves  obliged  to  offer  their 
submission.  Sargon  confirmed  the  former  in  his  kingdom,  and  compelled  his 
two  allies  with  other  petty  chiefs  to  return  to  their  allegiance.  The  terri- 
tory of  the  city  of  Kisheshim  was  ruled  by  a  governor,  Bel-shar-usur, 
probably  a  Babylonian.  Sargon  gave  it  the  name  of  Kar-Nergal  and  made 
it  into  an  Assyrian  province.  A  like  fate  befell  the  west  Median  town 
of  Kharkhar,  which  had  expelled  its  sovereign,  Kibaba,  and  solicited  sup- 
port from  Ualta  of  Ellipi;  henceforth  it  was  called  Kar-Sharrukin  [City 
of  Sargon].  On  this  the  governors  of  other  Median  towns  made  their 
submission. 

But  after  these  isolated  successes  it  was  still  long  before  the  eastern 
states  were  quieted.  In  the  following  year  (715)  Rusas  wrested  twenty -two 
towns  from  Ullusunu,  and  a  certain  Daiukku,  who  is  called  viceregent  of 
Man,  was  involved  in  the  affair.  Khubushkia,  a  state  of  Nairi,  and  the 
neighbouring  districts,  became  refractory,  and  the  territory  of  Kar-Sharru- 
kin, incorporated  only  the  year  before,  again  seceded.  At  the  same  time  in 
the  west  Mita  of  Muskhe  made  an  invasion  into  the  Assyrian  district  of 
Que  [in  eastern  Cilicia]  with  considerable  success.  Nevertheless,  Sargon 
succeeded  in  maintaining  the  upper  hand  at  all  points.  He  reconquered 
Kar-Sharrukin,  fortified  it  more  strongly  than  before,  and  received  the 
homage  of  the  governors  of  twenty-two  Median  cities.  His  general  in  the 
west  was  not  content  with  reconquering  the  toAvns  taken  by  Mita,  but  even 
pressed  southward  as  far  as  the  Arabian  Desert,  and  transferred  the  tribes 
subdued  there  to  Samaria. 

Secure  of  the  west,  Sargon  now  felt  in  a  condition  to  strike  at  the  real 
authors  of  all  the  trouble  in  the  east.  After  Man  and  some  Median  districts 
had  paid  their  tributes,  the  next  thing  was  to  proceed  against  Mitatti  of 
Zikirtu.  So  complete  was  the  overthrow  of  this  prince  that,  after  the  burn- 
ing of  his  capital,  Parda,  and  the  desolation  of  his  country,  he  with  his 
whole  people  sought  another  home.  It  was  a  harder  task  to  subdue 
Rusas,  the  soul  of  the  confederacy.  But  this,  too,  was  accomplished 
by  the  warlike  king.  Rusas  was  defeated  among  his  high  hills.  His 
whole  royal  house,  amounting  to  some  250  persons,  fell  with  his  horsemen 
into  the  victor's  hands,  and  he  himself  only  escaped  with  much  difliculty 
and  hid  in  the  mountains.  Rusas  still  built  hopes  on  one  of  his  allies  ;  if  he 
would  make  a  stand  all  was  not  yet  lost.  This  was  Urzana  of  Muzazir,  a 
former  vassal  of  Assliur,  who  had,  however,  joined  Rusas  as  the  chief  of  a 
kindred  tribe.  In  his  mountain  country,  protected  by  its  natural  strength 
and  almost  impenetrable,  he  believed  himself  entirely  safe.  But  the  daunt- 
less spirit  of  the  ancient  Assyrian  warriors  was  not  extinct  in  Sargon.  He 
piously  commended  himself  to  the  protection  of  the  gods,  assembled  a  care- 
fully selected  body  of  troo^vs,  and  ventured  Avitli  them  on  the  almost  impossible 
enterprise.  When  Urzana  understood  that  the  valiant  hero  was  actually 
approaching  with  his  veterans,  he  fled,  according  to  the  praisewortliy  custom 
of  Asiatic  despots,  with  all  speed  into  the  liiglier  mountains,  leaving  his 
capital  and  his  own  family  to  the  mercy  of  the  enemy.  Muzazir's  fate  was 
now  soon  decided;  with  a  large  number  of  prisoners,  and  an  extraordinarily 
rich  booty,  including  the  two  great  gods  of  the  country,  Sargon  returned  to 
his  own  country.     This  was  the  death-blow  for  Rusas.     The  whole  structure 


400  THE   HISTORY   OF   MESOPOTAMIA 

[71&-711  B.C.] 

SO  laboriously  prepared  lay  in  ruins,  and  filled  witli  despair  he  fell  upon  his 
sword. 

When  Sargon  had  thus  secured  his  empire  against  the  danger  threatening 
from  the  half-savage  barbarians  of  the  north,  he  re-established  order  in  the 
nortliwt'st  and  west.  Next  he  turned,  not  against  the  chief  author  of  the 
trouble,  Mita  of  Muskhe  liimself,  but  against  Tabal,  which  lay  not  far  and 
somewhat  to  the  south  of  Muskhe.  Ambaris  of  Tabal,  to  whom  previously, 
wliik'  his  father  Khulle  was  still  alive,  Sargon  had  amongst  other  tokens  of 
favour  given  one  of  his  daughters  to  wife,  and  whose  kingdom  he  had  increased 
by  the  grant  of  Cilicia,  had  been  ungrateful  enough  to  join  with  Rusas  and 
Mita.  In  the  year  713  Sargon  punished  him  as  he  had  deserved,  and  made 
his  country  into  an  Assyrian  province.  The  same  thing  happened  to  Kham- 
man  and  ^lelid  in  the  following  year.  Sargon  peopled  the  country  with  for- 
eign prisoners  of  war,  and  endeavoured  by  the  erection  of  ten  fortresses  to 
secure  it  against  Urartu  and  Muskhe.  Continuing  its  southward  march,  the 
Assyrian  army  remained  for  a  time  in  the  region  of  the  Amanus,  and  then, 
in  the  year  711,  attacked  Gurgum  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Kuramukh,  which 
became  an  Assyrian  province. 

It  is  very  doubtful  whether  Sargon  took  a  personal  share  in  these  expedi- 
tions. It  was  during  just  these  years  that  he  was  occupied  with  the  con- 
struction of  his  new  residence  of  Dur-Sharrukin.  It  is  certain  that  the 
devastation  of  Ashdod,  which  concluded  the  campaign  of  711,  was  ef- 
fected not  under  the  king's  superintendence,  but  under  that  of  the  king, 
Akliimiti,  whom  Sargon  had  installed  there,  but  who  had  been  expelled,  and 
Vaman,  a  man  of  mean  origin,  raised  to  the  throne  by  the  people.  On  the 
approach  of  the  Assyrian  army  this  hero  fled  to  Egypt,  but  the  king  of 
Melukhkha  (Egypt),  fearing  the  vengeance  of  Assyria,  sent  him  back  loaded 
with  iron  bands.  The  population  of  Ashdod  was  also  carried  away  and  re- 
placed by  other  tribes.  Fortified  by  these  triumphs,  Sargon  could  now 
collect  his  forces  in  order  to  undertake  a  war  which  should  set  the  crown 
to  all  his  achievements.  This  was  the  conquest  of  Babylon,  which  had  been 
for  the  last  twelve  years  in  the  possession  of  the  Chaldean  king,  Merodach- 
baladan. 

Two  years  were  required  for  this  undertaking,  in  which  Sargon  proceeded 
with  great  caution.  Merodach-baladan  was  ready  for  the  attack.  He  had 
not  neglected  to  make  the  necessary  dispositions  and  to  strengthen  his  for- 
tresses. In  one  of  them,  Dur-Atkhara,  which  was  probably  the  nearest  to 
Assyria,  and  whose  defensive  works  he  had  caused  to  be  raised,  he  had  con- 
centrated tlie  whole  military  power  of  the  Aramaean  tribe  of  Gambuli,  and 
had  sent  to  their  assistance  a  portion  of  his  own  choicest  troops,  six  hundred 
horsemen  and  four  thousand  foot.  Sargon  directed  himself  against  this  for- 
tress, and  whilst  he  was  besieging  it,  it  is  probable  that  another  division  of 
liis  army  won  several  successes  in  the  east,  where  it  had  to  keep  the  Elamite 
king,  Shutur-nakliundi,  occupied,  and  prevent  him  from  joining  hands  with 
his  ally.  Dur-Atkhara  fell;  more  than  eighteen  thousand  prisoners  and  a 
great  booty  became  the  spoil  of  the  conqueror,  and  the  rest  of  the  defenders 
hastily  took  to  flight.  The  Assyrian  king  made  the  town  his  headquarters ; 
he  subsequently  gave  it  the  name  of  Dur-Nabu,  and  placed  it  under  an  Assyr- 
ian governor.  The  Khamarani  tribe  which  dwelt  on  the  banks  of  the  Euphra- 
tes, in  their  terror  at  the  approach  of  his  army,  had  already  taken  refuge  in 
the  town  of  Sippar.  At  the  news  of  the  surrender  of  Dur-Atkhara,  and  the 
defeat  of  the  (iambuli,  the  Aram.xan  tribes  of  Rubu,  Khindaru,  Yatburu,  and 
Puqudu,  who  dwelt  east  of  the  Tigris,  and  relied  on  the  protection  of  Baby- 


FOUR   GENERATIONS   OF  ASSYRIAN   GREATNESS  401 

[711-709  B.C.] 

Ion  and  Elam,  withdrew  behind  the  river  Ukni.  The  Assyrians  threw  a 
bridge  across  the  Umlias,  a  river  to  the  north  of  Elam,  and  took  several 
strongholds  there,  whereupon  some  chiefs  of  the  Aramaeans  did  homage  to  the 
king  at  Dur-Atkhara.  They  were  assigned  to  the  new  government  of 
Gambuli.  The  remainder  were  attacked  and  defeated  in  the  territory  of  the 
Ukni,  so  that  of  them  also  many  submitted,  and  were  made  subject  to  Gam- 
buli. Now  the  army  of  Assyria  operating  east  of  the  Tigris  attacked  Elam 
from  Yatburu,  subdued  all  the  surrounding  country,  the  seven  principalities 
of  Yatburu,  with  which  two  fortresses  conquered  from  Elam  were  incorpo- 
rated, and  a  part  of  the  Elamite  territory  itself.  It  compelled  the  forces  of 
the  land  of  Rash,  which  belonged  to  Elam,  to  retire  to  a  fortress,  and  the 
Elamite  king  to  seek  refuge  in  the  high  mountains  of  his  country.  Secured 
against  any  surprise  from  this  quarter,  Sargon  himself  with  the  main  body 
now  crossed  the  Euphrates  into  the  Chaldaic-Babylonian  state  of  Bit-Dak- 
kuri,  whose  capital,  Dur-Ladinna,  henceforth  became  his  headquarters. 

There  was  now  no  room  for  Merodach-baladan  in  Babylon.  Threatened 
on  three  sides,  and  in  danger  of  being  cut  off  by  Sargon  from  his  own  prin- 
cipality, he  and  his  troops  left  the  city  during  the  night  and  directed  their 
steps  to  the  Elamite  part  of  Yatburu,  whence  they  might  advance  against  the 
enemy  in  co-operation  with  Shutur-nakliundi.  I3ut,  although  he  offered  the 
latter  the  most  costly  presents,  the  Elamite  had  not  yet  forgotten  the  lesson 
he  had  received.  He  declined  to  expose  himself  to  new  defeats,  and  so,  per- 
haps, lose  both  land  and  people.  Merodach-baladan  left  Yatburu,  having 
gained  nothing,  and  collected  his  army  in  a  stronghold  of  his  own  country, 
called  Iqbi-Bel. 

Meantime,  at  Dur-Ladinna,  in  Bit-Dakkuri,  not  only  did  Sargon  receive 
the  submission  of  the  inhabitants  and  the  neighbouring  Bit-Amukkani,  but 
the  authorities  of  Babylon  also  came  in  solemn  embassy,  bringing  an  invita- 
tion to  enter  the  holy  city,  with  which  he  immediately  complied.  At  the 
great  festival  of  the  lord  of  the  gods  in  the  month  of  Shabat  (January)  he 
was  permitted  "  to  clasp  the  hands "  of  that  great  Bel-Marduk  and  Nabu, 
the  king  of  the  universe. 

But  still  the  south  of  Babylonia  was  not  yet  subjugated,  for  there  Mero- 
dach-baladan was  still  in  arms.  He  collected  all  his  forces  in  the  immediate 
neighbourhood  of  his  capital,  and  at  the  same  time,  for  fear  of  treachery,  led 
thither  the  population  of  the  ancient  cities  of  Ur,  Larsa,  Kishik,  etc.  Strong 
defences  were  set  up  and  special  canals  dug,  behind  which  he  entrenched  him- 
self with  his  allies.  But  the  great  king  did  not  shrink  before  all  these  obsta- 
cles. Scarcely  was  the  campaign  of  the  year  709  begun,  before  he  marched 
south,  distributed  his  troops  along  the  enemy's  whole  line  of  defence,  and 
inflicted  on  the  latter  so  terrible  a  defeat  that  the  trenches  appeared  as  though 
full  of  blood,  and  the  Suti,  who  had  marched  from  Bit-Yakin  to  the  rescue, 
did  not  venture  an  attack,  but  hurriedly  retreated.  Then  Sargon  fell  on  the 
auxiliaries  and  slaughtered  them  like  sheep.  Terror  noAV  seized  on  the 
Chaldeans'  main  army  ;  Merodach-baladan  left  liis  camp  with  all  speed  and 
retreated  to  his  city.  But  it,  too,  was  soon  taken  after  a  sliort  siege, 
and  with  this  the  power  of  Merodach-baladan  was  broken.  It  is  uncertain 
whether  he  liimself  fell  into  liis  enemy's  hands  or  saved  himself  by  lliglil  ; 
but  probably  the  latter  was  the  case,  for  immediately  after  Sargon's  deatli 
he  is  again  in  a  position  to  take  action,  at  least  if  the  Merodacli-baladan, 
who  then  revolted  against  Sennacherib,  is  the  same  who  was  conquered  by 
Sargon  and  liis  son.  But  for  the  time  Babylonia  was  freed  from  the  Ara- 
maic-Chaldean domination,  and  breathed  again.     Sargon  restored  the  ancient 

H.   W.  VOL.    I.   2d 


402  THE   HISTORY   OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

[709-708  B.C.] 

rights  of  the  natives  which  the  oppressors  had  curtailed  iii  favour  of  the  for- 
eigners. To  the  towns  of  southern  Babylonia  he  gave  back  their  stolen  gods ; 
he  everywhere  showed  himself  extremely  liberal  to  the  temples  and  the 
ancient  religion  of  the  country.  In  all  directions  he  appeared  as  deliverer, 
avenger  of  Uiu  insulted  gods,  restorer  of  the  ancestral  religion,  protector  of 
the  priests  and  of  all  the  natives  of  the  country.  His  triumph  did  not  sig- 
nalise the  commencement  of  foreign  ride,  but,  on  the  contrary,  it  was  he  who 
put  an  end  to  it. 

Sargon's  rejoicings  over  his  victory  were  still  further  increased  by  the 
embassTes  and  reports  which  he  received  one  after  the  other.  Uperi,  the 
king  of  the  island  of  Dilmun,  in  the  Persian  Sea,  did  homage  to  him  while  he 
wiuTstill  at  IJit- Yakin,  and  gave  costly  presents.  When  he  had  marched  from 
southern  Babylonia  to  consolidate  his  dominion  in  the  conquered  countries, 
still  more  welcome  tidings  reached  him  at  Irma'i.  Even  his  great  enemy  in 
the  northwest,  Mita  of  Muskhe,  who  had  stood  with  Rusas  at  the  head  of  the 
confederacy  against  Asshur,  but  who  had  been  overcome  byfthe  governor 
of  (^ue,  now  sent  ambassadors  to  Sargon  with  presents  and  protestations  of 
homage  and  devotion.  When,  finally,  the  king  had  again  returned  to  Baby- 
lon, tTiere  came  envoys  from  seven  districts  of  Cyprus,  "  whose  names  had 
never  been  known  to  the  kings,  his  fathers,  since  the  rule  of  the  god  Sin," 
and  who  offered  him  valuable  gifts  and  kissed  his  feet.  Thus  the  empire  of 
the  mighty  conqueror  stretched  from  the  island  of  Dilmun,  in  the  Persian 
Gulf,  to  the  Isle  of  Cyprus,  in  the  Mediterranean. 

Sargon  returned  to  Calah  in  the  beginning  of  708,  his  fourteenth  year  as 
king  of  Assyria,  and  third  as  king  of  Babylon,  after  spending  some  time  in  the 
latter  city.  Whilst  he  was  at  Calah,  resting  on  his  laurels  —  he  did  not  again, 
himself,  take  the  field  —  and  from  thence  prosecuting  the  construction  of  his 
new  residence  of  Dur-Sharrukin,  not  far  from  Nineveh,  his  armies  had  still 
to  conduct  two  wars,  one  in  the  year  708,  the  other,  perhaps,  in  the  same,  but 
])robably  in  the  following  year.  Urartu  had  to  a  certain  extent  recovered 
from  tlie  ])lows  it  had  suffered  in  the  defeats  and  death  of  its  king,  Rusas; 
and  tlie  new  king,  Argistis,  began  to  grow  restless,  and  persuaded  Prince 
Mutallu  of  Kunnnukh  to  a  revolt  against  the  Assyrian  domination.  Sargon 
sent  a  high'  otlicial  with  a  powerful  army  and  full  royal  authority,  who  put 
Mutallu  to  flight,  taking  the  capital  of  the  province,  and  so  restoring  the 
Assyrian  dominion.  The  rich  booty  was  sent  to  Calah  to  the  king,  and  the 
latter  placed  a  very  strong  garrison  at  the  disposal  of  the  new  viceroy,  to 
prevent  any  further  attempts  at  risings,  and  at  the  same  time  to  constitute  a 
defence  against  Argistis.  But  it  was  once  more  apparent  that  the  Assyrian 
Empire,  as  a  purely  miltary  power,  rested  on  a  tottering  foundation,  and 
couhl  only  be  sustained  by  continued  wars  and  victories. 

Tlie  other  war  was  that  for  the  succession  in  Ellipi  to  the  north  of  Elam. 
There,  after  the  death  of  Dalta,  who  after  some  resistance  had  become  a  loyal 
vassal  of  Assyria,  a  dispute  over  the  inheritance  broke  out  between  his  two 
sons,  Nibe  and  Ishpabara.  The  first  applied  for  help  to  Shutur-nankhundi 
of  Elam  ;  tlie  second  to  Sargon.  The  latter  sent  seven  of  his  commanders, 
who  succeeded  in  defeating  Nibe,  taking  his  capital,  Marubishti,  and  there 
installing  Ishpabara  as  king. 

Sargon,  who,  even  in  the  early  years  of  his  reign,  in  the  midst  of  his  most 
terrible  wars,  had  not  neglected  the  reconstruction  of  palaces  and  temples  at 
Nineveh  and  Calah,  now  devoted  himself  entirely  to  the  realisation  of  a  long 
cherished  plan,  whose  execution  he  had  begun  long  ago.  A  new  suburb  of 
Nineveh,  called  by  his  name,  was  to  come  into  existence  as  a  permanent 


FOUR   GENERATIONS   OF  ASSYRIAN  GREATNESS  403 

[70S-705  B.C.] 

memorial  of  his  fame  and  piety,  and  at  the  same  time  serve  as  a  summer 
residence.  This  was  Dur-Sharrukin  with  its  temples  to  various  gods,  with 
its  palaces  and  gardens,  whose  walls  and  gates,  like  those  of  a  sacred  city, 
looked  to  the  four  quarters  of  the  heavens  and  were  named  after  the  high 
gods,  and  whose  inhabitants,  selected  from  the  prisoners  of  war  of  all  the 
nations  whom  the  king  had  conquered  and  placed  under  Assyrian  magis- 
trates, afforded  a  living  testimony  to  his  mighty  deeds.  On  the  22nd  Tasrit 
(September)  707,  the  gods  were  solemnly  introduced  into  their  temples,  and 
on  the  6th  Airu  (April)  of  the  following  year,  the  king  took  possession  of 
the  new  residence.  He  was  not  permitted  to  enjoy  it  long.  In  the  year 
705  he  fell  by  an  assassin's  hand.  [This  is  doubted  by  some  authorities, 
who  believe  that  he  died  a  natural  death.] 

Sargon  was,  without  doubt,  one  of  the  greatest  princes  who  sat  on  the 
throne  of  Assyria  and  Babylon.  He  was  no  mere  conqueror,  who  thought 
merely  of  increasing  the  size  of  his  empire,  but  also  a  true  king  who  occu- 
pied himself  for  its  welfare.  What  chiefly  strikes  us  in  him  is  the  compara- 
tive moderation  by  which  he  was  distinguished  from  his  predecessors  and  in 
particular  from  his  son  and  successor.  The  horrors  and  devastations  of  war 
were  the  inevitable  accompaniment  of  the  forcible  subjugation  of  the  whole 
of  western  Asia,  and  some  obstinate  rebels  were  punished  according  to  the 
barbarous  custom  of  his  age  and  race.  But  in  general  he  contented  himself 
with  expelling  the  conquered  prince  or  making  him  prisoner.  He  also  re- 
mained faithful  to  tlie  policy  first  pursued  by  Tiglathpileser  III,  namely  that 
of  furthering  the  unity  of  the  empire  by  transplanting  whole  populations  to 
other  districts.  But  in  his  records  it  is  only  now  and  then  that  we  encoun- 
ter the  refined  cruelties  perpetrated  by  the  other  Assyrian  kings,  and  he 
never  dwells  on  them  with  so  much  complacency  as  they  display.  & 

SENNACHERIB 

Sargon  II  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Sin-akhe-erba,  the  Sennacherib 
of  the  Bible,  who  reigned  long  and  gloriously.  The  period  now  in  question 
has  a  double  interest.  It  is  a  time  when  Assyria  is  at  the  height  of  its 
power ;  and  the  interest  that  attaches  to  any  strong  empire  is  enhanced  by 
the  fact  that  the  Assyrians  of  this  period  came  in  contact  with  the  people  of 
Israel.  Sennacherib,  in  particular,  bears  a  name  familiar  to  all  succeeding 
generations  because  of  the  repeated  mention  of  this  ruler  in  the  Hebrew 
scriptures.  Until  the  records  of  the  Assyrian  monuments  were  brought  to 
light,  nothing  was  known  of  him,  except  what  referred  to  his  disastrous 
campaign  against  Jerusalem,  together  with  the  brief  reference  to  his  murder 
by  his  son.  Now,  however,  an  abundance  of  material  is  at  hand  telling  of 
the  deeds  of  Sennacherib.  The  most  important  of  these  records  are  con- 
tained on  large  cylinders  of  the  type  which  many  Assyrian  kings  employed. 
These  cylinders  tell  of  various  campaigns  of  the  great  conqueror,  including 
several  attacks  upon  Israel.  Two  or  three  brief  excerpts  from  the  chroni- 
cles of  Sennacherib  Avill  serve  to  give  an  idea  of  the  phraseology  in  whicli 
these  royal  documents  are  couched.  The  first  two  excerpts  here  selected 
were  translated  by  George  Smith  from  a  cylinder  now  in  the  British 
Museum. 

Column  I  of  this  cylinder  begins  as  follows : 

"  Sennacherib  the  great  king,  the  powerful  king,  king  of  Assyria,  king 
of  the  four  regions,  the  appointed  ruler,  worshipper  of  the  great  gods, 
guardian  of  right,  lover  of   justice,  maker  of  peace,  going  the  right  way, 


404  THE   HISTORY   OF   MESOPOTAMIA 

[70{^-681  B.C.] 

preserver  of  good.  The  powerful  prince,  the  warlike  hero,  leader  among 
kings,  giant  devouring  the  enemy,  breaker  of  bonds.  Asshur,  the  great 
mountain,  an  empire  unequalled,  has  committed  to  me,  and  over  all  who 
dwell  in  palaces  has  exalted  my  servants.  From  the  upper  sea  of  the  setting 
sun  to  the  lower  sea  of  the  rising  sun  all  the  dark  races  he  has  subdued  to 
my  feet,  and  stubborn  kings  avoided  war,  their  countries  abandoned,  and, 
like  Sudinni  birds,  .   .   .  tied  to  desert  places."  i 

Column  1 1  contains  a  record  of  the  campaign  against  the  Hittites : 
"In  my  third  expedition  to  the  land  of  the  Hittites  I  went.  Elulaeus 
kiniT  of  Sidun,  fear  of  the  might  of  my  dominion  overwhelmed  him,  and  to 
a  distance  in  the  midst  of  the  sea  he  fled,  and  his 
country  I  took.  Great  Sidon,  Lesser  Sidon,  Bit- 
Sitte,  Sarepta  Machalliba,  Ushu  Alhzibu,  and 
Akko  his  strong  cities,  fortresses,  walled  and  en- 
closed, his  castles ;  the  might  of  the  soldiers  of 
Asshur  my  lord  overwhelmed  them,  and  they 
submitted  to  my  feet.  Tubahal  in  the  throne  of 
the  kingdom  over  them  I  seated,  and  taxes  and 
tribute  to  my  dominion  yearly,  unceasing,  I  fixed 
upon  him.  Of  Menahem  of  Samsimuruna,  Tuba- 
hal of  Sidon,  Abdilihiti  of  Arvad,  Urumilki  of 
Gubal  (Byblos),  Mitinti  of  Ashdod,  Buduilu  of 
Beth-Ammon,  Kammusunadab  of  Moab,  Mali- 
krammu  of  Edom,  kings  of  the  Hittites,  all  of 
them  of  the  coast,  the  whole,  their  presents  and 
furniture,  to  my  presence  they  carried,  and 
kissed  my  feet,  and  Zidqa,  king  of  Askalon,  who 
did  not  submit  to  my  yoke  ;  the  gods  of  the 
house  of  his  father,  himself,  his  wife,  his  sons, 
his  daughters,  and  his  brothers,  the  seed  of  the 
house  of  his  father  I  removed,  and  to  Assyria  I 
sent  him.  Sharruludari,  son  of  Rukipti  their 
former  king,  over  the  people  of  Askalon  I 
appointed,  and  the  gifts  of  taxes  due  to  my 
dominion  I  fixed  on  him,  and  he  performed  my 
pleasure." 

Full  of  interest  is  the  record  of  an  invasion 
of  Palestine.  Sennacherib,  it  will  be  recalled, 
was  the  Assyrian  that  came  down  like  a  wolf 
on  the  fold,  as  recorded  in  Byron's  stirring  lines.  The  Hebrew  account  is 
from  2  Kings  xix.  35  : 

"  And  it  came  to  pass  that  night,  that  the  angel  of  the  Lord  went  out, 
and  smote  in  the  camp  of  the  As.syrians  an  hundred  fourscore  and  five 
thou.sand;  and  when  they  arose  early  in  the  morning,  behold,  they  were  all 
dead  corpses.  So  Sennacherib  king  of  Assyria  departed,  and  went  and 
returned,  and  dwelt  at  Nineveh.  And  it  came  to  pass,  as  he  w^as  worship- 
ping in  the  house  of  Nisroch  his  god,  that  Adrammelech  and  Sharezer  his 
sons  smote  him  with  the  sword ;  and  they  escaped  into  the  land  of  Armenia. 
And  Esarhaddon  his  son  reigned  in  his  stead."  « 


Sennachkuiu  on  his  Thkonb 
(Layanl) 


['  Rogers,^  whose  more  recent  translation  differs  in  some  respects,  reads  this  last  line,  "like 
a  falcon  which  dwells  in  the  clefts  they  flfd  alone  to  inaccessible  places."  In  Column  II  he 
read.s  the  names  Alhzibu,  Akko,  Tubahal,  and  Hittites  as  respectively  Ekdippa,  Arko,  Ethobal, 
and  West  Lands.] 


FOUR   GENERATIONS   OF  ASSYRIAN   GREATNESS  405 

[705-681  B.C.] 

It  is  hardly  necessary  to  state  that  no  such  record  as  this  is  to  be  found 
on  the  cylinder  before  us.  The  oriental  scribe,  whether  of  Egypt,  Assyria, 
or  Persia,  rarely  made  the  mistake  of  putting  details  of  unfortunate  expedi- 
tions on  record.  Doubtless  Sennacherib  once  invaded  western  Asia  unsuc- 
cessfully, and  quite  likely  a  plague  may  have  decimated  bis  hosts,  but  that 
particular  invasion  is  not  likely  to  furnish  a  favourable  theme  for  the  court 
chronicler. 

An  invasion  of  Palestine  is,  indeed,  recorded  on  the  present  cylinder,  but 
it  is  an  invasion  with  very  dififerent  results.  Listen  to  the  official  account 
of  the  conquest  of  Jerusalem  furnished  by  this  cylinder  of  Sennacherib,  as 
translated  by  Dr.  Budge.  The  scribe  reports  the  king  as  speaking  in  the 
first  person : 

"  I  drew  nigh  to  Ekron  and  I  slew  the  governors  and  princes  who  had 
transgressed,  and  I  hung  upon  poles  round  about  the  city  their  dead  bodies ; 
the  people  of  the  city  who  had  done  wickedly  and  had  committed  offences  I 
counted  as  spoil,  but  those  who  had  not  done  these  things  I  pardoned. 
I  brought  their  king,  Padi,  forth  from  Jerusalem  and  I  stablished  him  upon 
the  throne  of  dominion  over  them,  and  I  laid  tribute  upon  him. 

"  I  then  besieged  Hezekiah  of  Judah  who  had  not  submitted  to  my  yoke, 
and  I  captured  forty-six  of  his  strong  cities  and  fortresses  and  innumerable 
small  cities  which  were  round  about  them,  with  the  battering  of  rams  and 
the  assault  of  engines,  and  the  attack  of  foot-soldiers,  and  by  mines  and 
breaches  (made  in  the  walls).  I  brought  out  therefrom  200,150  people,  both 
small  and  great,  male  and  female,  and  horses,  and  mules,  and  asses,  and  camels, 
and  oxen,  and  innumerable  sheep  I  counted  as  spoil.  (Hezekiali)  himself,  like 
a  caged  bird,  I  shut  up  within  Jerusalem  his  royal  city.  I  threw  up  mounds 
against  him,  and  I  took  vengeance  upon  any  man  who  came  forth  from  his  city. 
His  cities  which  I  had  captured  I  took  from  him  and  gave  to  Mitinti,  king  of 
Ashdod,  and  Padi,  king  of  Ekron,  and  Silli-bel,  king  of  Gaza,  and  I  reduced 
his  land.  I  added  to  their  former  yearly  tribute,  and  increased  the  gifts 
which  they  paid  unto  me.  The  fear  of  the  majesty  of  my  sovereignty  over- 
whelmed Hezekiah,  and  the  Urbi  and  his  trusty  warriors,  whom  he  had 
brought  into  his  royal  city  of  Jerusalem  to  protect  it,  deserted.  And  he 
despatched  after  me  his  messenger  to  my  royal  city  Nineveh  to  pay  tribute 
and  to  make  submission  with  thirty  talents  of  gold,  eight  hundred  talents  of 
silver,  precious  stones,  eye  paint  .  .  .  ivory  couches  and  thrones,  hides  and 
tusks,  precious  woods,  and  divers  objects,  a  heavy  treasure,  together  with  his 
daughters,  and  the  women  of  his  palace,  and  male  and  female  musicians.'' 

It  must  not  be  supposed,  however,  that  either  this  record  of  a  successful 
invasion  or  the  Hebrew  account  of  that  other  disastrous  one  is  altogether 
false,  however  much  the  facts  may  have  been  exaggerated,  or  however 
poetical  the  guise  in  which  they  are  presented.  It  is  merely  to  be  under- 
stood that  the  two  records  refer  to  different  campaigns  or  to  different  i)or- 
tions  of  the  same  campaign,  as  explained  later  by  Professor  Tiele.  It  is 
supposed  by  some  modern  interpreters  that  the  destruction  of  Sennacherib's 
hosts  actually  occurred  through  the  plague.  The  king  himself,  however, 
escaped  to  return  to  Nineveh  and  there  to  continue  his  rule  for  many  years. 
He  was  finally  killed  by  his  own  sons,  as  is  recorded  on  a  contemporary 
Babylonian  document.  What  would  not  the  Hebrew  scholar  give,  could  lie 
find  contemporary  documents  of  these  events  from  the  Hebrew  standpoint, 
instead  of  being  obliged  to  depend  on  records  handed  down,  perliaps,  by 
tradition  for  many  generations,  or  at  best,  copied  from  one  hand  to  another 
for  centuries  ? 


404  THE   HISTORY   OF   MESOPOTAMIA 

[705-681  B.C.] 

preserver  of  good.  The  powerful  prince,  the  warlike  hero,  leader  among 
kings,  giant  devouring  the  enemy,  breaker  of  bonds.  Asshur,  the  great 
mountain,  an  empire  unequalled,  has  committed  to  me,  and  over  all  who 
dwell  in  palaces  lias  exalted  my  servants.  From  the  upper  sea  of  the  setting 
sun  to  tlie  lower  sea  of  the  rising  sun  all  the  dark  races  he  has  subdued  to 
my  feet,  and  stubborn  kings  avoided  war,  their  countries  abandoned,  and, 
like  Sudinni  birds,  .   .   .   tied  to  desert  places."  ^ 

Column  II  contains  a  record  of  the  campaign  against  the  Hittites : 
"In  mv  third  expedition  to  the  land  of  the  Hittites  I  went.  Elulaeus 
king  of  Sidi>n,  fear  of  the  might  of  my  dominion  overwhelmed  him,  and  to 
a  distance  in  the  midst  of  the  sea  he  fled,  and  his 
country  I  took.  Great  Sidon,  Lesser  Sidon,  Bit- 
Sitte,  Sarepta  Machalliba,  Ushu  Alhzibu,  and 
Akko  his  strong  cities,  fortresses,  walled  and  en- 
closed, his  castles ;  the  might  of  the  soldiers  of 
Asshur  my  lord  overwhelmed  them,  and  they 
submitted  to  my  feet.  Tubahal  in  the  throne  of 
the  kingdom  over  them  I  seated,  and  taxes  and 
tribute  to  my  dominion  yearly,  unceasing,  I  fixed 
upon  him.  Of  Menahem  of  Samsimuruna,  Tuba- 
hal of  Sidon,  Abdilihiti  of  Arvad,  Urumilki  of 
Gubal  (Byblos),  Mitinti  of  Ashdod,  Buduilu  of 
Beth-Ammon,  Kammusunadab  of  Moab,  Mali- 
krammu  of  Edom,  kings  of  the  Hittites,  all  of 
them  of  the  coast,  the  whole,  their  presents  and 
furniture,  to  my  presence  they  carried,  and 
kissed  my  feet,  and  Zidqa,  king  of  Askalon,  who 
did  not  submit  to  ray  yoke  ;  the  gods  of  the 
house  of  his  father,  himself,  his  wife,  his  sons, 
his  daughters,  and  his  brothers,  the  seed  of  the 
house  of  his  father  I  removed,  and  to  Assyria  I 
sent  him.     Sharruludari,  son   of    Rukipti    their 

r'^-^— ~    i  \^^^^^^^^  _  ^\   former    king,    over    the    people    of    Askalon    I 
-.,.„,.,  .^L^^  ^3|*  appointed,    and   the  gifts  of   taxes  due   to   my 

'  >  V.  .      WM  \W       dominion  I  fixed  on  him,  and  he  performed  my 

^iJ_^Z^^S3. ^&* pleasure." 

Full  of  interest  is  the  record  of  an  invasion 
of  Palestine.  Sennacherib,  it  will  be  recalled, 
was  the  Assyrian  that  came  down  like  a  wolf 
on  the  fold,  as  recorded  in  Byron's  stirring  lines.  The  Hebrew  account  is 
from  2  Kings  xix.  35  : 

"And  it  came  to  pass  that  night,  that  the  angel  of  the  Lord  went  out, 
and  smote  in  the  camp  of  the  Assyrians  an  hundred  fourscore  and  five 
thousand;  and  when  they  arose  early  in  the  morning,  behold,  they  were  all 
dt'iid  corpses.  So  Sennacherib  king  of  Assyria  departed,  and  went  and 
returned,  and  dwelt  at  Nineveh.  And  it  came  to  pass,  as  he  was  worship- 
ping in  the  house  of  Nisrocii  his  god,  that  Adrammelech  and  Sharezer  his 
sons  smote  him  with  the  sword ;  and  they  escaped  into  the  land  of  Armenia. 
And  Esarhaddon  his  son  reigned  in  his  stead." « 

['  Ropers,(7  whose  more  recent  translation  differs  in  some  respects,  reads  this  last  line,  "like 
a  falcon  which  dwells  in  the  clefts  they  flcil  alone  to  inaccessible  places."  In  Column  II  he 
rt-ads  the  names  Alhzibu,  Akko,  Tubahal,  and  Hittites  as  respectively  Ekdippa,  Arko,  Ethobal, 
and  West  Lauds.] 


Sk.n.nai  iiKKiii  o.\  HI.S  Tjikunk 
(Layanl) 


FOUR   GENERATIONS  OF  ASSYRIAN    GREATNESS  407 

[705-702  B.C.] 

Babylonians,  and  therefore  he  now  bestowed  on  him  the  title  of  "  King  of 
Sumer  and  Accad." 

The  establishment  of  order  in  Babylon  was  turned  to  account  by  Sennach- 
erib for  the  purpose  of  averting  the  danger  with  which  his  eastern  frontier 
was  threatened  by  the  nomads  who  wandered  there,  and  by  the  mountain 
people,  and  also  for  extending  his  empire  in  every  direction.  He  now 
attacked  the  Kasshu  and  Yasubigallu,  by  which  names  we  doubtless  have  to 
understand  those  barbarous  Kossseans,  and  their  allies,  whose  successors, 
centuries  later,  according  to  Diodorus,  still  made  the  Mesopotamian  frontier 
insecure,  and  who  were  related  to  those  Kassites  who  had  so  long  reigned 
over  Babylon.  Their  surest  protection  was  the  inaccessible  nature  of  the 
country.  Steep  mountain  paths  and  thick  forests  made  it  difficult  for  an 
Assyrian  army  to  advance,  while  for  vehicles  it  was  impossible. 

The  king  himself  led  the  march,  and  thus  showed  himself  a  worthy  suc- 
cessor of  the  undaunted  heroes  who  in  earlier  centuries  had  founded  the 
Assyrian  power.  His  chariot  had  frequently  to  be  carried  behind  him,  and 
then  he  mounted  on  horseback  or  performed  the  journey  on  foot  at  the  head 
of  his  troops.  Sennacherib  succeeded  in  taking  their  three  strongholds. 
The  smaller  places  he  laid  in  ashes  and  the  nomads'  tents  were  burnt.  But 
for  greater  security  he  desired  to  bring  the  wild  tribes  under  Assyrian  rule, 
and  to  force  them  to  settle  in  fixed  abodes.  He  selected  Bit-Kilamzakh  as  a 
centre,  fortified  it  far  more  effectually  than  before,  making  it  a  formidable 
fortress  to  keep  the  inhabitants  of  the  country  in  check,  and  peopled  it  with 
captives  whom  he  had  carried  off  in  former  warlike  expeditions.  He  caused 
a  tablet  inscribed  with  the  history  of  this  campaign  to  be  set  up  in  the 
capital,  in  order  that  the  terror  of  the  Assyrian  arms  might  be  kept  perpetu- 
ally alive.  As  soon  as  he  had  subdued  the  Kasshu  he  marched  against 
Ellipi.  Sennacherib  fell  on  the  country  like  a  tempest.  The  two  royal 
seats  Marubishti  and  Accudu,  with  all  the  smaller  towns,  were  taken  by  him 
and  given  up  to  be  plundered  and  burnt,  whilst  all  crops  were  destroyed 
and  even  the  cornfields  delivered  over  to  the  fire.  It  was  with  a  certain 
satisfaction  that  Sennacherib  boasted  of  having  transformed  Ellipi  into  a 
desert,  and  led  away  the  whole  population  with  its  goods  and  chattels. 
When  these  successes  became  known,  a  number  of  Median  princes,  dwelling 
at  a  more  remote  distance,  hastened  to  offer  their  submission. 

Meantime  the  king's  attention  was  directed  to  events  in  the  west.  The  ele- 
vation of  the  young  and  high-spirited  Tirhaqa  to  the  throne  of  Egypt,  probably 
as  husband  of  King  Shabak's  widow,  and  guardian  of  his  son  who  was  a  minor, 
had  aroused  in  some  princes  of  the  strips  of  land  along  the  Mediterranean 
coast  the  hope  that  by  an  alliance  with  him  they  might  shake  off  the  Assyrian 
yoke.  To  these  belonged  Elulseus  (Luli)  king  of  Tyre  and  Sidon,  Zedekiah, 
(Zidga)  king  of  Askalon,  and  above  all  Hezekiah,  the  king  of  Judah.  The 
latter  took  on  himself  the  leadership,  at  least  in  the  south-west. 

Sennacherib's  third  campaign  was  directed  against  this  coalition,  and  is 
probably  to  be  assigned  to  the  year  702  B.C.  With  its  usual  promptitude,  the 
Assyrian  army  marched  on  Phoenicia,  and  thus  attacked  one  of  the  allies 
before  the  rest  had  a  chance  to  unite  their  forces.  Elulaeus  fled  in  haste  to 
Cyprus,  where  Citium  still  belonged  to  him ;  and  all  his  towns  on  the  con- 
tinent, within  a  short  space  of  time,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Assyrian.  All 
the  princes  of  the  other  petty  Phoenician  states  came  that  they  might  offer 
their  submission. 

Sennacherib  immediately  starts  along  the  seacoast  for  Askalon,  southern- 
most of  the  revolted  states,  and  soon  overpowers  it.     Zedekiah,  the  king, 


408  THE   HISTORY   OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

[701  B.C.] 

suffers  the  usual  fate  ;  with  the  hereditary  gods  of  his  house,  his  wife,  his 
sons,  daughters,  brothers,  and  his  whole  family  he  is  dragged  away  to 
Assyria. 

Now  that  the  whole  coast-line  had  submitted,  Sennacherib  turned  to 
I'^kron,  which  lay  farther  to  the  north,  but  more  inland.  But  in  Altaku 
[Eltekeh],  which  lay  south  of  Ekron  and  belonged  to  it,  he  encountered 
some  resistance,  and  was  at  the  same  time  caught  by  an  Egyptian  army, 
whicli  at  last  appeared  to  the  rescue  of  the  Philistine  towns.  According  to 
the  Assyrian  account  it  was  very  numerous  and  was  composed  of  the  troops 
of  the  king  of  Musuri,  and  of  the  bowmen,  chariots,  and  horses  of  the  king  of 
Melukhklia.  Still,  whatever  these  two  names  may  mean  here,  it  is  certain  that 
neither  Tirhaqa  himself  nor  any  other  Egyptian  king  was  leading  the  army, 
but  that  it  was  merely  commanded  by  Egyptian  princes  and  two  generals 
belonging  to  the  horsemen.  These  did  not  show  themselves  a  match  for  the 
powerful  Assyrian  conqueror.  In  spite  of  the  number  of  their  followers 
they  suffered  a  total  defeat,  and  it  does  not  say  much  for  their  skill  and 
courage  that  they  all,  princes  and  commanders,  fell  alive  into  the  enemy's 
hands.  In  consequence  of  this,  the  relieving  army  appears  to  have  retraced 
its  march  to  Egypt,  so  that  nothing  now  stood  in  the  way  of  Sennacherib 
continuing  his  conquests  in  Philistia  and  Canaan.  The  ruling  high  priest 
and  the  princes  who  had  stirred  up  the  rebellion,  he  caused  to  be  put  to 
death  and  their  corpses  displayed  on  stakes  on  the  town  walls ;  such  of  the 
inhabitants  as  had  made  common  cause  with  the  rebels  were  led  away  cap- 
tive ;  the  innocent,  on  the  contrary,  went  free. 

Now  at  last  came  the  turn  of  Hezekiah.  The  following  is  the  main  out- 
line of  what  the  Assyrians  relate  concerning  the  campaign  against  Judah. 
When  it  became  apparent  that  even  after  the  overthrow  of  his  allies,  Heze- 
kiah was  not  inclined  to  give  himself  up  readily  to  the  mercy  of  his  powerful 
enemy,  the  latter  marched  into  his  country.  Forty  strong  towns  besides  the 
citadels  and  countless  smaller  places  were  beleaguered,  taken  by  storm,  razed 
to  the  ground  or  burned,  and  more  than  two  hundred  thousand  prisoners,  with 
a  great  number  of  horses,  asses,  and  camels  were  carried  away  from  them. 
Hezekiah  himself,  Sennacherib  shut  up  in  his  capital,  Jerusalem  (Ursalimmu), 
like  '^  a  bird  in  its  cage."  But  the  town  was  in  a  strong  position  and  pro- 
vided with  a  good  garrison.  Hezekiah  had  not  only  assembled  his  faithful 
warriors,  but  had  also  enlisted  a  number  of  Arabian  soldiers.  When  these, 
however,  required  pay,  and  in  case  of  refusal  threatened  to  withdraw,  Heze- 
kiah—  the  Assyrian  says  from  dread  of  the  glory  of  Asshur  —  paid  the 
heavy  tribute  which  Sennacherib  demanded  of  him  —  namely,  thirty  talents 
of  gold  [about  X9000  or  145,000]  and  three  hundred  talents  of  silver,  besides 
precious  stones,  woods,  and  other  articles,  and  also  sent  to  Nineveh  his 
daugliters  and  the  women  of  the  palace,  accompanied  by  male  and  female 
slaves  together  with  an  envoy,  who  was  at  the  same  time  commissioned  to 
proffer  his  master's  homage. 

From  this  narrative  no  one  who  did  not  know  the  official  style  of  the 
Assyrian  historical  writers  would  guess  that  Jerusalem  was  not  taken,  and 
that  Sennacherib,  with  the  remainder  of  his  army,  was  obliged  to  quit  Judah 
with  all  possible  si)eed.  But  it  was  not  their  business  to  report  failures  of 
this  kind.  Doubtless  in  this  account  of  the  course  of  Sennacherib's  cam- 
paign, tlie  main  features  are  correct  and  also  described  in  the  right  chrono- 
logical order.  It  is  certain  that,  after  the  overthrow  of  Phoenicia,  the  king 
found  it  advisable  first  to  reduce  the  small  Philistine  states  on  the  seacoast 
to  obedience  that  he  might  then  attack  the  Jewish  king,  who  at  last,  when 


FOUR   GENERATIONS   OF  ASSYRIAN   GREATNESS  409 

[701  B.C.] 

he  had  been  deprived  of  everything  save  his  capital,  and  when  his  o\yn 
soldiers  were  deserting  him,  saw  himself  compelled  to  produce  the  war-tax 
demanded.  The  assertion  that  he  sent  it  by  an  envoy  to  Nineveh  cannot 
possibly  be  correct,  and  must  have  been  invented  for  the  purpose  of  rounding 
off  the  narrative  without  relating  the  true  issue  of  the  affair. 

We  possess  two  traditions  concerning  the  close  of  the  war  which,  though 
they  may  differ  from  one  another  in  other  respects,  agree  in  this,  that  an 
extraordinary  event  unexpectedly  compelled  Sennacherib  to  return  with 
some  precipitation  to  Assyria.  One  is  the  biblical  tradition ;  the  other  is 
the  account  of  Herodotus.^ 

The  biblical  account,  as  found  in  2  Kings,  we  have  already  quoted. 
The  account  of  Herodotus  relates  to  a  certain  king  Sethos,  a  priest  of  Vul- 
can (believed  to  represent  Shabak  of  the  XXV th  Dynasty).  This  king,  says 
Herodotus,  treated  the  military  of  Egypt  with  extreme  contempt,  and  as  if 
he  had  no  occasion  for  their  services.  Among  other  indignities  he  deprived 
them  of  their  arurte,  or  fields  of  fifty  feet  square,  which,  by  way  of  reward, 
his  predecessors  had  given  to  each  soldier ;  the  result  was  that,  when  Sen- 
nacherib, king  of  Arabia  and  Assyria,  attacked  Egypt  with  a  mighty  armj^ 
the  warriors  whom  he  had  thus  treated  refused  to  assist  him.  In  this  per- 
plexity the  priest  retired  to  the  shrine  of  his  god,  before  which  he  lamented 
his  danger  and  misfortunes ;  here  he  sunk  into  a  profound  sleep,  and  his 
deity  promised  him,  in  a  dream,  that  if  he  marched  to  meet  the  Assyrians, 
he  should  experience  no  injury,  for  that  he  would  furnish  him  with  assistance. 
The  vision  inspired  him  with  confidence ;  he  put  himself  at  the  head  of  his 
adherents  and  marched  to  Pelusium,  the  entrance  of  Egypt :  not  a  soldier 
accompanied  the  party,  which  was  entirely  composed  of  tradesmen  and  arti- 
sans. On  their  arrival  at  Pelusium,  so  immense  a  number  of  mice  infested 
by  night  the  enemy's  camp  that  their  quivers  and  bows,  together  with  what 
secured  their  shields  to  their  arms,  were  gnawed  in  pieces.  In  the  morning 
the  Arabians,  finding  themselves  without  arms,  fled  in  confusion,  and  lost 
great  numbers  of  their  men.  There  is  now  to  be  seen  in  the  temple  of  Vul- 
can a  marble  statue  of  this  king,  having  a  mouse  in  his  hand,  and  with  this 
inscription,  "  Whoever  thou  art,  learn,  from  my  fortune,  to  reverence  the 
gods."c 

Taking  together  all  the  circumstances  in  which  the  somewhat  contradic- 
tory reports  are  agreed,  we  may  picture  the  course  of  events  as  follows : 
On  the  advance  of  the  Assyrian  king,  Hezekiah  collects  his  picked  men,  who 
are  reinforced  by  foreign  soldiers,  in  his  capital,  and  resolves  to  defend  it. 
Meantime  the  Assyrian  army  overruns  the  whole  of  Judah,  takes  one  fortified 
town  after  another,  and  all  the  citadels  and  smaller  places,  and  Sennacherib 
has  penetrated  as  far  as  Libnah,  a  small  town  lying  in  the  south-west  of  the 
Jewish  territory.  There  he  learns  that  Tirhaqa  is  approaching  with  an 
Egyptian  army,  to  fight  against  him  and  liberate  Judah.  So  long  as  the 
capital  is  not  yet  in  his  power,  and  Judah  consequently  not  wholly  subdued, 
he  cannot  go  out  against  him  without  losing  all  the  advantages  gained.  He 
will  therefore  try  whether  he  cannot,  by  threatening  Hezekiah,  induce  him 
to  deliver  up  the  town  of  his  own  accord ;  and  he  sends  him  messengers  with 
letters  peremptorily  calling  on  him  to  submit.  liut  with  prophetic  fire 
Isaiah  pours  out  his  wrath  at  the  insults  offered  to  Jehovah  by  this  servant 
of  Asshur,  and  vehemently  urges  steadfast  resistance. 

Sennacherib  meantime  continues  his  victorious  march,  and  now  that  he 
is  master  of  all  Judah  with  the  sole  exception  of  the  capital,  he  can  detach 
a  part  of  his  array.     If  Hezekiah  will  not  yield  of  his  own  free  will  he  must 


410  THE   HISTORY   OF   MESOPOTAMIA 

[701-696  B.C.] 

be  compelled  to  do  so.  A  strong  body  of  troops  under  the  leadership  of  the 
Rabshakeh,  or  generalissimo,  marched  against  the  strong  fortress  and  closely 
beset  it  on  all  sides.  But  it  is  the  Rabshakeh  who  chiefly  figures  in  the 
foreground  of  the  affair.  The  Hebrews  tell  of  his  efforts  to  induce  the 
people  and  the  garrison  of  Jerusalem  to  desert  their  king.  He  sought  to 
attain  this  end  by  means  of  scornful  speeches  on  the  helplessness  of  judah. 

Hezekiah,  perhaps  again  spurred  on  by  Isaiah,  who  still  continues  to 
trust  in  a  miraculous  deliverance,  does  not  give  way  at  once,  but  defends  the 
city  against  a  superior  foe  for  some  time,  though  it  was  the  only  toAvn  that 
remaiiied  to  him  and  was  as  isolated  and  forsaken  "  as  a  cottage  in  a  vine- 
yard, as  a  lodge  in  a  garden  of  cucumbers."  But  at  last,  when  famine  in 
the  town  lias  reached  its  highest  pitch  and  signs  of  impatience  and  discontent 
manifest  tliouiselves  among  the  garrison,  he  makes  up  his  mind  to  submission, 
and  sends  a  messenger  to  Lachish  to  iuijuire  the  terms  of  surrender.  They 
are  very  hard.  But  there  is  no  longer  any  choice,  and  he  tenders  the  Assyrian 
conquerors  the  amount  required  at  the  hand  of  the  envoy,  who  subsequently 
accompanied  it  to  Nineveh.  Whether  the  siege  was  thereupon  immediately 
raised,  or  whether  it  was  thought  well  to  keep  the  town  still  under  observa- 
tion until  the  contest  with  Egypt  was  decided,  we  cannot  say  positively. 
But,  as  a  great  misfortune,  either  pestilence  or  some  other  natural  phe- 
nomenon, actually  did  soon  after  smite  the  Assyrian  army,  and  the  whole 
of  the  conqueror's  force,  reduced  to  a  miserable  handful,  quitted  Judah  and 
the  West,  the  true  believers  among  the  Egyptians  and  Israelites  saw  in  it  a 
miraculous  deliverance  which  the  gods  had  sent  them,  and  the  latter  at  the 
same  time  regarded  it  as  a  fulfilment  of  the  prophecies  of  Isaiali,  which  at 
first  did  not  seem  to  be  coming  true. 

Of  course  the  event  had  not  in  reality  the  importance  which  the  grateful 
Egyptians  and  Israelites  attributed  to  it.  Although  it  secured  them  relief, 
and  Sennacherib's  army  was  so  weakened  that  he  thought  it  advisable  to 
beat  a  hasty  retreat,  yet  his  supremacy  over  Phoenicia  and  Canaan  remained 
for  a  long  time  unshaken,  and  in  the  following  year  he  Avas  again  in  the  field 
with  a  i)owerful  army.  Subsequently  he  appears  again  to  have  marched 
westward  and  to  have  made  a  particular  fight  against  Arabia  and  Edom. 
But  it  does  not  appear  that  in  this  campaign  he  also  made  war  against 
Phoenicia,  Philistia,  and  Judah,  as  he  certainly  would  not  have  failed  to  do 
liad  traces  of  insul)ordination  showed  themselves.  The  chastisement  had 
been  too  severe,  and  the  country  was  too  greatly  exhausted. 

In  the  year  700  h.c.  Sennacherib's  presence  was  again  required  in  Baby- 
lonia. It  was  the  third  and  last  year  of  Bel-ibni's  rule  at  Babylon.  Sen- 
nacherib liad  him  brought  to  Assyria,  together  with  his  whole  family.  He 
had  proved  unequal  to  the  task  which  Sennacherib  had  assigned  him. 

After  the  victories,  which  intimidated  even  Elam,  Sennacherib  went  to 
Babylon,  and  there  in  place  of  Bel-ibni,  set  up  his  own  eldest  son  Asshur- 
nadin-shum  on  the  throne  as  king  of  Sumer  and  Accad.  His  six  years'  reign 
began  in  the  year  700  B.C.,  and  now  Sennacherib  thought  himself  safe  from 
the  macliinations  of  Chaldean  pretenders. 

For  some  years  he  had  really  had  his  hands  free  in  the  south.  He 
employed  the  time  in  bringing  into  subjection  some  of  the  north-western 
neighbours  of  his  emi)ire.  This  campaign,  which  the  Assyrians  reckon  as 
the  fifth,  and  wliich  must  have  taken  place  somewhere  between  699  and  696, 
eiuU'd  with  a  war  in  Cilicia.  According  to  Berosus  it  was  occasioned  by  a 
(Jreek  invasion,  and  the  Assyrian  army  ol)tained  the  victory  only  after  suf- 
fering great  loss.     Abydenus  even  speaks  of  a  sea-fight  on  the  Cilician  coast, 


I 


I 


FOUR   GENERATIONS   OF  ASSYRIAN   GREATNESS  411 

[700-696  B.C.] 

in  which  the  Greek  fleet  was  worsted.  Both  historians  agree  in  this,  that 
Sennacherib  immortalised  his  famous  deeds  by  the  erection  of  his  statue  or 
the  setting  up  of  bronze  pUlars  with  inscriptions,  and  that  he  built  the  town 
of  Tarsus,  which  he  called  Tharsin,  so  that  the  Cydnus  flowed  through  it 
as  the  Arazanes  (Aralshtu)  through  Babylon.  Strange  as  it  may  seem,  the 
Assyrians  themselves  make  no  mention  of  the  foundation  of  this  important 
town,  but  Berosus  is  too  credible  a  witness  for  his  statement  to  be  rejected. 

Even  before  694  Sennacherib  had  busied  himself  in  the  preparations  of 
a  great  plan.  Merodach-baladan  had  sought  and  found  in  Nagitu,  on  the 
coast  of  Elam,  a  refuge  and  place  of  security  where  he  believed  his  deadly 
enemy  could  not  reach  him.  After  the  latter 's  expedition  against  Bit-Yakin 
in  the  year  700,  the  remainder  of  the  population  of  that  territory  had  found 
it  expedient  to  take  ships  with  their  gods,  as  their  master  had  done,  and 
cross  to  the  region  where  the  latter  had  taken  up  his  abode.  Sennach- 
erib aj)parently  feared  that  this  new  state  would  prove  a  source  of  danger 
to  the  province  entrusted  to  his  son ;  all  the  more  since  Merodach-baladan 
had  now  become  a  vassal  of  Elam,  Asshur's  ancient  and  hereditary  enemy. 
The  difficulty  was  great,  particularly  as  Nagitu  was  not  accessible  from 
the  land  side,  without  passing  through  Elamite  territory.  He  had  among 
his  captives  shipbuilders  from  Kliatti,  and  he  set  them  to  work  at  Nineveh 
on  the  Tigris  and  Tel-Barsip  on  the  Euphrates.  The  ships  were  towed 
down  the  Euphrates  and  the  Tigris  [or  they  may  have  been  transported 
overland  by  camels] .  They  were  manned  by  Tyrian,  Sidonian,  and  Ionic 
seamen,  who  were  also  prisoners  of  war.  He,  himself,  had  meantime 
marched  to  the  Persian  Gulf  with  his  army,  and  had  fixed  his  camp  close 
to  the  ships.  From  the  description  of  the  voyage  it  is  evident  what  a 
deep  impression  this  very  unusual  expedition  made  on  the  Assyrians.  Even 
before  they  set  sail  they  made  an  luiexpected  acquaintance  with  the  sea, 
which  they  believed  four  hours'  distance  away;  they  may  perhaps  have 
been  aware  that,  even  so  far  up  as  Bab-Salimeti,  the  river  was  subject  to  the 
ebb  and  flow ;  but  a  spring  flood,  which  suddenly  laid  the  camp  under  water, 
and  even  made  its  way  into  the  royal  tent,  took  them  by  surprise.  They 
had  to  seek  refuge  on  the  ships  and  remain  on  them  five  days  and  nights, 
"  as  in  a  great  bird-cage,"  says  Sennacherib.  Whether  this  experience  of 
life  on  shipboard  was  enough  for  the  bold  monarch,  or  whether  he  had  no 
intention  of  taking  part  in  the  maritime  expedition,  it  is  certain  that  he  did 
not  leave  the  shore.  The  transports  were  taken  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Euphrates ;  costly  sacrifices  to  Ea,  the  sea  god,  among  which  were  a  golden 
ship  and  a  golden  fish,  were  thrown  into  the  rivers  to  obtain  his  protection 
for  the  fleet,  and  then  it  set  sail.  It  is  not  told  how  long  the  voyage  lasted, 
but  merely  that  the  country  whither  they  went  lay  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Eulaeus  (Ulai),  the  chief  river  of  Elam.  There  the  great  battle  was  fought, 
and  of  course  the  Assyrians  came  off  the  victors.  They  took  possession  of 
various  Elamite  towns,  and  carried  off  the  Chaldeans  and  all  the  goods  from 
Bit-Yakin,  together  with  a  number  of  Aramaeans  and  captured  ships,  to 
Bab-Salimeti,  where  the  king  awaited  them.  Of  Merodach-baladan  not  a 
word  is  said.  Therefore  he  did  not  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  Assyrians,  and 
was  not  robbed  of  his  sovereignty  by  the  defeat.  Thus  far,  at  least,  the 
victory  was  of  no  lasting  significance  ifor  the  Assyrians.  It  appears  simply 
to  have  destroyed  the  prosperity  of  the  Chaldean  colony  for  some  time,  and 
to  have  deterred  the  indefatigable  adversary  from  direct  attacks.  But  this 
extraordinary  and  costly  expedition  shows  how  greatly  he  was  dreaded  and 
with  what  implacable  hatred  his  house  was  pursued  by  that  of  Sargon. 


412  THE   HISTORY   OF   MESOPOTAMIA 

[696-692  B.C.] 

While  the  Assyrian  king  was  engaged  in  the  seacoast  war,  Khallus,  the 
king  of  Elam,  instigated  by  the  Babylonians  who  had  left  the  town  in  good 
time  with  Merodach-baladan  and  had  sought  refuge  with  him,  invaded 
Acead  with  his  army,  penetrated  as  far  as  Sippar,  where  he  instituted  a  mas- 
sacre, and  brought  Assiiur-nadin-shum  prisoner  to  Elam.  On  the  Babylonian 
throne  he  set  up  a  Babylonian,  Suzub,  son  of  Gakhul.  It  is  a  characteristic 
trait  tliat  the  Assyrian'  account  is  silent  as  to  the  unhappy  fate  which  over- 
took Sennacherib's  oldest  son.  Suzub,  on  his  accession  to  the  throne,  took 
the  name  of  Negal-ushezib.  He  is  the  Regebelos  of  the  Ptolemaic  Canon,  and 
must  l)e  cari'fuily  distinguished  from  the  Chaldean  Suzub  who  did  not  reign 
over  Babylon  till  a  later  date  (692)  and  under  another  name. 

But  the  ni'w  king  was  lord  over  only  part  of  the  country.  The  whole 
South  was  still  in  the  hands  of  the  Assyrians  and  had  to  be  conquered  by 
him. 

About  June,  (i04  or  093,  he  succeeded  in  getting  possession  of  Nippur, 
but  his  farther  advance  was  checked  by  the  tidings  that  the  Assyrians  had 
meantime  marched  as  far  as  Erech.  Sennacherib  immediately  despatched 
a  large  force  against  the  king  of  Elam,  whom  he  rightly  regarded  as  the  chief 
author  of  all  the  trouble.  Erech  fell  and  was  sacked,  and,  laden  with  rich 
booty,  including  even  the  chief  gods  of  the  sacred  city,  the  Assyrians 
marched  forward.  At  Nippur,  Nergal-ushezib  awaited  them,  and  in  the 
battle  which  followed  he  remained  victor.  But  his  rule  was  of  short  dura- 
tion. As  to  the  end  of  his  reign  the  Babylonian  and  Assyrian  records  are 
agreed.  The  former  asserts  that,  after  the  Assyrians  had  carried  away  the 
gods  and  inhabitants  of  Erech,  Nergal-ushezib  was  taken  prisoner  in  the 
battle  at  Nippur  and  conducted  to  Ass3a-ia.  According  to  the  second,  lie 
was  thrown  from  liis  horse  in  the  battle,  taken  prisoner  and  brought  in 
chains  before  Sennacherib,  who  then  shut  him  up  in  prison  at  the  gate  of 
Nineveh.     The  two  accounts  seem  to  make  the  story  complete. 

After  the  misfortune  that  had  overtaken  their  king,  the  Babylonians 
bestowed  the  crown  on  Suzub  the  Chaldean,  who  had  also  fled  to  Elam.  He 
reigned  independently  for  four  years,  under  the  name  of  Mushezib-Marduk. 
The  Assyrians  consequently  content  themselves  with  mentioning  several 
advantages  won  by  them  over  the  Elamites,  and  also  relating  that  they  took 
Suzub  prisoner  on  their  march  from  Erech  to  Asshur.  They  themselves 
practically  acknowledged  that  Babylon  did  not  fall  into  their  hands,  when 
they  inform  us  that,  after  Suzub's  capture,  the  Babylonians  closed  their  city 
gates  against  the  Assyrians  and  offered  an  obstinate  resistance. 

So  far  as  we  may  judge,  the  whole  of  this  campaign  of  Sennacherib's  was 
a  political  blunder,  which  does  not  speak  well  for  his  sagacity.  There  was 
in  fact  nothing  to  be  feared  from  Merodach-baladan ;  the  real  peril,  which 
threatened  from  Elam,  escaped  the  Assyrian  king.  The  maritime  expedi- 
tion undertaken  at  so  much  labour  and  expense,  was  more  adventurous  than 
glorious,  and  failed  in  its  main  object  :  the  arch  enemy,  at  whom  it  was 
aimed,  retained  his  liberty  and  his  kingdom.  And  meantime  Babylon  was 
left  without  protection,  and  Sennacherib's  own  son  was  bereft  of  throne  and 
freedom.  He  had  not  even  provided  liimself  with  sufficient  forces  to  avenge 
the  descent  of  the  Elamites  and  reconquer  the  lost  territory.  The  sole  fruit 
of  the  campaign  (exclusive  of  booty  and  prisoners)  was  the  carrying  away 
of  a  Babylonian  king,  whose  place  was  at  once  taken  by  another  prince,  not 
less  hostile.  A  poor  compensation  for  the  loss  of  the  capital,  the  whole 
terntory  belonging  to  it  and  of  his  own  son  !  Under  Sennacherib's  gov- 
ernment it  was  continually  apparent  that  only  under  compulsion  had  the 


FOUR   GENERATIONS   OF  ASSYRIAN   GREATNESS  413 

[692  B.C.] 

Babylonians  submitted  to  the  yoke  of  the  Assyrians,  and  that  they  preferred 

to  unite  with  Elam  rather  than  again  obey  a  Sargonid. 

In  Elam,  meantime,  a  rising  took  place  against  Khallus,  possibly  because 
he  had  been  unsuccessful  in  his  war  against  Assyria.  [He  was  killed  in 
the  uprising.]  Kudur-nankhundi  became  king  in  his  stead.  Sennacherib 
thought  this  a  favourable  opportunity  to  attack  his  old  enemies,  the  Elamites. 
It  was  in  692,  probably,  that  he  took  advantage  of  Elam's  disordered  con- 
dition to  inflict  a  heavy  punishment  on  that  country.  F'rom  Rasa  to  Bit- 
Burnaki  he  ravaged  and  plundered  to  his  heart's  content.  He  introduced 
Assyrian  garrisons  and  placed  the  territory  under  the  care  of  a  governor. 
Besides  this,  he  took  thirty-five  fortified  towns.  Such  was  the  devastation 
"  that  the  smoke  of  the  flames  covered  the  face  of  the  wide  heaven  like  a 
heavy  storm,"  and  so  great  was  the  terror  he  spread  that  Kudur-nankhundi 
left  his  residence  at  Madaktu  in  all  haste,  and  fled  to  a  town  called  Khaidala, 
which  lay  far  up  in  the  mountains.  But  nature  saved  him  from  the  hands 
of  the  Assyrians.  Sennacherib  did  indeed  give  orders  to  march  to  Madaktu, 
but  he  could  not  carry  his  intention  into  effect.  It  was  winter,  and  in 
(Tebet)  December  an  earthquake,  coupled  with  storms  of  rain  and  snow, 
compelled  him  to  retreat.  The  mountain  streams  were  so  swollen  that  no 
army  could  now  cross  them  with  safety.  Only  three  months  afterwards 
Kudur-nankhundi  died  "suddenly,  before  his  time,"  and  his  own  brother 
Umman-minanu  mounted  the  throne.  Scarcely  had  Umman-minanu  assumed 
the  sceptre  of  Elam  than  he  allowed  himself  to  be  beguiled  into  an  alliance 
with  Babylon  against  Asshur.  At  Babylon  noAv  reigned  Suzub  II,  the 
Chaldean,  IMushezib-Marduk.  After  his  flight  from  Sennacherib,  in  the  year 
700  or  699,  he  had  returned  to  Babylon,  where,  after  the  misfortunes  that 
overtook  his  namesake,  he  was  made  king,  no  doubt  to  the  great  chagrin  of 
the  Assyrians.  When  he  sent  gold  and  silver  from  the  treasury  of  E-sagila, 
the  great  temple  of  Marduk  and  Zarpanit,  to  the  Elamite  king,  he  found  the 
latter  prepared  to  collect  an  army  at  once  and  march  with  it  to  Babylon  for 
a  joint  attack  upon  Asshur.  Sennacherib  was  astounded  that  the  lesson  he 
had  imparted  to  Elam  in  the  previous  year  had  borne  no  better  fruit.  But 
the  Chaldeans  and  Elamites  had  good  ground  to  hope  for  success.  The 
Assyrian's  latest  victories  had  not  been  rich  in  lasting  results.  He  had  not 
succeeded  in  conquering  Babylon.  He  had  been  obliged  to  retreat  hastily 
from  Elam.  He  had  not  been  able  to  defend  Chaldea.  Moreover,  the  kings 
of  Babylon  and  Elam  could  now  count  on  a  number  of  allies.  The  number 
of  the  enemy  impressed  the  Assyrians,  who  likened  them  to  a  swarm  of 
locusts.  "  Like  a  violent  gale  which  drives  the  rain-clouds  across  the  firma- 
ment, so  rose  the  cloud  of  dust  at  their  approach."  But  calling  on  the  gods, 
his  heavenly  protectors,  Sennacherib  ventures  an  attack. 

It  was  a  fierce  battle ;  both  sides  fought  with  the  greatest  fury.  Sen- 
nacherib, himself,  was  distinguished  by  his  personal  courage.  With  helm  and 
mail,  spear  and  bow,  Asshur's  sacred  bow,  which  none  but  the  kings  of 
Assyria  carried,  he  stands  in  his  war  chariot  like  an  angry  lion,  and  like  a 
heavy  storm  from  Adad,  the  god  of  tempests,  he  rushes  on  the  enemy, 
covering  the  plain  with  corpses  as  with  grass.  His  horses  wallow  in  blood  ; 
blood  and  fragments  of  the  slain  cleave  to  the  pole  of  his  war  chariot.  A 
choice  troop  of  Elamite  nobles,  equipped  with  golden  daggers  and  bracelets, 
are  slaughtered  like  sheep,  and  the  Elamite  commander  and  grand  vizier, 
Khumbanundash,  a  man  of  great  ability,  also  falls.  Others  are  taken 
prisoners.  Yet  the  kings  of  Elam  and  Babylon  and  the  Chaldean  chiefs 
got  away,  according  to  the  Assyrian  writer,  who  deliglits  in  depicting  their 


414  THE   HISTORY   OF   MESOPOTAMIA 

[692-689  B.C.] 

sufferings  iu  a  very  imaginative  fashion,  vriih  a  loss  of  tents  and  baggage  and 
of  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  dead  left  on  the  battle-field.  They  were 
pursued  for  a  distance  of  some  miles,  but  their  capture  was  not  effected. 
There  is  something  loathsome  in  the  lively  colours  in  which  the  scene  is 
painted ;  the  pitiless  slaughter  and  horrible  mutilation  of  the  slain  are 
described  with  bloodthirsty  complacency.  The  writer  of  the  Ass^Tian  tablet 
knew  Avell  that  his  savage,  revengeful  master  based  his  renown  on  such 
inhuman  acts.  And  yet  it  was  no  victory  for  the  Assyrians.  They  may 
have  remained  in  possession  of  the  field,  but  the  murderous  battle  was  so 
undecisive  that  the  Elamites  and  Babylonians  could  claim  the  victory  as 
well.  The  losses  on  both  sides  must  have  been  so  great  that  neither  of  the 
two  parties  ventured  to  continue  the  war.  Both  sides  assumed  the  attitude 
of  waiting  for  a  more  favourable  opportunity.  The  prevalent  idea  that  after 
the  battle  of  Khalule  Sennacherib  immediately  conquered  Babylon  is  decidedly 
false  and  is  contradicted  by  the  true  reading  of  both  Assyrian  and  Babylonian 
records. 

Not  till  the  year  690  or  689  did  Sennacherib  find  a  favourable  opportunity 
to  risk  another  attack  on  Babylon.  From  Elam  there  was  now  nothing  more 
to  fear.  The  power  of  Umman-minanu  was  much  weakened  and  he  was 
soon  to  lose  it  altogether.  The  Assyrian  king  marched  on  Babylon  with 
the  impetuousity  which  distinguished  all  his  warlike  expeditions,  and  was 
at  times  disadvantageous  to  him  ;  and  on  this  occasion  his  effort  was  crowned 
with  the  desired  success.  Now  he  directed  liis  arms  against  Mushezib-Mar- 
duk's  town,  not  as  his  predecessors,  including  his  own  father,  had  done,  as  a 
rescuer  bringing  deliverance  from  a  usurper  and  therefore  striking  at  the 
latter  and  his  dependents,  and  sparing  the  inhabitants  :  upon  the  town  which 
had  so  long  withstood  him.  so  repeatedly  and  obstinately  lifted  its  head 
against  him,  a  fearful  vengeance  was  to  be  taken.  It  was  literally  wiped 
out ;  nothing  was  spared  ;  corpses  lay  piled  up  in  the  streets ;  all  its  treasures 
were  pillaged  and  di%-ided  amongst  the  soldiers  ;  the  temples  were  desecrated, 
and  the  gods  torn  from  their  sanctuaries.  Then  the  whole  town  was  deliv- 
ered up  to  the  flames ;  the  walls  and  ramparts,  the  temples  and  the  ziggurat, 
(probably  the  two  towers  of  Babylon  and  Borsippa),  were  thrown  down  and 
hurled  into  the  Arakhtu  or  other  canals,  and  the  water  from  the  river  and 
the  canals  was  turned  on  the  ruins  that  they  might  be  flooded.  The  very 
place  where  the  sacred  to^^'n  had  stood  became  unrecognisable  and  was 
changed  into  a  marsh.  Mushezib-Marduk  escaped  and  sought  refuge  in 
Elam,  but  Umman-minanu,  fearing  Assyrian  vengeance,  surrendered  his 
ally,  and  the  latter  and  his  family  were  brought  prisoners  to  Nineveh. 

Such  a  deed  may  well  have  spread  fear  and  horror  even  in  Assyria  itself. 
Sennacherib  had  done  what  none  had  even  ventured  before.  Towards  the  to'vsTi 
which  many  an  Assyrian  king  had  treated  with  respect  and  which  had  never 
been  sacked,  he  had  behaved  with  a  relentlessness  which  hitherto  had  only 
been  exhibited  to  foreign  rebels.  He  was  now  master  of  Babylon.  For  the 
remaining  eight  years  of  his  life,  he  was  called  King  of  Babylon,  even  accord- 
ing to  the  Babylonian  list  of  kings,  although  the  Ptolemaic  canon  mentions 
this  period  as  an  interim.  King  Ummanaldash  [Khumba-Khaldashu]  who 
(the  7th  of  Adar  690  or  689?)  succeeded  Umman-minanu  on  the  throne 
of  Elam,  and  who  reigned  eight  years,  left  the  Assyrian  king  in  peaceful 
possession.  There  are  suflicient  grounds  for  the  assumption  that  this  su- 
premacy over  Babylon  of  a  tyrant  embittered  by  earlier  reverses  was  a  reign 
of  terror. 

tor  the  last  years  of  Sennacherib's  reign  authentic  accounts  are  almost 


i 


FOUR   GENERATIONS   OF   ASSITIIAN   GREATNESS  415 

[695-681  B.C.] 

entirely  wanting.  An  expedition  to  Arabia,  against  a  certain  king  Hazael 
(Khazailu).  in  which  the  capital  of  Edom  is  stormed  and  the  deity  of  the  place 
falls  into  his  hands,  certainly  belongs  to  this  period  of  his  reign. 

Like  most  of  the  Assyrian  princes.  Sennacherib,  in  spite  of  his  unsettled 
existence,  was  a  great  builder.  But  he  bestowed  the  most  care  on  the  re- 
establishment  and  embellishment  of  his  beloved  Nineveh.  In  the  earlier  part  of 
his  reign  he  had  also  strengthened  this  town  with  an  outer  wall  and  an  inner 
rampart  Qduru  and  shalkhu),  and  in  the  year  695  he  had  built  a  great  palace 
by  the  north-west  wall,  after  pulling  down  a  small  palace  which  stood  there. 
The  latter  had  fallen  into  decay,  partly  as  a  result  of  the  overflowings  of  the 
canal  on  which  it  stood,  partly  from  the  heat  of  the  sun.  The  canal  was 
now  diverted,  and  on  its  margin  was  built  a  new  and  loftier  palace,  in  which 
ivory  and  costly  woods  were  not  spared.  There  the  king  had  a  park  laid 
out  and  irrigated  b}*  the  waters  of  the  Khushur  (Khosr)  which  were  made 
to  flow  through  it,  and  it  was  planted  with  trees  from  the  Amanus  Moun- 
tains.    At  the  same  time  the  town  was  extended  and  embellished. 

Scarcely  was  this  structure  completed  when  Sennacherib  caused  another 
palace,  which  lay  farther  south  of  the  same  wall,  to  be  pulled  down.  It  had 
served  former  kings  as  armoury,  magazine,  and  stables,  and  had  now  become 
not  only  too  small  but  also  decayed.  Some  tields  were  added  to  it  and  earth 
brought  to  raise  them,  and  upon  this  now  rose  a  palace,  not  of  tiles,  but  of 
hewn  stone  after  the  fashion  of  the  land  of  Khatti  (Aram).  For  this  also 
cedars  from  Amanus  and  great  lion  and  animal  colossi,  which  had  been  hewn 
out  of  stone  in  the  town  of  Baladai  and  then  cased  in  bronze,  were  employed, 
and  cunning  architects  disposed  them  with  great  care  and  magnificence. 
The  purpose  of  the  building  remained  the  same  ;  horses  and  every  sort  of 
cattle  found  stabling,  stuffs  and  weapons  were  laid  up  there,  but  it  had  now 
also  to  serve  as  a  barrack  for  the  national  troops.  The  king's  name  is 
displayed  on  every  wall. 

Immediately  after  the  completion  of  this  building  on  the  20th  day  of  Adar, 
691,  that  is,  in  the  same  year  in  which  the  battle  of  Khalule  took  place,  Sen- 
nacherib began  another  and  not  less  important  work,  which  was  only  com- 
pleted and  inaugurated  after  the  sack  of  Babylon.  This  was  an  undertaking 
intended  to  provide  the  city  of  Nineveh  with  good  drinking  water.  A  ntim- 
ber  of  canals  had  to  be  dtig,  which  served  at  the  same  time  to  fertilise  some 
uncultivated  strips  of  land.  In  the  capital  which  was  thus,  as  it  were,  born 
again,  the  old  warrior  now  probably  rested  on  his  latirels  for  a  few  years 
longer. 

In  the  latter  period  of  his  life,  Sennacherib  appears  to  have  handed  over  a 
part  of  his  royal  functions  to  his  son  Esarbaddon  (Asshur-akhe-iddin),  if  he 
did  not  actually  make  him  co-ruler.  The  latter  was  not  his  eldest  son,  for  his 
name,  "  Asshur  grants  brothers,  or,  a  brother,"'  shows  the  contrary,  but  he  was 
perhaps,  the  second,  and  therefore  direct  heir  to  the  throne  after  the  death,  or 
at  least  in  the  absence  of,  the  king's  eldest  son,  Asshur-nadin-shum,  who  had 
been  carried  off  by  the  Elamites.  Esarhaddon  was  certainly  destined  to  the 
succession  by  his  "father,  and  was  the  latter's  favourite.  Sennacherib  issued 
a  decree  by  which  the  whole  of  his  booty  brought  from  the  Babylonio-Clial- 
dean  district  of  Bit-Amukkani  was  assigned  to  him,  and  his  name  was  at  the 
same  time  changed  to  Asshur-etilli-tikinnibal  (Asshur,  the  lord  has  lent  a 
son)  —  a  name  which  was  more  appropriate  for  one  who  now  took  the  place  of 
eldest  son,  but  which  Esarhaddon  himself  does  not  appear  to  have  adopted. 
His  brothers,  whether  younger  or  older,  were  not  pleased  at  this.  Two 
of  them  at  least,  Sharezer,  whose  full  name  was  probably  Nergal-shar-usur 


414  THE   HISTORY   OF   MESOPOTAMIA 

[692-<j89b.c.] 

sufferings  in  a  very  imaginative  fashion,  with  a  loss  of  tents  and  baggage  and 
of  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  dead  left  on  the  battle-field.  They  were 
pursued  for  a  distance  oi  some  miles,  but  their  capture  was  not  effected. 
There  is  something  loathsome  in  the  lively  colours  in  which  the  scene  is 
painted;  the  jjitiless  slaughter  and  horrible  mutilation  of  the  slain  are 
described  with  bloodthirsty  complacency.  The  writer  of  the  Assyrian  tablet 
knew  well  that  his  savage,  revengeful  master  based  his  renown  on  such 
inhuman  acts.  And  yetit  was  no  victory  for  the  Assyrians.  They  may 
have  remained  in  possession  of  the  field,  but  the  murderous  battle  was  so 
undecisive  that  the  Elamites  and  Bal^ylonians  could  claim  the  victory  as 
well.  The  losses  on  both  sides  must  have  been  so  great  that  neither  of  the 
two  i)arties  ventured  to  continue  the  war.  Both  sides  assumed  the  attitude 
of  waiting  for  a  more  favourable  opportunity.  The  prevalent  idea  that  after 
the  battle  of  Khalule  Sennacherib  immediately  conquered  Babylon  is  decidedly 
false  and  is  contradicted  by  the  true  reading  of  both  Assyrian  and  Babylonian 
records. 

Not  till  the  year  G90  or  689  did  Sennacherib  find  a  favourable  opportunity 
to  risk  another  attack  on  Babylon.  From  Elam  there  was  now  nothing  more 
to  fear.  The  i)ower  of  Umman-minanu  was  much  weakened  and  he  was 
soon  to  lose  it  altogether.  The  Assyrian  king  marched  on  Babylon  with 
the  impetuousity  which  distinguished  all  his  warlike  expeditions,  and  was 
at  times  disadvantageous  to  him  ;  and  on  this  occasion  his  effort  was  crowned 
with  the  desired  success.  Now  he  directed  his  arms  against  Mushezib-Mar- 
duk's  town,  not  as  his  predecessors,  including  his  own  father,  had  done,  as  a 
rescuer  bringing  deliverance  from  a  usurper  and  therefore  striking  at  the 
latter  and  his  dependents,  and  sparing  the  inhabitants  :  upon  the  town  which 
liad  so  long  withstood  him,  so  repeatedly  and  obstinately  lifted  its  head 
against  him,  a  fearful  vengeance  was  to  be  taken.  It  was  literally  wiped 
out ;  nothing  was  spared  ;  corpses  lay  piled  up  in  the  streets ;  all  its  treasures 
were  pillaged  and  divided  amongst  the  soldiers  ;  the  temples  were  desecrated, 
and  the  gods  torn  from  their  sanctuaries.  Then  the  whole  town  was  deliv- 
ered up  to  the  flames ;  the  walls  and  ramparts,  the  temples  and  the  ziggurat, 
(pr()bal)ly  the  two  towers  of  Babylon  and  Borsippa),  were  thrown  down  and 
hurled  into  the  Arakhtu  or  other  canals,  and  the  water  from  the  river  and 
the  canals  was  turned  on  the  ruins  that  they  might  be  flooded.  The  very 
place  where  the  sacred  town  had  stood  became  unrecognisable  and  was 
changed  into  a  marsh,  Mushezib-Marduk  escaped  and  sought  refuge  in 
Elam,  l>ut  Umman-minanu,  fearing  Assyrian  vengeance,  surrendered  his 
ally,  and  the  latter  and  his  family  were  brought  prisoners  to  Nineveh. 

Such  a  deed  may  well  have  spread  fear  and  horror  even  in  Assyria  itself. 
Sennacherib  had  done  what  none  had  even  ventured  before.  Towards  the  town 
which  many  an  Assyrian  king  had  treated  with  respect  and  which  had  never 
been  sacked,  he  had  behaved  with  a  relentlessness  which  hitherto  had  only 
been  exhibited  to  foreign  rebels.  He  was  now  master  of  Babylon.  For  the 
remaining  eiglit  years  of  his  life,  he  was  called  King  of  Babylon,  even  accord- 
ing to  the  liabylonian  list  of  kings,  although  the  Ptolemaic  canon  mentions 
this  period  as  an  interim.  King  Ummanaldash  [Khumba-Khaldashu]  who 
(the  7tli  of  Adar  G'JO  or  689?)  succeeded  Umman-minanu  on  the  throne 
of  Elam,  and  who  reigned  eight  years,  left  the  Assyrian  king  in  peaceful 
possession.  There  are  sufficient  grounds  for  the  assumption  that  this  su- 
premacy over  Babylon  of  a  tyrant  embittered  by  earlier  reverses  was  a  reign 
of  terror. 

For  the  last  years  of  Sennacherib's  reign  authentic  accounts  are  almost 


FOUR  GENERATIONS   OF  ASSYRIAN   GREATNESS  417 

[681-669  B.C.] 

pileser,  without  being  hard  on  his  subjects  or  cruel  to  those  he  conquered,  as 
they  were.  He  delighted  in  being  merciful  as  much  as  his  predecessors  had 
rejoiced  in  being  merciless,  and  the  accounts  of  his  wars  no  longer  make 
constant  mention  of  captives  being  burnt  alive,  kings  impaled  on  the  gates 
of  their  cities,  or  whole  populations  being  burnt  out  by  fire.  He  took  pleas- 
ure in  restoring  the  ruins  with  which  his  father  and  grandfather  had  covered 
the  land,  and  in  the  first  year  of  his  reign  he  gave  orders  for  the  rebuilding 
of  Babylon,  which  was  commenced  on  a  grand  scale. 

"  All  the  Chaldean  prisoners  were  set  free,  and  those  who  liked  to  work 
under  the  architects  could  do  so  for  payment  in  oil,  wine,  honey,  and  other 
commodities  of  life ;  and  when  laying  the  foundation  stones  of  different 
edifices,  he  himself  wore  the  special  dress  of  the  masons.  The  temple  of 
Bit-Zaggaton,  the  seat  of  Marduk,  the  protector  of  the  town,  issued  from 
the  ruins  and  the  walls,  and  royal  castles  were  raised  beyond  their  former 
height.  Beyond  Babylon  Esarhaddon  consecrated  thirty-six  temples  at 
Asshur  and  Agade ;  and  they  were  lined  with  shining  sheets  of  gold  and 
silver. 

"  The  palace  which  he  built  at  Nineveh  on  the  site  of  an  old  building 
surpassed  all  that  had  hitherto  been  seen.  The  quarries  of  alabaster  in  the 
mountains  of  Gordyene  and  the  forests  of  Phoenicia  furnished  material  for 
the  halls;  thirty-two  Hittite  kings  on  the  Mediterranean  coast  sent  great 
beams  of  pines,  cedars,  and  cypresses.  The  roof  was  made  of  carved  cedar 
wood,  supported  by  columns  of  cypress  encircled  with  gold  and  silver ;  stone 
lions  and  bulls  stood  at  the  doorways ;  the  panels  of  the  doors  were  made  of 
ebony  and  cypress,  encrusted  with  iron,  silver,  and  ivory.  The  palace  of 
Babylon  was  entirely  destroyed,  and  the  one  commenced  at  Calah  with 
Egyptian  booty  was  never  finished.  The  conquerors  had  been  much  im- 
pressed by  the  long  avenues  of  sphinxes  at  the  entrance  of  the  Mem- 
phite  temples,  and  in  imitation  of  the  idea  Esarhaddon  had  sphinxes, 
lions,  and  bulls  at  the  entrances  of  his  buildings.  The  construction  lasted 
three  years  (671-669),  and  it  was  only  just  far  enough  completed  for  the 
decoration  to  be  started,  when  he  fell  seriously  iU  in  669."  Two  years  later 
he  died. 

It  will  probably  be  felt  by  most  readers  of  the  records  left  by  Esarhaddon 
himself  —  which  are,  of  course,  our  sole  authority  in  the  matter,  save  for  a 
few  chance  biblical  references  —  that  Professor  Maspero's  verdict  as  just 
quoted  is  over-enthusiastic.  Nevertheless,  it  can  hardly  be  doubted  that 
Esarhaddon  was  in  many  ways  a  much  more  admirable  character  than  his 
father.  The  following  excerpt  from  one  of  Esarhaddon's  inscriptions,  con- 
tained on  a  hexagonal  prism  of  baked  clay  found  near  Nineveh,  and  now  in 
the  British  Museum,  will  suggest  something  as  to  the  precise  interpretation 
one  should  place  upon  the  words  "  attractive  "  and  "  merciful "  as  applied  to 
an  Assyrian  conqueror : 

"  Esarhaddon,  king  of  Sumer  and  Accad,  (son  of  Sennacherib,  king  of) 
Assyria,  (son  of  Sargon)  king  of  Assyria,  (who  in  the  name  of  Asshur, 
Bel,)  the  Moon,  the  Sun,  Nabu  Marduk,  Ishtar  of  Nineveh,  and  Ishtar  of 
Arbela,  the  great  gods  his  lords  from  the  rising  of  the  sun  to  the  setting  of 
the  sun  marched  victorious  without  a  rival. 

"  Conqueror  of  the  city  of  Sidon,  which  is  on  the  sea,  sweeper  away  of 
all  its  villages;  its  citadel  and  residence  I  rooted  up,  and  into  the  sea  I  flung 
them.  Its  place  of  justice  I  destroyed.  Alxl-milkot  its  king  who  away  from 
my  arms  into  the  middle  of  the  sea  had  fled ;  like  a  fish  from  out  of  the  sea  I 
caught  him,  and  cut  off  his  head.     His  treasure,  his  goods,  gold  and  silver 

H.  W. VOL.    I.  2b 


418  THE  HISTORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

[681-668  B.C.] 

and  precious  stones,  skins  of  elephants,  teeth  of  elephants,  dan  wood,  ku 
wood,  cloths,  dyed  purple  and  yellow,  of  every  description,  and  the  regalia 
of  his  palace  I  carried  off  as  my  spoil.  Men  and  women  without  number, 
oxen  and  sheep  and  mules,  I  swept  them  all  off  to  Assyria.  I  assembled 
the  kings  of  Syria  and  the  seacoast,  all  of  them.  (The  city  of  Sidon)  I 
built  anew,  and  I  called  it  'The  City  of  Esarhaddon.'  Men,  captured  by 
my  arms,  natives  of  the  lands  and  seas  of  the  East,  within  it  I  placed  to 
dwell,  and  I  set  my  own  officers  in  authority  over  them. 

''And  wSanduarri  king  of  Kundu  and  Sizu,  an  enemy  and  heretic,  not 
honouring  my  majesty,  who  had  abandoned  the  worship  of  the  gods  trusted 
to  his  rocky  stronghold  and  Abd-milkot  king  of  Sidon  took  for  his  ally. 
The  names  of  the  great  gods  side  by  side  he  wrote  and  to  their  power  he 
trusted ;  but  I  trusted  to  Assliur,  my  lord.  Like  a  bird  from  out  of  the 
mountains  I  took  him,  and  I  cut  off  his  head.  I  wrought  the  judgment  of 
Asshur  my  lord  on  the  men  who  were  criminals.  The  heads  of  Sanduarri 
and  Abd-milkot  by  the  side  of  those  of  their  chiefs  I  hung  up :  and  with 
captives  young  and  old,  male  and  female,  to  the  gate  of  Nineveh  I  marched. 

"  Trampler  on  the  heads  of  the  men  of  Khilakki  and  Duhuka,  who  dwell 
in  the  mountains,  which  front  the  land  of  Tabal,  who  trusted  to  their 
mountains  and  from  days  of  old  never  submitted  to  my  yoke  :  twenty-one 
of  their  strong  cities  and  smaller  towns  in  their  neighbourhood  I  attacked, 
captured,  and  carried  off  the  spoil ;  I  ruined,  destroyed,  and  burnt  them 
with  fire.  The  rest  of  the  men,  who  crimes  and  murders  had  not  committed, 
I  only  placed  the  yoke  of  my  empire  heavily  upon  them." 

It  is  notable  that  the  successor  of  Esarhaddon,  his  son  Asshurbanapal, 
seems  to  have  placed  the  same  favourable  opinion  upon  the  character  of  his 
father,  as  compared  with  his  grandfather  Sennacherib,  that  moderns  are 
disposed  to  adjudge.  This  is  suggested  by  the  fact  that  Asshurbanapal  in 
various  inscriptions  refers  to  "  Esarhaddon,  king  of  Assyria,  the  father,  my 
begetter,"  and  never  to  his  grandfather,  whom  he  probably  would  have 
mentioned,  following  custom,  had  he  held  him  in  any  particular  regard. 
Asshurbanapal  himself  was,  at  least  in  his  earlier  years,  a  warrior  of  no  mean 
quality  ;  but  he  was,  it  would  appear,  primarily  a  lover  of  the  arts  of  peace. 
There  is  a  marked  difference  in  the  tone  of  his  inscriptions,  as  compared  with 
those  of  his  predecessors,  even  when  describing  his  conquests.  Many  times 
they  suggest  one  who  loves  the  pleasures  of  life  rather  than  one  who  gloats 
over  the  infliction  of  deatb.  The  following  are  the  words  in  which  he 
describes  the  expedition  against  Egypt  and  Ethiopia,  and  against  Tyre,  as 
recorded  on  a  cylinder  now  preserved  in  the  British  Museum  : 

"  In  my  second  expedition  to  Egypt  and  Ethiopia  I  directed  the  march. 
Tandaniani  [Tanut-Amen]  of  the  progress  of  my  expedition  heard,  and  that 
I  had  crossed  over  the  borders  of  Egypt.  Memphis  he  abandoned,  and  to 
save  liis  life  he  fled  into  Thebes.  The  kings,  prefects,  and  governors,  whom 
in  Egypt  I  had  set  up,  to  my  presence  came,  and  kissed  my  feet.  After 
Tandamani  tlie  road  I  took,  I  went  to  Thebes  the  strong  city.  The  approach 
of  my  powerful  army  he  saw,  and  Thebes  he  abandoned,  and  fled  to  Kipkip. 
That  city  (Thebes)  the  whole  of  it,  in  the  service  of  Asshur  and  Ishtar, 
my  hands  took ;  silver,  gold,  precious  stones,  the  furniture  of  his  palace,  all 
there  was,  garments  of  wool  and  linen,  great  horses,  people  male  and  female, 
two  lofty  obelisks  covered  with  beautiful  carving,  two  thousand  five  hundred 
talents  (over  ninety  tons)  their  weight,  standing  before  the  gate  of  a  temple, 
from  their  places  I  removed  and  brought  to  Assyria.  The  spoil  great  and 
unnumbered,  I  carried  off  from  the  midst  of  Thebes.     Over  Egypt  and 


FOUR  GENERATIONS   OF  ASSYRIAN   GREATNESS 


419 


[681-668  B.C.] 

Ethiopia,  my  soldiers  I  caused  to  march,  and  I  acquired  glory.     With  a  full 

hand  peacefully  I  returned  to  Nineveh,  the  city  of  my  dominion. 

"  In  my  third  expedition  against  Baal,  king  of  Tyre,  dwelling  in  the 
midst  of  the  sea,  I  went ;  who  my  royal  will  disregarded,  and  did  not  hear 
the  words  of  my  lips.  Towers  round  him  I  raised,  on  sea  and  land  his  roads 
I  took,  their  spirits  I  humbled  and  caused  to  melt  away,  to  my  yoke  I  made 
them  submissive.  The  daughter  proceeding  from  his  body  and  the  daughters 
of  his  brothers,  for  concubines  he  brought  to  my  presence.  Yahimelek  his 
son,  the  glory  of  the  country,  of  unsurpassed  renown,  at  once  he  sent  forward 
to  make  obeisance  to  me.  His  daughter  and  the  daughters  of  his  brothers 
with  their  great  dowries  I  received.  Favour  I  granted  him,  and  the  son 
proceeding  from  his  body,  I  restored  and  gave  him.  Yakinlu,  king  of  Arvad, 
dwelling  in  the  midst  of  the  sea,  who  to  the  kings  my  fathers  was  not 
submissive,  submitted  to  my  yoke.  His  daughter  with  many  gifts,  for  a 
concubine  to  Nineveh  he  brought,  and  kissed  my  feet.  Mukallu,  king  of 
Tabal,  who  against  the  kings  my  fathers  made  attacks,  the  daughter  pro- 
ceeding from  his  body,  and  her  great  dowry,  for  a  concubine  to  Nineveh  he 
brought,  and  kissed  my  feet.  Over  Mukallu  great  horses  an  annual  tribute 
I  fixed  upon  him.  Sandasharme  of  Cilicia,  who  to  the  kings  my  fathers  did 
not  submit,  and  did  not  perform  their  pleasure,  the  daughter  proceeding  from 
his  body,  with  many  gifts,  for  a  concubine  to  Nineveh  he  brought,  and  kissed 
my  feet." 


a-tr^!-  h 


Assyrians  crossing  IUvek  i;v  Means  of  Aik  Bai-s 

Of  Asshurbanapal  as  patron  of  art  and  literature  we  shall  have  occasion 
to  speak  more  fully  in  a  later  chapter,  in  referring  to  the  contents  of  his 
famous  library.  Not  less  noteworthy  than  this  library  was  the  gallery  of 
art  constituting  the  walls  of  the  great  king's  dining  room.  We  turn  now 
to  the  more  detailed  consideration  of  the  life-histories  of  Esarhaddon  and 
Asshurbanapal,  as  interpreted  by  a  modern  authority. « 


esarhaddon's  reign  (681-668  B.C.) 

Sennacherib's  murderers  did  not  stand  alone,  but  had  a  considerable 
following.  Asshur-akhe-iddin  (Asshur  is  brother),  Esarhaddon,  as  the 
Hebrews  call  him,  who  had  been  already  destined  to  the  throne  by  his 
father,  had  therefore  to  conquer  the  crown  assigned  him  at  the  ])oint  of  the 
sword.  Although  it  was  (Tebet)  Deceml)er  —  Sennacherib,  as  we  have  seen, 
had  fallen  on  the  20th  of  this  month  —  and  consequently  the  time  favourable 
for  warlike  operations  had  gone  by,  yet  he  perceived  that  this  was  a  case  for 


420  THE   HISTORY   OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

[681  B.C.] 
prompt  action.  He  lay  witli  his  army  in  the  north-west,  but  without  waiting 
a  single  day,  without  stopping  to  collect  men,  horses,  chariots,  or  material, 
without  even  supplying  himself  with  provisions,  and  in  spite  of  snow  and  tem- 
pest, which  might  be  feared  at  that  season,  he  hurried  straight  to  Nineveh  ; 
"like  a  bird  of  prey  with  outstretched  wings."  At  Khanigalbat,  a  neigh- 
bourhood the  position  of  which  is  unknown  to  us,  but  which  must  be 
sought  in  or  near  North  Aramiea  [probably  near  Melid],  the  army  of  the 
rebels  intercepted  him.  But  these  were  soon  defeated  and  scattered.  A 
great  part  very  probably  went  over  to  Esarhaddon.  The  two  chiefs  of  the 
rebellion,  his  brothers,  sought  safety  in  flight  and  were  received  in  Urartu. 
That  one  of  them,  as  Abydenus  would  have  us  believe,  fell  in  the  battle, 
is  not  very  probable.  Still  it  is  certain  that  they  never  again  attempted 
to  get  i)ossession  of  the  government.  On  the  2nd  of  Adar  (February) 
the"^rising  was  extinguished,  and  five  weeks  later,  on  the  8th  of  Nisan,  that 
is,  the  beginning  of  the  year  681  B.C.  [Professor  Rogers  gives  the  month 
of  Si  ran,  080,  for  this  date],  Esarhaddon  mounted  the  throne  of  his 
father. 

When  his  brothers'  rebellion  was  suppressed,  Esarhaddon  was  indeed  in 
siife  possession  of  the  Assyrian  throne,  but  by  no  means  in  undisputed  enjoy- 
ment of  tlie  sovereignty  over  the  whole  of  his  father's  empire.  He  was 
continually  obliged  to  engage  in  wars  and  to  quell  risings. 

Tlie  son  of  that  arch-enemy  of  the  Assyrians,  Merodach-baladan,  who  is 
generally  called  Nabu-ziru-kinish-lishir  (Nabu,  guide  the  true  scion!),  had 
naturally  taken  advantage  of  the  confusion  resulting  from  the  murder  of  Sen- 
nacherib and  the  war  of  the  succession,  to  repudiate  his  allegiance,  and  may 
perhaps  have  already  thought  of  reconquering  Babylon.  From  Esarhaddon's 
accession  he  had  ceased  to  send  the  presents  required  from  a  vassal,  and  "had 
also  omitted  to  appoint  an  envoy  to  offer  his  homage  to  the  new  king,  and 
thus  to  recognise  his  overlordship.  He  had  evidently  overestimated  the 
difficulties  with  which  the  king  had  to  contend,  and  had  not  anticipated  that 
the  latter  would  so  soon  repress  the  rebellion  and  be  in  a  position  to  proceed 
against  him  with  decisive  energy.  It  is  uncertain  whether  he  himself  risked 
tiie  attack  ;  it  appears,  however,  that  he  had  already  penetrated  as  far  as  Ur. 
Esarhaddon,  who  was  at  Nineveh  when  he  received  the  news  of  his  defection, 
could  certainly  not  now  be  spared  there.  But  he  ordered  the  governors  of 
the  province  l)ordering  on  the  maritime  country  to  go  out  against  the 
rebellious  Chaldean  at  the  head  of  an  army  which  was  despatched  to  them, 
and  this  jjroved  sullicient.  According  to  the  Assyrian  accounts  Nabu-ziru- 
kinish-lisiiir  did  not  await  the  attack,  but  fled  to  Elam.  But  this  realm  was 
no  longer  what  it  once  had  been.  Ummanaldash  II,  who  now  reigned  there, 
was  not  inclined  to  endanger  the  peace  of  his  kingdom  and  involve  himself 
in  a  war  with  Assyria  for  a  stranger's  sake ;  the  fugitive  was  seized  and  put 
to  death.  Na'id-Marduk,  who  accompanied  him  on  his  expedition  to  Elam, 
feared  a  like  fate.  He  chose  the  wiser  course  ;  he  hastened  to  Assyria,  made 
liis  submission,  and  in  reward  was  invested  with  the  sovereignty  of  his 
brotlicr's  kingdom,  that  is,  of  the  whole  seacoast.  Henceforth  he  faithfully 
paid  the  annual  trilmte. 

It  wiis  not  so  easy  to  put  down  another  movement  at  another  end  of  the  em- 
pire. Very  soon  after  Esarhaddon's  accession,  perhaps  even  before,  certain 
kings  of  the  west  country  planned  an  attempt  to  free  themselves  from  the 
Assyrian  yoke.  These  were  the  kings  of  Sidon  and  of  two  other  cities  whose 
position  is  uncertain,  but  is  certainly  to  be  sought  east  of  Sidon,  namely 
Kuiiilu  ;iii(l  Sizu.     Over  the  two  last  ruled  Sanduarri,  whose  name  proclaims 


FOUR   GENERATIONS   OF  ASSYRIAN   GREATNESS  421 

[677-«76  B.C.] 

him  as  one  of  the  Hittites  or  rehated  to  them,  and  over  Sidon,  Abd-milkot. 
They  had  to  bind  themselves  by  an  oath  to  recover  their  independence  with 
their  united  forces,  and  fought  with  great  persistence.  This  is  shown  by  the 
fact  that  they  were  not  subdued  till  the  fourth  year  of  Esarhaddon,  and  also 
of  the  fearful  vengeance  of  the  Assyrians,  so  little  in  accordance  with  this 
king's  customary  procedure.  In  the  year  677  Sidon  succumbed  to  the 
besieging  force.  The  city  was  plundered,  wasted,  and  depopulated.  Town 
and  citadel  were  "  thrown  into  the  sea  "  and  the  place  where  they  had  stood 
made  unrecognisable.  The  population  was  brought  to  Assyria,  with  all  its 
goods  and  cattle  and  all  the  treasures  of  that  rich  commercial  city.  But 
Esarhaddon  did  not,  like  his  father,  take  pleasure  in  mere  destruction.  A 
new  town  rose  in  the  place  where  the  former  had  stood.  He  called  it  by 
his  own  name  [Kar-Asshur-akhe-iddin],  and  allowed  conquered  mountain 
peoples  and  inhabitants  of  the  coast  of  the  Persian  Gulf  to  settle  there  —  the 
old  means,  devised  by  Tiglathpileser,  for  absorbing  sentiments  of  nation- 
ality and  independence  into  the  unity  of  the  great  empire.  Abd-milkot 
had  meantime  fled,  probably  to  Cyprus ;  for  Esarhaddon  says  that  he  "  took 
him  out  of  the  sea  like  a  fish."  He  was  overtaken,  made  prisoner,  and  put 
to  death,  and  in  the  month  Tasrit  of  the  following  year,  676,  his  severed 
head  reached  Assyria.  It  was  some  time  before  Sancluarri  was  conquered 
in  his  mountain  country,  but  in  the  month  Adar  of  the  same  year  he  suffered 
a  like  fate  to  that  which  had  overtaken  his  ally.  Then  the  barbarous 
triumph  took  place  in  Nineveh.  All  the  captured  subjects  of  the  defeated 
kings,  with  the  great  and  distinguished  men  at  their  head,  were  led 
through  the  broad  streets  of  the  capital,  and  two  of  the  noblest  carried  the 
severed  heads  of  tlie  rulers  round  their  necks.  Revolt  against  the  supreme 
king,  which  meant  sin  against  Asshur,  the  god  of  the  gods,  when  conducted 
with  much  obstinacy  as  was  displayed  by  these  two  men,  could  not  be 
severely  enough  punished. 

If  Esarhaddon  intended  by  these  severities  to  spread  terror  among  the 
kings  of  the  west  country,  he  attained  his  object.  Although  according  to 
the  wont  of  the  Assyrian  annalists,  the  scribe  places  the  narrative  of  the  war 
in  the  king's  own  mouth,  he  took  no  personal  part  in  it,  but  remained  quietly 
at  Nineveh.  Thither  now  came  the  ambassadors  of  some  twelve  kings, 
whom  the  Assyrians  called  simply  Khatti-kings  and  kings  of  the  seacoast, 
and  with  them  those  of  ten  kings  who  ruled  in  Cyprus,  to  offer  him  their 
homage  and  presents. 

When  the  ten  Cypriote  rulers,  whose  names  have  for  the  most  part  a 
Greek  sound,  joined  in  the  homage  of  the  Assyrian,  Phoenician,  and  Canaan- 
ite  kings,  it  is  obvious  that  Esarhaddon's  army,  when  it  pursued  the  flying 
king  to  Cyprus,  had  there  re-established  the  Assyrian  rule  which  had  not 
been  exercised  since  the  time  of  Sargon. 

All  these  princes  had  to  bring  him  costly  material  for  the  building  of 
his  great  palace  at  Nineveh.  There  is  an  inclination  to  credit  Esarhaddon 
with  a  special  preference  for  Babylon,  and  to  assume  that  he  liad  made  that 
town  his  headquarters,  at  least  towards  tlie  end  of  his  life.  Our  knowledge 
of  the  building  he  erected  is,  however,  not  favourable  to  this  view.  He  cer- 
tainly governed  directly  and  not  merely  by  vassal-kings  that  part  of  his 
realm  of  which  Babylon  was  the  capital,  and  there  are  good  grounds  for  the 
assumj)tion  that  he  actually  cherislied  the  intention  of  establishing  himself 
at  Babylon ;  but  it  is  none  the  less  certain  that  for  liim,  as  for  his  fathers, 
until  the  nomination  of  Asshurbanapal  as  vassal-king  of  Assyria,  the  centre 
of  the  dominion  was  Assyria,  and  the  Assyrian  capital  was  his  chief  liome. 


422  THE   HISTORY   OF   MESOPOTAMIA 

[676-673  B.C.] 

Although  Esarhaddon  now  imitated  his  father  in  his  care  for  the  decora- 
tion of  the  Assj-rian  capital,  he  did  not  limit  himself  to  this  so  exclusively 
as  his  predecessors.  On  the  contrary  he  boasts  of  having  built  the  temples 
of  the  town  of  Asshur  and  Accad,  and  of  having  adorned  them  with  silver 
and  gold.  That  he  did  not  neglect  Accad  or  Babylonia  is  shown  by  the 
work,  wliich  surpassed  all  other  undertakings,  completed  in  his  reign  and 
for  which  he  gave  orders  in  his  early  years,  —  the  reconstruction  of  the 
ruined  capital  itself. 

In  Ehim  it  was  with  disapproving  eyes  that  men  regarded  this  renovation 
of  Babylon  by  an  Assyrian  king  and  with  it  the  re-establishment  of  the 
Assyrian  rule  in  that  territory.  The  king  of  Elam,  Ummanaldash  II,  there- 
fore decided  to  attack  Esarhaddon  in  this  part  of  the  country.  In  675,  the 
sixth  year  of  Esarhaddon's  reign,  he  invaded  Babylon  with  an  army,  we 
know  not  on  what  pretext,  and  penetrated  as  far  as  Sippar.  The  misfor- 
tune was  not,  however,  a  lasting  one.  In  that  very  year  Ummanaldash  died 
in  his  palace.  Perhaps  there  is  some  connection  between  these  Elamite 
disturbances  and  Esarhaddon's  campaign  against  the  (to  us)  unknown 
country  of  Ruriza  which  he  conquered  in  Tebet  of  the  year  673.  This  may 
be  said  with  certainty  of  the  measures  which  he  took  against  the  Gambuli. 
That  warlike  Aramaic-Chaldean  race,  which  had  once  constituted  the 
vanguard  of  Merodach-baladan's  army,  had  then,  at  least,  dwelt  in  a  swampy 
tract  of  country  where  they  lived  ''like  fish  in  the  midst  of  the  rivers." 
At  this  time  their  king  was  Belbasha  (En-basha?),  the  son  of  Bananu,  and 
in  his  impracticable  country  he  had  been  able  to  preserve  his  independence. 
It  was  not  he  and  his  Gambulians  that  Esarhaddon  now  feared,  but  rather 
that  he  might  easily  be  won  over  to  ally  himself  with  his  neighbour  Elam. 
Belbasha  is  pressed  to  choose  and  Esarhaddon  makes  ready  to  convince  him 
by  the  unanswerable  argument  of  his  arms.  But  the  Aramaean  does  not 
wait  for  the  struggle.  Knowing  well  that  he  has  now  no  help  from  Elam 
to  look  to,  he  decides  of  his  own  accord  to  attest  his  submission  to  Assyria 
and  sends  the  required  presents.  Thus  Esarhaddon  gains  his  object.  The 
submission  is  accepted,  the  country  spared,  the  capital,  Shapi-Bel,  extraordi- 
narily fortified,  the  command  laid  on  the  prince  to  furnish  it  with  bowmen 
and  to  defend  it  as  "the  door  which  unlocks  Elam."  How  well  Esarhaddon 
had  judged  was  to  be  shoAvn  later,  when  his  heir  had  to  punish  the  son  and 
successor  of  Bel-basha  for  his  intrigues  with  Elam. 

These  few  facts,  with  the  circumstance  that,  in  the  same  year,  673, 
probably  while  the  court  was  at  Babylon,  the  queen  died,  are  all  that  we 
know  concerning  the  history  of  the  southern  realm  under  the  reign  of  Esar- 
haddon. 

More  is  known  of  the  king's  warlike  expeditions,  or  at  least  those  of  his 
army,  for  it  is  not  likely  that  he  himself  took  part  in  them  all.  Some  of 
them  are  of  little  importance  to  history,  or  were  directed  against  tribes 
whose  locality  we  can  no  longer  determine.  We  pass  them  over  in  silence 
here.  Attention  may,  however,  be  called  to  an  expedition  against  Teushpa, 
the  king  of  the  Kimmirri  or  Cimmerians,  or  more  accurately  against  the 
Umman-manda,  who  dwelt  at  a  great  distance,  and  who  were  afterwards  to  be 
the  cause  of  so  much  trouble  to  Asshur  and  Babylon.  The  Cimmerians  are 
also  referred  to  in  other  records  as  the  enemies  of  Assyria  in  Esarhaddon's 
day.  According  to  the.se  they  joined  in  a  great  coalition  which  was  formed 
against  Asshur  ;  at  its  head  stood  Kashtariti  of  Kar-Kasshi,  a  Median 
prince,  who  evidently  dwelt  on  the  borders  of  Elam,  and  Mamitiarsu,  gov- 
ernor of  the  Medes,  and  to  which  the  Manneans  also  belonged.      At  the 


FOUR   GENERATIONS   OF   ASSYRIAN   GREATNESS  423 

[673-672  B.C.] 

outset,  at  least,  they  were  successful,  took  several  towns  now  unknown  to  us 
(Khartam,  Kishassu,  and  five  others),  and  so  great  was  the  fear  which  they 
thus  spread  through  Assyria,  that  in  order  to  propitiate  the  gods,  the  priest 
(amelu  khalti)  was  commanded  to  perform  sacred  rites  and  celebrate  festi- 
vals in  their  honour  from  3rd  Airu  to  the  15th  Abu  —  that  is,  during  one 
hundred  days.  The  issue  of  the  struggle  is  not  given  in  the  Assyrian 
records,  but  it  appears  that  the  Babylonian  chronicle  told  of  the  invasion  of 
Assyria  by  the  Kimmirri  and  of  their  defeat. 

Perhaps  this  gave  Esarhaddon  an  opportunity  to  revenge  himself  on  the 
Medes  and  to  conduct  a  war  against  their  country  with  great  persistence. 
He  penetrated  farther  into  it  than  any  of  his  forefathers  —  namely,  to  the 
land  of  Patusharra  (Patiskhoria?)  which  lay  deep  in  Median  territory,  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  the  Bikni  Mountains,  where  so  much  crystal  was  found. 
There  ruled  Shitir-parna  and  Eparna,  two  powerful  princes  whose  names 
appear  to  be  Iranian.  They  were  subdued  by  the  Assyrians  and  carried  to 
Assyria  with  a  rich  booty,  consisting  chiefly  of  cattle,  horses,  and  chariots. 
This  visitation  had  the  result  that  other  princes  from  farther  Media,  who 
had  not  hitherto  acknowledged  the  Assyrian  supremacy,  came  of  their  own 
accord  and  tendered  their  submission. 

At  the  other  extremity  of  his  empire,  Esarhaddon  maintained  his  sover- 
eignty in  the  same  fashion.  The  means  by  which  Assyria  had  made  herself, 
and  remained  during  many  centuries,  the  mistress  of  western  Asia,  was  the 
pursuit  of  a  traditional  policy  whose  principles  the  impulsive  Sennacherib 
had  forsaken  in  the  most  deplorable  fashion,  but  which  distinguished  Esar- 
haddon, as  well  as  his  grandfather  Sargon.  By  a  judicious  blending  of 
gracious  forgiveness  on  the  one  hand  and  severe  punishment  on  the  other, 
he  managed  not  only  to  confirm  Assyrian  sovereignty  in  the  northern  regions 
of  Arabia,  but  also  to  extend  it.  Faithful  to  the  rule  by  which  those  who 
had  submitted  of  their  own  accord  must  be  at  once  taken  in  favour,  and 
admitted  as  allies,  he  listened  to  the  petition  of  King  Hazael  (Khazailu)  of 
Kedar  when  the  latter  came  to  Nineveh  and  requested  that  the  images  of  the 
gods  which  had  been  carried  thither,  might  be  given  back.  Esarhaddon  had 
them  restored,  caused  his  name  and  his  famous  deeds  to  be  inscribed  on  them, 
and  gave  them  back  to  Hazael.  But  on  this  king's  death  he  took  care  that 
the  latter's  son  Ya'lu,  whom  he  raised  to  be  king  in  his  father's  stead,  should 
be  still  more  closely  bound  to  Assyria  and  pay  higher  tribute.  Under  the 
same  condition  he  restored  to  another  tribe,  together  with  the  gods  of  which 
they  had  been  previously  despoiled,  a  certain  princess  Tabua  who  had  been 
carried  away  from  their  midst  and  had  grown  up  in  the  royal  palace  at 
Nineveh,  and  thus  reinstated  her  in  her  position.  It  was  soon  evident  that 
he  had  an  object  in  these  tokens  of  favour.  He  wished  by  this  means  to 
smooth  himself  a  path  to  some  Arabian  tribes  beyond,  which  were  still 
independent  and  therefore  dangerous  to  the  frontiers,  and  who  roamed  about 
in  the  land  of  Bazu  and  in  the  mountains  of  Khazu.  The  march  thither  was 
very  difiicult,  180  kashbu  kakkar  (double  hours)  through  an  arid  desert  full 
of  snakes  and  scorpions,  so  that  it  appeared  almost  advisable  to  secure  a 
safe  retreat.  If  the  expedition  against  these  remote  tribes  had  failed,  we 
should  have  learned  nothing  of  it,  at  least  from  Assyrian  sources  ;  but  it  was 
successful.  Six  Arabian  kings  and  two  queens  were  defeated  and  probably 
put  to  death,  and  their  treasures,  gods,  and  subjects  were  then  carried  to 
Assyria ;  so  many  of  the  latter,  at  least,  that  the  remainder  were  unable  to 
defend  themselves. 

The  glory  of  Esarhaddon's  reign  is  the  conquest  of  Egypt,  for  whicli  the 


422  THE  HISTORY  OF   MESOPOTAMIA 

[676-673  B.C.] 

Altlioiigli  Esarhaddon  now  imitated  his  father  in  his  care  for  the  decora- 
tion of  the^Assyrian  capital,  he  did  not  limit  himself  to  this  so  exclusively 
as  his  predecessors.  On  the  contrary  he  boasts  of  having  built  the  temples 
of  the  town  of  Asshur  and  Accad,  and  of  having  adorned  them  with  silver 
and  gold.  That  he  did  not  neglect  Accad  or  Babylonia  is  shown  by  the 
work,  which  surpassed  all  other  undertakings,  completed  in  his  reign  and 
for  which  he  gave  orders  in  his  early  years,  —  the  reconstruction  of  the 
ruined  capital  it.sclf. 

In  Khun  it  was  with  disapproving  eyes  that  men  regarded  this  renovation 
of  Habylon  by  an  A.s.syrian  king  and  with  it  the  re-establishment  of  the 
Assyrian  rule'in  that  territory.  The  king  of  Elam,  Ummanaldash  II,  there- 
fore decided  to  attack  Esarhaddon  in  this  part  of  the  country.  In  675,  the 
sixth  year  of  Esarhaddon's  reign,  he  invaded  Babylon  with  an  army,  we 
know  not  on  what  pretext,  and  penetrated  as  far  as  Sippar.  The  misfor- 
tune was  not,  however,  a  lasting  one.  In  that  very  year  Ummanaldash  died 
in  his  palace.  Perhaps  there  is  some  connection  between  these  Elamite 
disturbances  and  Esarhaddon's  campaign  against  the  (to  us)  unknown 
country  of  Iluriza  which  he  conquered  in  Tebet  of  the  year  673.  This  may 
be  said  with  certainty  of  the  measures  which  he  took  against  the  Gambuli. 
That  warlike  Aramaic-Chaldean  race,  which  had  once  constituted  tlie 
vanguard  of  Merodach-baladan's  armjs  had  then,  at  least,  dwelt  in  a  swampy 
tract  of  country  where  they  lived  "like  fish  in  the  midst  of  the  rivers." 
At  this  time  their  king  was  Belbasha  (En-basha?),  the  son  of  Bananu,  and 
in  his  impracticable  country  he  had  been  able  to  preserve  his  independence. 
It  was  not  he  and  his  Gambulians  that  Esarhaddon  now  feared,  but  rather 
that  he  might  easily  be  won  over  to  ally  himself  with  his  neighbour  Elam. 
Belbasha  is  pressed  to  choose  and  Esarhaddon  makes  ready  to  convince  him 
by  the  unanswerable  argument  of  his  arms.  But  the  Aramaean  does  not 
wait  for  the  struggle.  Knowing  well  that  he  has  now  no  help  from  Elam 
to  look  to,  he  decides  of  his  own  accord  to  attest  his  submission  to  Assyria 
and  sends  the  required  presents.  Thus  Esarhaddon  gains  his  object.  The 
submission  is  accepted,  the  country  spared,  the  capital,  Shapi-Bel,  extraordi- 
narily fortified,  the  command  laid  on  the  prince  to  furnish  it  with  bowmen 
and  to  defend  it  as  "  the  door  which  unlocks  Elara."  How  well  Esarhaddon 
had  judged  was  to  be  shown  later,  when  his  heir  had  to  punish  the  son  and 
successor  of  Bel-basha  for  his  intrigues  with  Elam. 

These  few  facts,  with  the  circumstance  that,  in  the  same  year,  673, 
probably  while  the  court  was  at  Babylon,  the  queen  died,  are  all  that  we 
know  concerning  the  history  of  the  southern  realm  under  the  reign  of  Esar- 
haddon. 

More  is  known  of  the  king's  warlike  expeditions,  or  at  least  those  of  his 
army,  for  it  is  not  likely  that  he  himself  took  part  in  them  all.  Some  of 
them  are  of  little  importance  to  history,  or  were  directed  against  tribes 
whose  locality  we  can  no  longer  determine.  We  pass  them  over  in  silence 
here.  Attention  muy,  however,  be  called  to  an  expedition  against  Teushpa, 
the  king  of  the  Kiiiiinirri  or  Cimmerians,  or  more  accurately  against  the 
rmman-manda,  who  dwelt  at  a  great  distance,  and  who  were  afterwards  to  be 
the  cause  of  so  much  trouble  to  Asshur  and  Babylon.  The  Cimmerians  are 
also  referreil  to  in  other  records  iis  the  enemies  of  Assyria  in  Esarhaddon's 
day.  According  to  the.se  they  joined  in  a  great  coalition  which  was  formed 
against  Asshur  ;  at  its  head  stood  Kashtariti  of  Kar-Kasshi,  a  Median 
prince,  who  evidently  dwelt  on  the  borders  of  Elam,  and  Mamitiarsu,  gov- 
ernor of  the  Medes,  and  to  which  the  Manneans  also  belonged.      At  the 


FOUR   GENERATIONS   OF  ASSYRIAN   GREATNESS  425 

[671-668  B.C.] 

campaign  of  the  year  671.  The  expedition  came  to  nothing.  On  the  10th 
of  the  month  Arakhsaranu  (Marsheshwan,  about  October),  of  the  year  668, 
in  the  twelfth  year  of  his  reign,  the  king  died,  either  in  Egypt  or,  as  it  is 
probable,  before  he  reached  it. 

As  the  great  king  of  a  mighty  empire  Esarhaddon  indeed  stands  very 
high ;  for  although  he  was  not  more  soft  hearted,  or,  indeed,  where  insub- 
ordination had  to  be  punished,  less  harsh  than  his  predecessor,  yet  he  did  not 
act  in  obedience  to  ungoverned  passion,  but  with  deliberation,  and  this  fore- 
sighted  policy  allowed  him  always  to  choose  the  golden  mean  between 
needless  severity  and  dangerous  indulgence.  In  a  few  years  he  strengthened 
the  foundations  of  the  Assyrian  rule,  and  considerably  extended  it ;  he 
erected  magnificent  buildings,  and  made  desolated  Babylon  rise  again  from 
her  rubbish-heaps.  By  raising  his  son,  Asshurbanapal,  to  the  throne  during 
his  own  life-time,  he  made  a  struggle  for  the  possession  of  the  crown  such 
as  that  with  which  his  own  reign  had  begun  an  impossibility,  while  by  his 
wise  and  firm  government  he  had  laid  the  foundations  for  his  son's  long, 
and,  at  least  in  the  beginning,  brilliant  and  glorious  reign.  Sennacherib 
had  little  in  common  with  his  great  father ;  Esarhaddon  was  worthy  to  be 
the  grandson  of  Sargon. 

asshurbanapal's  early  years  (668-652  b.c.) 

We  have  already  seen  that  Esarhaddon  made  his  son  Asshurbanapal 
vassal-king  of  Assyria  during  his  own  life-time.  With  festive  display 
the  young  prince  entered  the  royal  palace  which  his  grandfather  Sen- 
nacherib had  built,  where  his  father  Esarhaddon  was  born,  and  grown  to 
manhood  and  had  since  held  his  court,  and  where  he  himself,  as  a  friend  of 
learning  and  science,  now  began  to  collect  that  extensive  library  which,  after 
centuries  had  passed,  was  to  make  his  deeds  and  the  traditions  of  his  nation 
known  to  the  learning  of  the  West.  There  in  the  presence  of  his  father  and 
his  brothers,  of  the  princes,  captains,  and  great  men  of  Assyria,  he  received 
the  oath  of  fealty  from  the  dependent  kings  and  courtiers,  calling  on  the 
name  of  the  gods  and  binding  themselves  to  obedience  to  his  commands,  and 
the  maintenance  of  the  ancient  laws  and  institutions.  It  was  an  important 
step  on  the  part  of  the  old  king.  He  did  not  indeed  resign  the  government 
of  Assyria.  He  remained  king  over  this  part  of  his  kingdom  as  well  as  of 
the  others,  and  the  dignity  to  which  he  raised  his  son  was  only  the  petty  or 
vassal-kingship,  a  filial  government  under  his  own  still  existing  supremacy, 
whilst  he  was  himself  apart  from  this  primarily  king  of  Babylon,  Sumer, 
and  Accad,  as  well  as  king  of  the  kings  of  the  Egyptian  countries.  But  for 
this  very  reason  the  appointment  of  the  crown-prince  as  vassal-king  of 
Assyria,  in  reality  implied  the  transformation  of  that  country,  hitherto 
the  centre  of  the  empire,  and  whose  capital  had  been  the  seat  of  tlie  central 
government,  into  a  kingdom  occupying  merely  a  secondary  position,  whilst 
Babylon  became  the  seat  of  the  chief  rule  and  assumed  the  first  place.  It 
had  become  manifest  that  the  true  centre  of  the  empire  had  shifted  to  B^iby- 
lon,  and  that  the  latter  now  possessed  more  vital  energy  than  Assyria. 

Esarhaddon's  death  had  opened  up  to  the  Ethiopian  the  prospect  of  a 
reconquest  of  his  lost  territory.  It  was  to  be  expected  that  Tirhaqa  would 
take  advantage  of  an  opportunity  so  favourable  to  him,  and  soon,  no  doubt 
as  early  as  the  year  668,  tliere  came  a  messenger  to  Nineveh  with  the 
announcement  that  the  king  of  Gush  had  marched  into  Egypt  and  not  only 
overrun  the  whole  south  of  the  country,  but  had  even  made  a  triumphant 


426  THE   HISTORY  OF   MESOPOTAMIA 

[668  B.C.] 
entry  into  Memphis,  the  town  which  Esarhaddon  had  included  in  Assyria. 
The  governors  whom  the  last  Assyrian  king  had  set  up  had  not  indeed  gone 
over  to  the  enemy,  but  neither  had  they  ventured  to  resist  him.  On  his 
advance  they  had  deserted  their  chief  towns  and  retired  with  their  armed 
forces  to  the  desert.  Asshurbanapal  recognised  the  gravity  of  the  event, 
for  it  endangered  the  peace  of  the  coast  districts  along  the  Mediterranean. 
He  did  not  liimself  take  the  field,  but  he  immediately  sent  a  considerable 
force  into  the  west  under  the  leadership  of  the  Tartan  and  other  captains. 
The  latter  proceeded  to  Egypt  by  those  forced  marches  for  which  the  Assyr- 
ian army  was  distinguished,  and  hastened  to  the  assistance  of  the  governors 
wiio  were  liard  pressed  by  Tirhaqa.  At  Karbanit,  or  Karbana,  a  town  which 
lay  west  of  the  Canopic  branch  of  the  Nile,  near  its  mouth,  the  armies  joined 
battle.  The  defeat  of  the  Egyptians  was  so  complete  that  Tirhaqa  thought 
it  advisable  to  evacuate  Memphis  without  giving  himself  time  to  break  up 
his  camp.  This  and  all  the  Ethiopians'  armed  river-boats  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  Assyrians.  Tirhaqa  withdrew  to  Thebes  and  entrenched  himself 
there. 

Asshurbanapal,  who  had  been  informed  of  these  successes  of  his  army, 
decided  to  attack  the  enemy  in  Thebes.  But  as  the  Tartan's  army  had  also 
greatly  suffered,  he  ordered  the  Rabshakeh,  who  apparently  commanded  the 
garrisons  of  the  West,  to  collect  a  new  army  from  the  soldiers  and  auxiliaries 
under  his  command  belonging  to  all  governors  and  vassal-kings  west  of  the 
Euphrates.  Impressed  by  the  defeat  which  Tirhaqa  had  sustained,  the 
twenty-two  kings  of  the  seacoast,  the  plain,  and  the  island  of  Cyprus 
hastened  to  obey  this  command,  and  not  only  to  furnish  soldiers,  but  also  on 
demand  of  the  supreme  king  to  supply  ships  for  the  purpose  of  blockading 
the  coast  and  prevent  possible  attempts  at  risings  on  the  part  of  the  mari- 
time states  on  the  banks  of  the  Mediterranean,  and  perhaps  also  for  sailing 
up  the  Nile.  This  army  pushed  on  to  join  that  of  the  Tartan  and  the  troops 
of  the  loyal  Egyptian  vassals,  and  the  united  forces  then  marched  against 
Thebes,  which  was  reached  a  month  and  ten  days  later. 

Meanwhile  Tirhaqa  had  abandoned  the  town  itself  while  it  was  still  time, 
and  had  entrenched  himself  on  the  other  bank  of  the  river  in  the  city  of  the 
tombs.  Besides  this,  he  had  persuaded  three  of  the  principal  vassal-kings  to 
desert  froiii  the  Assyrian  and  go  over  to  his  side.  These  were  Sharludari, 
prince  of  Pelusium  (Si'nu),  Pakruru,  ruler  of  Pisept  in  Egyptian  Arabia, 
and  no  less  a  person  than  Neku  himself,  the  king  whom  Esarhaddon  had 
placed  at  the  head  of  all.  They  even  seem  to  have  taken  the  initiative, 
because  they  preferred  to  have  a  ruler  of  kindred  race  as  overlord,  rather 
than  obey  a  foreigner.  So  they  offered  to  conclude  an  alliance  with  the 
Ethiopian,  by  which  his  supremacy  was  recognised,  and  they  undertook  the 
defence  of  Lower  Egypt.  Had  their  design  succeeded,  the  Assyrian  army 
would  also  have  had  a  hostile  power  in  its  rear  and  have  seen  its  retreat  cut 
off.  But  fortunately  for  the  Assyrians  the  conspiracy  was  discovered. 
Their  messengers  were  seized,  the  letters  intercepted,  and  their  cunning 
plans  thus  cunningly  frustrated. 

But  first  Asshurbanapal  had  followed  the  example  of  his  father  and  par- 
doned Ncku.  After  he  had  exacted  from  him  an  oath  of  fealty  to  Asshur, 
and  hiid  him  under  heavier  burdens  than  before,  he  again  put  upon  him  the 
royal  purple  and  furnished  hiia  with  the  symbols  of  his  office  :  golden  rings 
on  hands  and  feet,  a  carved  sword  in  a  golden  sheath,  horses,  and  chariots  ; 
and  so  he  sent  him  back  to  Egypt,  that  he  might  rule  it  as  chief  of 
the  other  vassals  in  Asshur's  name.     He  himself  was  again  invested  witl 


FOUR   GENERATIONS   OF  ASSYRIAN   GREATNESS  427 

[668-664  B.C.] 

Kar-bel-matati,  —  that  is,  Sais,  —  and  his  son,  Nabu-shezib-anni,  received  the 
principality  of  Athribis  in  Lower  Egypt,  to  which  also  a  significant  Assyrian 
name,  Limir-shakku-Asshur  (let  the  governor  of  Asshur  beware)  was  given. 
The  other  kings  also  renewed  their  alliance  with  Assyria.  But  Asshurbanapal 
did  not  omit  to  strengthen  the  garrisons,  and  to  give  those  whom  he  had  par- 
doned Assyrian  officers  intended  to  keep  a  watchful  eye  upon  them. 

For  a  time  Egypt  enjoyed  peace  under  Neku's  sway  and  Assyria's  lord- 
ship. But  after  the  death  of  Tirhaqa,  Tamut-Amen,  too,  began  to  think  of 
a  reconquest  of  Egypt.  He  set  out  with  his  army,  and  like  the  former 
Ethiopian  king,  is  hailed  with  delight  in  Elephantine  and  Thebes  as  a 
deliverer ;  then  after  he  has  fortified  the  southern  capital,  he  continues  his 
march  to  ISIemphis,  where  he  first  encounters  resistance.  But  the  rebels,  as 
the  king  calls  them  —  these  were  of  course  the  Assyrian  garrison  with  the 
troops  of  Neku  who  ruled  over  Memphis  and  Sais  —  were  so  thoroughly 
beaten  in  a  desperate  sally,  that  they  evacuated  Memphis  and  retired  to  the 
strongholds  of  the  Delta.  Some  princes  headed  by  that  Pa-Kerer  (Pakruru) 
of  Pisept,  who  had  always  borne  the  Assyrian  yoke  with  reluctance,  came  to 
offer  their  submission,  which  was  graciously  accepted.  This  was  the  last 
time  that  an  Assyrian  army  undertook  a  campaign  against  Egypt. 

While  Asshurbanapal  had  restored  his  supremacy  in  Egypt  for  a  certain 
time,  for  the  present  at  least,  it  was  unshaken  in  the  northern  provinces  of 
the  West.  The  most  important  event  mentioned  by  the  Assyrian  record  of 
these  days  (evidently  about  664)  is  the  accession  of  Lydia.  Asshurbana- 
pal relates  that  the  Lydian  king,  prompted  by  a  dream  which  revealed  to 
him  the  magnanimity  of  Asshur,  sent  his  ambassadors  to  Nineveh  to  request 
the  alliance  and  protection  of  the  great  ruler.  For  the  deity  had  said  to 
him  that  by  the  renown  of  this  name  he  should  overcome  his  enemies.  He 
did  in  fact  succeed  in  doing  so.  The  Cimmerians  were  beaten  by  him.  It 
may  be  assumed,  though  it  is  not  stated,  that  Gyges  received  other  help 
from  the  Assyrians  besides  the  recognition  as  their  ally.  However  that 
may  be,  he  conquered,  and,  on  the  successful  termination  of  the  war,  sent  two 
Cimmerian  rebels  with  a  great  present  to  Nineveh.  There  they  were  no 
little  flattered  at  this  homage,  but  also  no  little  embarrassed  to  make  them- 
selves understood  by  the  new-comers,  or  to  understand  them  ;  for  even  at  a 
court  where,  as  the  Assyrian  writer  says,  the  languages  of  East  and  West 
were  met  together,  there  was  no  one  acquainted  with  the  speech  of  these 
barbarians. 

Probably  for  the  same  reason  as  Gyges,  Mukallu  of  Tabal,  his  eastern 
neighbour,  and  Yakinlu  of  Arvad,  with  perhaps  also  Sandasharme,  of  Cilicia, 
placed  themselves  under  the  protecting  wing  of  Assyria.  Knowing  the  tastes 
of  the  great  ruler  of  nations,  each  of  them  sent  him  a  daughter  for  his 
harem,  with  a  rich  present,  and  it  appears  that  this  was  the  custom.  Some 
even,  that  they  might  exhibit  the  more  zeal,  sent  him,  besides  their  own 
daughters,  those  of  their  brothers  and  other  relatives. 

In  the  east,  too,  Asshurbanapal  manifested  the  still  unbroken  superiority 
of  his  arms.  There,  shortly  after  or  at  the  same  time  as  the  P^gyptian  cam- 
paigns, he  had  already  chastised  a  mountain  people  whose  raids  had  greatly 
distressed  the  inhabitants  of  Yamudbal  [E-mutbal],  on  the  borders  of  Elam, 
so  that  the  chiefs  of  the  town  of  Dur-ilu  had  made  complaints  concerning 
them.  He  had  sent  a  force  which  subdued  the  tribe,  brought  the  chieftain 
Tandai  alive  to  Assyria  and  carried  off  a  great  number  of  captives.  The 
king  had  them  taken  to  Egypt  and  in  their  place  peopled  the  wasted  country 
with  prisoners  of  war  from  other  regions. 


428  THE   HISTORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

[664  B.C.] 

Of  far  greater  importance  was  the  campaign  against  Man.  The  cause  is 
not  stated,  but  may  well  have  been  that  the  king  of  Man,  Akhsheri,  declared 
himself  indej)endent,  or  had  shown  an  evident  disposition  to  attack  Assyria. 
If  this  were  so,  he  had  been  over-hasty  in  his  proceedings.  However  little 
of  the  warrior  there  may  have  been  in  Asshurbanapal's  nature,  the  Assyrian 
army,  in  the  early  i)eri(Kls  of  his  reign  at  least,  was  yet  too  fearless  and  its 
commanders  too  valiant  for  any  man  to  be  able  to  defy  the  powerful  mon- 
archy. Akhsheri  attempted  a  night  surprise  of  the  troops  sent  against  him, 
before  they  had  even  crossed  his  frontiers  ;  but  in  this  he  was  not  successful. 
The  Mai  means  were  defeated  in  a  bloody  battle,  and  for  a  distance  of  six 
leagues  round  their  dead  covered  the  battle-field.  Nothing  retarded  the 
victorious  army  from  entering  Man,  where  it  laid  waste  eight  great  towns 
whose  position  is  unknown  to  us,  as  well  as  a  crowd  of  small  places,  and  so 
reached  the  domain  of  the  capital,  Izirtu.  It  was  surrounded,  together  with 
the  towns  of  Urbija  and  Armijate,  and  after  the  inhabitants,  driven  to  the 
last  extremity,  had  surrendered,  they  were  led  away  and  their  whole  territory 
conquered  and  laid  waste. 

Hut  the  object  was  attained.  The  frightful  misery  of  the  war  which  had 
visited  that  unhappy  country  had  embittered  the  population  against  the  man 
to  whom  they  ascribed  its  guilt,  namely,  their  old  king,  Akhsheri.  In  any 
case,  he  had  sliown  his  incapacity  to  defend  his  country.  With  all  his  broth- 
ers and  his  father  and  family,  he  was  put  to  death,  and  so  great  was  the 
nation's  fury  that  they  would  not  even  concede  him  an  honourable  tomb,  but 
threw  the  corpse  on  to  the  streets  of  his  city.  His  son  Ualli,  himself  already 
a  middle-aged  man,  was  raised  to  the  throne,  and  he  hastened  to  acknow- 
ledge Assyria's  supreme  authority.  He  sent  his  young  son  to  Nineveh,  to 
kiss  the  monarch's  feet,  and  did  not  neglect  to  send  his  daughter  also,  to 
add  to  Asshurbanapal's  crowd  of  women.  His  submission  was  of  course 
accepted,  but  his  annual  tribute  was  raised  by  some  thirty  horses.  Other 
attempts  at  rebellion  in  the  north-east  were  soon  suppressed. 

But  whilst  these  disturbances  in  the  north-east  were  suppressed  without 
much  difficulty,  in  the  south-east  signs  soon  appeared  which  gave  warning 
of  that  great  storm  which  in  a  few  years  was  to  be  raised  there  and  to 
threaten  the  empire  with  destruction.  The  throne  of  Elam  was  still  occu- 
pied by  Urtaki,  who  had  always  preserved  a  friendship  with  Esarhaddon, 
and  had  received  from  him  repeated  tokens  of  good  will.  Asshurbanapal 
had  followed  up  this  policy  of  his  father  and  treated  Urtaki  as  an  ally,  and 
when  Elam  was  suffering  from  a  severe  famine  after  a  prolonged  drought  he 
liad  not  even  refrained  from  extending  a  helping  hand.  He  sent  grain  into 
the  atMieted  country,  and  not  only  permitted  those  of  Urtaki's  subjects  who 
fled  to  his  country  to  settle  there,  but  also  allowed  them  to  return  to  their 
native  land,  unhindered,  when  the  rains  had  again  appeared  and  a  sufficient 
harvest  secured.  If  in  this  he  was  prompted  by  motives  of  policy  it  was  at 
least  an  intelligent  and  peaceable  one.  In  a  proclamation  to  the  Elamite 
tribe  of  the  Rash,  and  the  tribes  of  the  Sea  Lands,  he  could  appeal  with  truth 
to  tiiese  tokens  of  neighbourliness.  But  they  did  not  prevent  Urtaki  from 
taking  arms  against  him  and  invading  Babylonia. 

It  seems  that  A.sshurl)anai)al  could  scarcely  believe  the  news  which  he 
received.  Instead  of  hurrying  to  the  spot  to  avert  the  danger,  as  had  been 
the  custom  f>f  his  warlike  father,  he  sent  a  messenger  to  inquire  into  the 
state  of  afVaiis  and  to  rejjort  to  him  upon  it.  The  latter  returned  with  the 
tidings  that  the  Klamites  had  poured  themselves  over  Accad  like  a  swarm  of 
locusts,  and  had  even  set  up  a  fortified  camp  in  sight  of  the  city  of  Babylon. 


FOUR  GENERATIONS   OF  ASSYRIAN   GREATNESS  429 

[ca.  664  B.C.] 

He  now  hastily  collected  an  army  which  drove  the  invaders  from  Accad,  and 
even  inflicted  a  defeat  on  them  on  the  frontier.  It  is  with  a  certain  unction 
that  the  Assyrian  scribe  recounts  the  melancholy  fate  which  soon  after 
overtook  all  these  enemies  of  his  king.  In  the  year  which  followed  these 
events  they  all  died :  Bel-basha,  as  it  seems,  from  a  poisonous  bite  ;  Na- 
bu-shum-eresh  in  a  flood ;  Urtaki  and  his  generals,  in  their  despair,  by  their 
own  hands  in  each  other's  presence.  Whether  the  narrator  learned  this  on 
good  authority  or  had  only  heard  it  from  rumour,  can  scarcely  be  determined; 
but  that  in  reality  they  all  died  soon  after  is  certain  ;  for  in  the  subsequent 
war  with  Elani,  sons  or  successors  are  found  in  their  places. 

The  crown  of  Elam  fell  to  Teumman,  brother  of  the  two  previous  kings, 
who  was  "  like  a  devil,"  says  our  Assyrian  informant.  That  he  was  a  tyrant 
who  would  shrink  from  no  means  of  preserving  his  power,  was  also  the  con- 
viction of  the  relatives  of  Ummanaldash  and  Urtaki,  the  last  two  kings  of 
Elam.  The  one  had  left  two  sons,  Kudurru  and  Paru,  the  other  three,  Um- 
manigash,  Ummanappa,  and  Tammaritu.  Well  aware  that  their  uncle  was 
determined  to  remove  them  from  his  path,  with  all  that  belonged  to  them,  in 
order  to  secure  the  succession  to  his  own  son,  they  abandoned  their  country 
with  a  great  following,  among  which  were  included  sixty  members  of  the 
royal  family  and  a  bodyguard  of  bowmen,  and  sought  shelter  and  protection 
with  Asshurbanapal. 

Naturally  Teumman  could  not  let  this  pass  unnoticed.  He  therefore 
hastened  to  despatch  two  ambassadors  to  Nineveh,  Umbadara,  an  Elamite, 
and  a  Chaldean,  Nabu-dammik,  and  to  demand  through  them  the  surrender 
of  the  fugitives.  But  Asshurbanapal,  encouraged  by  favourable  omens, 
dreams  of  his  seers,  and  oracles  of  the  gods ;  in  other  words,  incited  by  his 
priesthood  to  whose  guidance  he  always  submitted  in  pious  zeal,  steadfastly 
refused  to  comply  with  Teumman's  demand  and  assembled  an  army.  In  the 
month  of  Ulul  it  was  ready  to  march.  He  did  not  himself  take  the  field,  for 
in  fact  his  army,  led  by  one  of  his  generals,  had  merely  to  support  the  Elam- 
ite force  of  Ummanigash,  his  brothers  and  cousins.  Ummanigash  himself 
was  generalissimo,  if  only  in  name.  The  Assyrian  general  was  empowered 
to  set  Ummanigash  on  the  throne  of  Elam  in  the  name  of  the  Assyrian 
supreme  king,  after  the  conquest  of  the  country. 

Teumman  was  also  in  the  field  with  an  army.  But  when  he  learned  that 
the  troops  of  his  rival  and  of  the  Assyrians  had  already  marched  into  the 
towns  of  Dur-ilu,  which  lay  not  far  from  the  frontier  of  his  country,  and 
several  times  therefore  had  been  the  scene  of  a  struggle  between  the  two 
powers,  he  turned  back,  abandoning  the  western  provinces  of  his  kingdom, 
and  entrenched  himself  in  his  capital,  Shushan  [Susa],  which  lay  on  the 
eastern  bank  of  the  river  Ulai  [modern  Karun].  Meanwhile  the  allied  As- 
syrians and  Elamites  entered  the  royal  city  of  Mataktu,  which  lay  to  the 
west  of  that  river,  and  there  Ummanigash  is  crowned  king.  Teumman,  indeed, 
makes  one  more  effort ;  owing  to  the  damage  which  the  text  had  under- 
gone it  is  not  exactly  shown  of  what  kind,  but  from  the  context  it  is  plain 
that  he  sent  out  an  army  in  vain  to  hinder  the  advance  of  his  enemies. 
The  latter,  once  more  encouraged  by  a  dream,  cross  the  river  after  Teumman's 
troops  have  suffered  a  defeat  at  Tul-Liz,  and  now  attack  Shushan  itself. 
There  the  decisive  battle  takes  place.  It  ends  with  the  complete  defeat  of 
the  Elamites :  a  great  massacre  begins,  the  river  is  filled  with  corpses, 
and  innumerable  women  wander  about  the  neighbourhood  lamenting. 
Many  distinguished  and  a  large  number  of  lesser  prisoners  fall  into  the 
hands  of  the  Assyrians.     All  seek  safety  in  flight.     One  of  Teumman's  sous, 


430  THE   HISTORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

[ca.  664  B.C.] 
\vli()  had  advised  him  against  the  war  and  had  foretold  the  issue,  rends  his 
clothes  in  his  despair.  The  eklest  son,  Tanimaritu,  follows  his  father  in  his 
flight  to  the  forest,  and  wlien  the  king's  chariot  breaks  down  there,  they  are 
ov'ertaken  and  both  slain.  The  king's  head  is  sent  as  a  trophy  to  Assyria, 
where  it  was  set  up  on  the  great  gate  of  Nineveh,  an  eloquent  witness  to  the 
nation  of  the  nught  of  Assiiur  and  Ishtar.  His  son-in-law,  Urtaki,  himself 
begged  an  As.syrian  to  cut  off  his  head  and  send  it  as  good  tidings  to  Asshur- 
banapal.  Yet  others  of  tlie  great  men  of  the  kingdom  come  of  their  own 
accord  and  make  their  submission.  The  chief  magistrates  of  the  province  of 
Khidali  behead  their  own  prince,  Ishtarnandi,  and  one  of  them  himself 
brings  his  master's  severed  head  into  the  Assyrian  camp.  Tammaritu,  the 
third  brother  of  Ummanigash,  entrusts  the  government  of  this  principality 
to  the  Assyrian  generals,  and  Ummanigash  himself  now  makes  his  entry  into 
Shushan,  and  is  there  crowned  as  a  vassal  of  Assyria.  As  pledge  of  his 
loyalty  he  delivers  a  grandson  of  Marduk-bal-iddin,  better  known  by  the 
Hebrew  appellation  Merodach-baladan,  probably  the  author  of  the  whole 
resistance  to  the  Assyrian  king,  to  the  latter's  representatives. 

Hut  the  war  was  not  ended  with  the  punishment  of  Elam.  Dunanu,  the 
son  of  Bel-basha,  prince  of  Gambul,  was  now  to  be  taught  what  it  was  to 
side  with  the  enemy.  The  army,  on  its  return  from  Elam,  breaks  into  his 
territory,  conquers  the  capital  Shapi-Bel,  carries  away  from  it  all  who  have 
not  fallen  by  the  sword,  lays  the  whole  place  waste,  and  flings  the  ruins  into 
the  waters  of  the  stream  which  flows  around  it ;  whereupon  a  motley  crew 
of  human  beings  are  raked  together  and  brought  there  to  re-people  the 
desolate   country. 

It  was  a  grim  revenge  that  was  taken  on  all  enemies,  even  when  they 
were  already  dead,  on  their  corpses.  At  the  triumphal  entry  of  the  army 
into  Nineveh,  Dunanu  was  compelled  to  carry  the  head  of  his  ally,  Teumman, 
round  his  neck.  When  Teumman's  ambassadors,  who  had  remained  in  Nine- 
veh, saw  this,  one  of  them  tore  out  his  beard  in  his  despair,  and  the  other 
plunged  a  dagger  into  his  own  heart.  Dunanu  was  placed  on  the  rack  in 
Arbela  and  died  in  tortures.  All  his  brothers,  including  Samgunu,  as  well  as 
Merodach-baladan's  grandson  and  his  brothers,  were  also  put  to  death ;  the 
chiefs  of  the  Gambuli  were  even  flayed,  after  they  had  had  their  tongues 
torn  out  as  blasphemers  of  the  high  gods,  after  which  all  corpses  were  cut 
in  pieces,  and  were  then  sent  all  over  the  empire,  in  token  of  the  overlord- 
ship  of  Assyria.  With  a  refinement  of  cruelty  Asshurbanapal  even  caused 
the  corpse  of  his  old  opponent,  the  Tigenna  Nabu-shum-eresh,  which  he  had 
had  brought  to  Assyria  from  Gambul  for  the  purpose,  to  be  disfigured  in 
tlie  great  gate  of  Nineveh  by  the  latter's  own  sons.  Even  before  all  this 
Wiis  brought  to  a  conclusion,  Sarduris  III  of  Urartu,  perhaps  because  he  was 
already  threatened  by  the  Iranian  enemies,  who  were  soon  to  put  an  end 
to  the  Kingdom  of  Van,  and  was  anxious  to  obtain  the  help  of  his  power- 
ful neiglibour,  despatched  an  ambassador  to  the  latter.  Asshurbanapal  did 
not  omit  to  make  use  of  the  occasion  to  bring  Teumman's  ambassadors  before 
the  new-comers,  in  order  to  inspire  the  former  with  a  consciousness  of  liis 
greatness,  and  to  give  the  latter  a  warning  example  in  case  their  sovereign 
also  sliould  prove  unfaithful. 

Thus  the  greatest  danger  that  had  hitherto  threatened  the  empire  seemed 
})ermanently  averted,  and  if  ever  a  pitiless  revenge  was  qualified  to  deprive 
the  conquered  nations  of  the  desire  to  fight  for  their  independence,  this  must 
certainly  have  been  the  case  after  such  a  sanguinary  judgment.  But  it  was 
soon    to   be  manifested  that   it   had   availed  nothing.      Assyria   had    only 


FOUR   GENERATIONS   OF  ASSYRIAN   GREATNESS  431 

[ca.  664-048  B.C.] 

succeeded  in  making  herself  more  detested  than  before,  and  had  only  stirred  up 
princes  and  peoples  alike  to  resist  everything  rather  than  any  longer  endure 
the  yoke  of  the  hangman  of  Asia. 


THE   brothers'    WAR   (652-648    B.C.) 

About  the  year  652  a  formidable  war  broke 
out  against  Assyria.  It  had,  perhaps,  long 
been  secretly  preparing  before  Asshurbanapal 
had  any  suspicion  of  the  danger  which  threat- 
ened him.  He  believed  that  his  conciliatory 
policy  had  secured  the  permanent  attachment 
of  the  Babylonians.  He  had  invested  his 
brother,  Shamash-shum-ukin,  with  the  royal 
dignity,  raised  him  to  be  lord  of  all  Sumer 
and  Accad,  and  had  placed  an  army  of  foot- 
soldiers,  horses,  and  chariots  at  his  disposal. 
Those  of  the  inhabitants  of  towns,  plains,  and 
farms  who  had  left  the  country  during  the 
period  of  anarchy,  or  had  been  carried  ofif,  he 
had  permitted  to  return.  As  for  the  Babylo- 
nians who  had  settled  in  Assyria,  he  did  not 
merely  place  them  on  a  level  with  his  own  im- 
mediate subjects,  but  treated  them  with  espe- 
cial distinction,  continued  the  privileges  which 
Esarhaddon  had  granted  them,  and  raised 
them  to  important  offices,  and  they  even  moved 
about  his  royal  court  unmolested,  clad  in  mag- 
nificent garments  with  golden  ornaments.  They 
still  continued  to  protest  their  submission  to 
the  Assyrian  domination,  yet  all  the  time 
they  were  conspiring  with  Shamash-shum-ukin 
against  the  king. 

The  first  intimation  of  this  conspiracy  came 
to  the  king  from  Kudur,  the  governor  of  Erech.  This  faithful  servant  had 
received  from  Sin-tabni-usur,  the  governor  of  Ur,  information  to  the  effect 
that  envoys  from  the  king  of  Babylon  had  been  there  and  that  some  of  tlie 
people  had  already  risen.  Sin-tabni-usur  had  no  mind  to  give  ear  to  the 
proposals  from  Babylon,  and  had  consequently  requested  reinforcements. 
Kudur  sent  him  five  hundred  men,  who,  at  his  request,  were  afterwards 
increased  by  troops  belonging  to  the  governor  of  Arpakha  and  Amida. 
But  it  seems  that  Sin-tabni-usur  was  unable  to  maintain  himself  until  these 
supports  came  up,  and  even  before  their  arrival  found  himself  constrained  to 
go  over  to  the  party  of  the  rebels. 

Asshurbanapal  was  soon  to  learn  with  horror  that  the  movement,  the 
soul  of  which  was  his  disloyal  brother,  had  spread  with  great  swiftness,  and 
that  Kudur's  anxiety  was  not  without  foundation.  Shanuish-shum-ukin 
sent  messengers  in  all  directions,  and  they  did  not  work  in  vain.  All 
Accad  and  Chaldea,  all  the  Aramaeans  of  Babylonia,  all  the  inhabitants  of 
the  Sea  Lands  joined  with  him.  His  chief  ally  in  this  district  was :  Nabu- 
bel-shume,  grandson  of  Merodach-baladan,  that  irreconcilable  enemy  of 
Assyria,  who  was  now  king  of  Chaldea;  Mannuki-Babili,  prince  of  Bit- 
Dakkuri ;  Ea-shum-basha,  prince  of  Bit-Amukkani,  and  Nadan  of  Puqudu. 


An  Assyrian  Bowman 


432  THE   HISTORY   OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

[ca.  652-648  B.C.] 
Ummanigash,  king  of  Elani,  wlio  owed  his  tlirone  to  Asshurbanapal,  was  also 
gained  over  by  Shamash-sliuui-ukin.  Asshurbanapal  had  fancied  that  he 
might  venture  to  impose  on  the  Elamite,  who  owed  him  so  much,  conditions 
which  the  latter  could  certainly  only  fullil  with  great  difficulty.  He  had 
demanded  the  restoration  of  the  goddess  Nana  of  Erech,  which  had  been  in 
the  possession  of  Elam  for  centuries,  and  whose  worship  had  become  so 
popular  that  the  kings  still  sent  their  gifts  to  the  goddess  of  Erech.  Um- 
manigash could  not  comply  with  this  demand  without  exciting  universal 
di.scontent  in  his  kingdom,  and,  doubtless,  in  consequence  of  this,  was  all 
tlie  more  inclined  to  listen  to  tlie  i)roposals  of  the  Babylonian  prince.  They 
were  supported  by  a  rich  gift,  for  which  the  temple  treasures  of  Bel-Marduk 
in  Babylon,  of  Nabu  in  Borsippa,  and  of  Nergal  in  Kutha  had  been  plundered. 
Ummanigash  immediately  sent  auxiliaries  to  Chaldea.  The  Guti  nomads 
on  the  Assyrio-Babylonian  frontier,  the  kings  of  the  West,  with  Baal  of 
Tyre  at  their  head,  and  the  king  of  Melukhkha,  by  whom  Psamthek  is  here 
doubtless  meant ;  these,  too,  Shamash-shum-ukin  found  prepared  to  join 
him  in  a  rising  against  Assyria.  The  secession  of  Gyges,  king  of  Lydia, 
who  had  previously  concluded  an  alliance  with  the  Egyptian  king,  probably 
also  belongs  to  this  time,  and  it  is  certain  that  various  Egyptian  sheikhs  also 
sided  with  Babylon.  Only  the  peoples  of  the  north-east  and  north  of  the 
empire  appear  to  have  taken  no  part  in  the  movement.  They  were  held 
in  check  by  the  energetic  governors  of  Amida  and  Arpakha,  the  last  of 
whom  even  prevented  the  north  of  Elam  from  rising  against  the  supreme 
king. 

There  was  need  of  energy  and  wisdom  to  exorcise  the  storm,  which  was 
approaching  from  so  many  sides  at  once.  Asshurbanapal,  with  whom  religion 
occupied  so  prominent  a  place,  of  course  turned  first  to  his  gods.  But  he  did 
not  neglect  active  measures.  Yet  it  is  not  clear  or  probable  that  he  himself 
took  up  arras.  When  Tamraaritu  came  to  him  in  the  year  650,  he  was  at 
Nineveh.  But  in  the  preceding  years  he  had  sent  out  various  armies  to  attack 
the  allies  at  different  points.  As  soon  as  the  news  from  Babylon  reached 
hira,  he  i.ssued  a  proclamation  to  the  Babylonians,  in  which  he  denounced 
his  brother's  treachery  as  ingratitude  and  exhorted  those  whom  he  had  so 
favoured  not  to  join  Shamash-shum-ukin.  It  is  true  that  these  words  found 
no  eciio  amongst  tlie  nobility  of  Babylon,  but  they  were  not  perhaps  Avithout 
influence  on  the  temper  of  the  nation.  At  any  rate,  the  latter  finally  turned 
against  their  king.  Wlien  Ummanigash's  troops  invaded  Chaldea  and 
Kardunyash,  in  the  year  657,  they  encountered  an  Assyrian  force.  At  the 
head  of  the  Elamites  was  the  son  of  Teumman,  that  Elamite  king  whom 
Asshurbanapal  had  put  to  death,  and  who  had  been  chosen  by  Ummanigash 
as  his  general,  because  he  had  the  death  of  his  father  to  revenge  on  the 
Assyrians.  With  him  came  the  governors  of  Billate  and  Khilmu,  Zazaz  and 
Paru ;  Attumetu,  the  captain  of  the  bowmen,  Neshu  the  Elamite  commander, 
and  a  Babylonian  division  joined  them.  The  account  of  tlie  battle  is  too 
much  damaged  for  us  to  form  any  conclusion  about  it.  But  it  is  evident 
that  the  Assyrians  obtained  some  success,  to  which  the  severed  head  of 
Attumetu,  which  was  sent  to  Asshurbanapal  at  Nineveh,  bore  witness. 

It  was  not  so  easy  to  coerce  the  chief  author  of  the  war.  Shamash-shum- 
ukin's  first  measure  was  to  close  all  tlie  gates  of  Babylon,  Borsippa,  and 
Sippar,  to  place  garrisons  in  all  places  of  any  importance,  and  make  him- 
self master  of  all  the  towns  in  Babylonia.  As  a  sign  that  he  renounced  his 
allegiance,  he  caused  all  the  sacrifices  to  the  highest  gods,  which  Asshurbana- 
pal had  instituted,  to  be  suspended,  and  appropriated  all  the  gifts  assigned 


FOUR   GENERATIONS   OF  ASSYRIAN   GREATNESS  433 

[ca.  652-648  B.C.] 

to  them,  a  measure  which  excited  the  indignation  of  the  supreme  king  more 
than  anything  else. 

This  happened  in  the  year  650,  for  it  must  have  been  in  the  April  of  that 
year  that  Bel-ibni  was  appointed  governor  of  the  lands  on  the  coast.  Chaldea 
and  the  surrounding  territories  were  now  also  subdued.  These  had  revolted 
in  the  previous  year  after  Shamash-shum-ukin  had  raised  the  standard  of 
rebellion  in  the  year  652.  On  the  4th  Nisan  651,  Merodach-baladan's  grand- 
son, Nabu-bel-shume,  had  collected  an  army  of  Accadians,  Chaldeans,  and 
Kardunyashu  (the  men  of  the  coast)  in  which  he  had  included  the  Assyrians 
whom  Asshurbanapal  had  sent  him  as  auxiliaries  or  garrison.  Between  the 
22nd  Tammuz  and  22nd  Abu  of  the  same  year,  Sin-tabni-usur,  the  governor, 
had  joined  them,  and  between  7th  Abu  and  the  7th  Ulul  the  Elamite  aux- 
iliaries had  also  marched  up.  But  in  the  end  the  Assyrian  army  had  defeated 
them  all  and  compelled  the  Elamites  to  retreat.  Nabu-bel-shume  had  fol- 
lowed them  with  his  troops  to  Elam.  The  Assyrians,  on  whom  he  could  not 
depend,  he  had  previously  sent  under  a  reliable  commander  in  the  same 
direction,  very  probably  under  pretence  of  letting  them  march  against  Elam, 
and  thus  had  delivered  into  the  hands  of  Indabigash.  Perhaps  this  defeat 
was  the  cause  of  Tammaritu's  fall.  It  must  have  at  least  followed  soon  after. 
The  south  of  Babylonia  was  certainly  again  brought  under  the  Assyrian 
dominion  towards  the  end  of  year  651. 

Asshurbanapal  could  now  turn  his  thoughts  to  attacking  the  arch-rebel 
in  his  own  territory.  It  seems  that  the  latter  had  again  entered  into  rela- 
tions with  Elam,  and  either  now  went  there  in  person  or  sent  messen- 
gers. But  on  the  17th  Arakhsamnu  (Marsheshwan)  651,  Asshurbanapal's 
warriors  advanced  against  his  brother.  In  the  year  650  they  stormed  in 
fearful  fashion  through  northern  Babylonia,  instituted  a  formidable  massacre 
of  Shamash-shum-ukin's  subjects  in  town  and  country,  made  themselves 
masters  of  the  canals,  and  finally  surrounded  Sippar,  Babylon,  and  Bor- 
sippa,  which  the  Babylonian  king  had  fortified.  The  siege  must  have  lasted 
a  year  or  two,  for  it  was  not  till  648  that  the  capital  was  taken. 

And  it  would  not  have  fallen  then  —  so  obstinately  was  it  defended  — 
had  not  the  misery  within  the  walls  reached  the  acme.  The  famine  was  so 
dreadful  that  the  besieged  fed  on  the  flesh  of  their  own  children,  and  famine 
was  followed  by  plague.  The  gods  themselves  fought  for  the  Assyrians,  as 
the  historian  remarks.  Then  despair  fell  upon  the  people.  In  their  fury 
they  laid  hold  on  Shamash-shum-ukin,  and  threw  him,  doubtless  together 
with  some  of  his  satellites,  into  the  fire.  The  town  was  then,  of  course, 
handed  over  to  the  enemy,  and  thus  escaped  the  fate  which  Sennacherib  had 
already  inflicted  on  it.  A  strict  trial  was  held.  Those  who  had  been 
concerned  in  the  rebellion,  such  of  them  as  had  escaped  the  sword,  hunger, 
and  plague,  who  had  saved  themselves  betimes  during  the  rising  and  so  could 
not  be  burnt  with  their  master,  were  dragged  from  the  hiding-place  where 
they  had  concealed  themselves  into  the  light  of  day,  and  slain  without  grace 
or  mercy,  so  that  not  one  of  them  escaped.  Those  who  had  incited  to  rebel- 
lion and  defamed  Asshur  had  their  tongues  torn  out  of  their  mouths  before 
they  were  sent  to  death.  But  the  heaviest  punishment  overtook  those  who 
had  already  been  punished  as  rebels  by  the  king's  grandfather,  Sennacherib, 
and  whose  severed  limbs  were  now  thrown  to  the  dogs  and  all  kinds  of  beasts 
of  prey.  The  corpses  of  those  who  had  been  destroyed  by  disease,  hunger, 
and  wretchedness,  and  which  filled  the  streets  of  Babylon,  Sippar,  Kutha, 
and  the  surrounding  country,  were  dragged  away  and  piled  up  in  lieaps,  and 
the  insulted  gods  and  angry  goddesses  were  appeased  by  the  care  which  was 

H.  W.  VOL.  I.  2  F 


434  THE   HISTORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

[648  B.C.] 

now  bestowed  upon  their  sanctuaries  and  altars.  All  fugitives  were  par- 
doned and  granted  life  ;  they  were  permitted  to  settle  in  Babylon.  Nor  was 
the  town  plundered  in  any  way.  Asshurbanapal  contented  himself  with  the 
spoil  from  the  palace  of  his  rebellious  brother,  with  his  harem,  household  char- 
iots, munitions  of  war,  and  the  tokens  of  his  royal  dignity,  and  all  this  he  had 
carried  to  Assyria  with  the  captured  warriors. 

In  the  south  of  the  country  the  ferment  seems  to  have  lasted  longer. 
The  Accadians,  Chaldeans,  Aramteans,  and  inhabitants  of  the  coast,  who  had 
formerly  served  Shamash-shum-ukin  and  then  submitted  to  the  Assyrian 
governor,  liel-ibni,  had  now  of  their  own  accord  once  more  risen  against 
Asshurbanapal  ;  but  the  Assyrian  army,  now  the  army  of  Babylon,  marched 
into  their  territory,  and  soon  brought  the  whole  country  back  to  the  Assyr- 
ian dominion.  Governors  and  princes  appointed  by  the  king  reintroduced 
the  Assyrian  laws,  and  saw  that  the  yearly  tribute  was  henceforth  paid 
regularly. 

THE  LAST  WARS   OF   ASSHURBANAPAL  (648-626   B.C.) 

/^A  As  before  related,  Merodach-baladan's  grand- 

son, Nabu-bel-shume,  had  delivered  those  troops 
which  Asshurbanapal  had  sent  him  for  the  defence 
of  his  country  against  the  Elamites  and  insurgent 
Babylonians  into  Indabigash's  hand.  Even  before 
Babylon  was  taken,  the  Assyrian  king  had  sent  an 
envoy  to  the  latter  to  demand  the  release  of  these 
men.  Indabigash  had  answered  with  proposals 
for  peace.  He  does  not  seem  to  have  dared  to 
risk  a  struggle  with  Assyria,  nor  yet  to  have  been 
prepared  to  comply  with  Asshurbanapal's  request; 
the  party  of  the  Chaldeans  and  their  friends  was 
probably  too  powerful  in  Elam  for  this.  After 
Babylon  had  fallen,  the  Assyrian  sent  a  fresh  mes- 
senger, supported  by  a  numerous  army,  with  a 
vigorous  ultimatum  to  Elam.  "  If  thou  restorest 
not  these  men,"  so  ran  the  message,  "  then  will  I 
come  and  destroy  thy  cities,  carry  away  the  people 
of  Shushan,  Madaktu,  and  Khidalu,  thrust  thee 
from  thy  royal  throne,  and  put  another  in  thy 
place.  As  formerly  I  destroyed  Teumman,  so  will 
I  destroy  thee."  But  the  envoy  had  not  yet  got 
so  far  as  Deri,  when  the  war  party  killed  Inda- 
bigash from  a  natural  fear  lest  he  should  yield, 
and  had  made  Ummanaldash,  the  son  of  Attu- 
metu,  king. 

Of  course  the  latter  refused  Asshurbanapal's  re- 
quest, and  the  war  broke  out  afresh.  Asshurbana- 
pal now  intended  to  establish  Tammaritu  for  the 
second  time  in  the  government  of  Elam,  a  policy  which  again  was  des- 
tined not  to  be  realised.  A  powerful  army,  led  by  this  claimant,  marched 
into  the  enemy's  country,  and  several  border-towns  immediately  submitted 
through  fear,  and  came  to  offer  their  men  and  cattle.  The  first  resistance 
was  encountered  at  Bit-Imbi,  once  a  royal  city  of  Elam,  "which  shut  in  the 
front  of  Elam  like  a  great  bulwark,"  and  had  been  conquered  by  Sennache- 
rib and  razed  to  the  ground.     But  a  later  Elamite  king  had  built  a  new 


H 


r 


FOUR   GENERATIONS   OF  ASSYRIAN   GREATNESS  435 

[&48-G26  B.C.] 

Bit-Imbi  opposite  the  old  town  and  surrounded  it  with  a  strong  wall  and 
outworks.  This  town  defended  itself  obstinately,  but  it  was  conquered,  and 
those  who  would  not  submit  were  beheaded  and  their  lips  sent  to  Assyria  as 
trophies  of  victory.  The  captain  of  the  bowmen,  Imbappi,  who  was  a  son- 
in-law  of  the  Elamite  king  and  had  commanded  in  the  city,  fell  alive  into 
the  enemy's  hands,  together  with  the  harem,  the  sons  of  the  former  king 
Teumman,  and  the  rest  of  the  population,  and  was  led  away  to  Assyria. 

This  feat  of  arms  appears  to  have  been  of  great  importance,  for  no  sooner 
did  it  reach  Ummanaldash's  ears  than  he  fled  from  Madaktu  into  the  moun- 
tains. The  same  course  was  followed  by  another  prince  (Umbahabua?)  who 
had  reigned  in  Elam  for  a  time,  before  Ummanaldash,  but,  in  face  of  a  rebel- 
lion, had  retreated  to  Bubilu.  He  too  left  his  dwelling,  and  hid  himself  in 
the  low-lying  districts  on  the  seacoast.  Elam  was  now  open  to  the  Assyrian 
army,  which  made  use  of  the  opportunity  to  march  into  Shushan  and  there 
again  consecrate  Tammaritu  king.  But  the  latter  perceived  that  it  was  only 
as  a  shadow  king  that  he  had  been  set  up.  When  the  Assyrian  troops  who 
had  accompanied  him  withdrew  to  their  own  country  with  the  greater  part 
of  the  population  as  prisoners  and  an  enormous  spoil,  he  was  completely 
undeceived  and  sought  to  prevent  this  impoverishment  of  the  land  by  force. 
But  he  was  unsuccessful.  In  the  eyes  of  the  Assyrians  this  was  base  ingrati- 
tude ;  he  was  deposed  and  again  carried  off,  and  before  the  return  march  was 
finally  entered  upon,  a  regular  drive  was  made  over  the  whole  of  Elam,  dur- 
ing which  the  chief  towns  were  sacked.  But  no  Assyrian  garrison  remained 
behind  in  the  country,  and  there  is  no  word  of  its  permanent  annexation. 
Immediately  after  the  withdrawal  of  the  Assyrian  army,  Ummanaldash  II 
came  out  from  his  hiding-place  and  once  more  obtained  possession  of  the 
government. 

But  Asshurbanapal  was  not  satisfied  with  this  non  possum^  and  this  time 
he  sent  Tammaritu  himself  as  ambassador  with  another  demand.  The  oracle 
he  had  asked  from  the  goddess  of  Erech  had  enjoined  on  him  to  fetch  back 
the  image  of  the  goddess  Nana,  which  had  been  carried  off  to  Elam  centuries 
before.  It  will  be  remembered  that  this  oracle  had  already  served  as  an 
excuse  to  draw  Ummanigash  into  a  war.  It  was  now  again  made  use  of. 
But  Ummanaldash,  no  more  than  his  predecessor,  could  comply  with  the 
demand  without  setting  throne  and  life  at  stake.  No  other  choice  remained 
for  him  than  to  try  the  fortune  of  war. 

The  war  proceeded  as  it  had  the  first  time,  but  was  conducted  with  more 
energy  and  certainly  lasted  longer.  Bit-Imbi  was  again  taken,  then  the  Rashi 
country  and  the  city  of  Khamanu  with  its  territory,  a  conquest  which  the 
Assyrians  thought  important  enough  to  be  perpetuated  in  a  relief.  Although 
all  this  was  only  frontier  territory,  Ummanaldash  thought  it  advisable  to  leave 
Madaktu,  the  western  capital  of  his  country,  and  to  retreat  to  Dur-Undasi, 
a  town  on  the  farther  side  of  tlie  Ulai,  but  west  of  the  rive^-  Ididi,  which 
formed  a  strong  natural  defence.  Thus  he  abandoned  a  great  part  of  his 
country,  but  even  there  he  did  not  feel  himself  safe  and  crossed  the  Ididi  that 
he  might  range  his  troops  behind  it  in  order  of  battle.  The  Assyrians  pur- 
sued their  triumphal  march,  took  one  town  after  the  other,  and  at  last  came 
to  Dur-Undasi.  But  here  the  army  refused  to  go  farther,  and  two  days  went 
by  before  they  could  make  up  their  minds  to  cross  tlie  apparently  dangerous 
river.  However,  in  the  nick  of  time,  Ishtar  of  Arbela,  the  warlike  goddess, 
whose  priesthood  doubtless  accompanied  the  army  witli  a  portable  sanctuary 
or  ark,  sent  one  of  her  seers  a  dream  in  which  she  promised  hor  help,  and 
this  restored  the  army's  courage.     The  crossing  was  a  success,  the  army  of 


436  THE   HISTORY  OF   MESOPOTAMIA 

[(548-62G  B.C.] 

Uniinauiildiish  \v:i.s  beaten,  and  twelve  Elamite  provinces  east  of  the  Ididi 
with  fourteen  royal  f,'ities  and  a  number  of  smaller  places  were  abandoned  to 
destruction. 

Still  there  was  no  intention  of  taking  possession  of  the  country,  and  when 
L'mmanaldash  with  the  remnant  of  his  army  had  gone  farther  into  the  moun- 
tains, and  consequently  there  was  no  longer  a  dangerous  enemy  on  the  east 
side  of  the  Ididi  to  hinder  the  operations  on  the  west  side,  the  Assyrians 
marched  back  into  Shushan.  There  was  the  goddess  for  whose  sake  the 
whole  expedition  liad  been  undertaken.  On  former  occasions,  when  Shushan 
had  been  taken,  the  object  of  the  war  was  to  set  the  Elamite  pretender  on 
the  throne,  then  the  restoration  could  hardly  be  demanded.  But  now  Asshur 
was  in  arms  against  Elam  itself,  and  consideration  need  no  longer  be 
shown.  The  goddess  was  brought  back  to  Erech  to  her  sanctuary,  E-khili- 
anha,  '•  the  house  of  power  in  the  heavens,"  and  the  king  caused  new  and 
permanant  sanctuaries  to  be  erected  for  her. 

To  all  a])pearances  and  contrary  to  his  practice,  he  had  himself  come  to 
Shushan.  At  least,  it  is  related  that  he  clasped  the  hands  of  the  goddess, 
that  is,  performed  a  religious  ceremony  in  her  sanctuary  and  that  he  also  had 
the  gratification  of  entering  the  palace  of  Shushan  and  seating  himself  on  the 
throne  of  the  hereditary  enemy  of  Assyria.  Elam  was  one  of  the  oldest  and 
most  famous  monarchies  of  Asia,  and  Shushan  was  the  sacred  city,  the  seat 
of  the  gods  and  the  place  of  their  oracles.  In  the  treasure  chamber  of  the 
royal  citadel  were  heaped  up  all  those  valuables  which  the  kings  of  Elam  had 
collected  ''  down  to  the  kings  of  those  days,"  and  which  had  never  yet  been 
touched  by  a  victorious  enemy.  No  little  of  the  treasure  had  been  taken 
away  by  former  Elamite  kings  from  Sumer,  Accad,  and  Kardunyash,  and 
there  was  also  a  collection  of  valuables  and  jewels  with  royal  insignia,  which 
former  kings  of  Accad,  down  to  Shamash-shumukin,  had  presented  to  Elam 
in  exchange  for  her  help.  All  this,  with  all  the  glories  of  the  royal  palace, 
where  a  rich  and  splendour-loving  court  had  resided,  Asshurbanapal  took 
with  him  to  his  own  states.  The  very  tombs  of  the  kings  were  not  spared 
by  the  conqueror  :  they  were  destroyed  and  exposed  to  the  light  of  day;  even 
the  corpses  were  carried  off,  so  that  the  shades  had  to  wander  about  homeless. 
In  order  to  mortify  the  enemy  as  much  as  possible,  the  Assyrian  soldiers  were 
allowed  to  desecrate  those  sacred  forests,  whose  precincts  no  unhallowed  foot 
might  ever  tread,  and  then  to  burn  them. 

Whilst  the  Elamite  war  was  still  raging  in  the  west,  the  Arabs  had 
again  arisen.  Abiyate,  whom  Asshurbanapal  had  appointed  in  the  place  of 
Yauta-ben-Hazael  as  Assyrian  vassal-king  of  Aribi,  entered  into  negotiations 
with  Natnu,  prince  of  Nabathea,  to  whom  Yauta  had  formerly  fled,  but  who 
had  at  that  time  thought  it  safer  to  seek  the  friendship  of  Assyria.  He  now 
allowed  himself  to  be  persuaded  to  trouble  the  borders  of  the  western  prov- 
inces of  A.ssyria,  in  conjunction  with  Abiyate.  Lest  the  forces  in  this  district 
should  not  be  strong  enough  to  face  the  joint  attacks  of  the  Arabs,  a  powerful 
army  was  despatched  from  Assyria  to  quell  the  rising.  Arrived  on  the  25th 
Sivan  at  Khadata,  which  probably  lay  at  the  eastern  extremity  of  this  desert, 
the  army  pursued  its  way  unchallenged  to  Laribda,  a  well- watered  oasis, 
where  the  camp  was  lixed,  and  then  marched  on  to  Khurarina,  not  far  from 
Yarki  and  Azalli,  still  in  the  same  desert,  where  the  first  encounter  took 
place.  There  the  Isamme,  the  Bedouins,  who  worship  the  god  Atarsamain 
and  the  Nabatheans,  sought  to  stop  the  further  progress  of  the  Assyrian 
army,  ])ut  were  defeated.  The  victors,  having  provided  themselves  with 
water  from  Azalli,  marched  on  to  Kurasiti.     There  again  stood  Bedouins 


FOUR   GENERATIONS   OF  ASSYRIAN   GREATNESS  437 

[648-626  B.C.] 

who  worship  Atarsamain,  with  Yauta-ben-Bir-Dadda  and  the  men  of  Kedar, 
but  they  too  gave  way,  and  not  only  a  rich  booty,  but  Yauta's  gods  and 
women,  with  his  mother,  fell  into  the  Assyrians'  hands  and  were  carried 
with  them  to  Damascus.  On  the  night  of  the  3rd  Abu,  after  a  rest  of  about 
forty  days,  the  Assyrian  army  marched  to  the  town  of  Khulkhuliti,  south  of 
Damascus,  and  in  the  mountain  region  of  Khukkurina  a  battle  was  fought 
with  the  two  sons  of  Te'ri,  namely,  the  leaders  of  the  rebellion,  Abiyate  and 
Aamu.  Aamu  was  taken  alive,  chained  hand  and  foot,  and  sent  to  Nineveh, 
where  Asshurbanapal  had  him  flayed.  The  remainder  of  the  troops  sought 
refuge  in  the  hiding-places  in  the  mountains ;  but  when  the  Assyrians  set 
guard  in  all  the  surrounding  places  and  cut  off  their  supplies  of  water,  they 
found  themselves  under  the  necessity  first  of  killing  their  camels  and  then 
of  surrendering  themselves.  They,  too,  were  taken  to  Assyria,  and  thus  the 
country  was  as  though  "inundated  with  Arabs  and  camels."  Yauta-ben- 
Bir-Dadda  still  kept  the  field  with  his  troops  ;  but  when  disease  and  famine 
had  made  terrible  havoc  among  them,  they  came  to  the  conclusion  that 
they  were  no  match  for  the  might  of  the  Assyrian  gods,  rose  against  their 
king,  and  drove  him  from  them.  He  was  seized  by  the  enemy  and  sent  to 
Assyria.  There  his  son  was  killed  before  his  eyes  by  Asshurbanapal's  own 
hand,  and  he  and  his  cousin  bound  with  a  dog-chain  to  Nerib-mashuakti-atuati, 
the  eastern  gate  of  Nineveh.  The  king  counted  it  as  a  favour  that  he  escaped 
with  his  life. 

Even  Ummanaldash  was  also  destined  to  fall  into  the  Assyrians'  hands. 
His  own  subjects  rose  against  him,  perhaps  at  the  instigation  of  a  certain 
Ummanigash,  a  son  of  Ametirra,  and  he  sought  refuge  in  the  mountains. 
The  Assyrians  made  use  of  these  disturbances  to  march  into  Elam,  fan  the 
fire  of  rebellion,  and  lead  Ummanaldash  in  triumph  to  their  own  country. 
The  ancient  monarchy,  which  had  so  often  threatened  Assyria,  was  now 
entirely  broken.  For  a  time  Elam  still  prolonged  a  melancholy  existence. 
She  was  not  annexed  to  the  Assyrian  Empire.  But  when,  within  a  few 
years,  the  latter's  power  had  disappeared,  Elam  fell  an  easy  prey  to  the 
Persians,  when  Prince  Sispis,  or  Teispes,  of  the  race  of  the  Achcemenidae, 
placed  himself  on  the  throne  of  Shushan. 

Little  dreaming  that  the  hour  of  Asshur's  downfall  was  so  soon  to  strike, 
Asshurbanapal  revelled  in  the  joy  of  victory.  In  memory  of  all  these  triumphs, 
and  in  order  to  show  his  gratitude  for  the  help  of  the  gods,  he  built  a  new 
sanctuary  for  the  great  goddess  of  Nineveh,  the  spouse  of  Asshur,  and  when 
it  was  ready  and  he  presented  himself  in  it  in  order  to  consecrate  it  with 
ceremonial  sacrifices,  he  had  his  royal  chariot  dragged  to  the  gate  of  the 
temple  by  four  captive  kings,  —  Tammaritu,  Pa'e,  Ummanaldash,  and  Y''auta. 
This  barbarous  triumph  was  his  last,  and  the  last  also  of  the  renowned 
Assyrian  army. 6 


i^ 


m 


(■IIAI'IKK    V.     THE   DECLINE  AND   FALL   OF   ASSYRIA 


We  have  followed  the  fortunes  of  Assyria  through  several  dynasties  of 
clearest  historical  record.  But,  curiously  enough,  as  we  now  proceed  the 
lanc^narks  disappear,  and  we  enter  a  realm  of  myth,  as  if  we  were  going 
backward  instead  of  forward  in  time.  Even  while  Asshurbanapal  lives,  the 
recc^rd  becomes  vague,  and  after  him  there  is  almost  nothing  securely  known 
of  its  details.  Even  the  names  of  his  successors  are  somewhat  in  doubt. 
The  only  sure  thing  is  the  broad  historical  fact  that  the  empire  declined  in 
])ower  until  it  was  completely  overthrown  by  the  Scythians  and  Babylonians 
iibi)ut  twenty  years  after  the  death  of  Asshurbanapal — the  precise  date  of 
this  closing  scene  being,  like  all  other  details  of  the  epoch,  more  or  less  in 
doubt. 

Our  surprise  at  this  cataclysmic  overthrow  is  the  greater  in  that  we  have 
just  seen  the  Assyrian  Empire  at  such  a  height  of  apparent  power  under 
Asshurbanapal.  The  palaces,  libraries,  and  art  treasures  of  that  king  as 
now  known  to  us  convey  an  irresistible  impression  of  a  powerful  monareli. 
Yet  it  is  held  that  the  decline  in  Assyrian  affairs  had  begun  even  during  the 
life  of  Asshurb;inapal.« 

Professor  Rogers  has  well  summed  up  an  impression  as  to  the  cause  of 
tl»is  decline.  After  noting  the  glories  of  the  reign  in  matters  of  literature, 
sciences,  and  art,  and  giving  Asshurbanapal  a  full  meed  of  praise  as  regards 
his  attainment  in  tliis  direction,  Professor  Rogers  continues : 

In  war  only  had  he  failed.  But  by  the  sword  the  kingdom  of  Assyria 
had  l>een  founded,  by  the  sword  it  had  added  kingdom  unto  kingdom  until 
it  had  become  a  world-empire.  By  the  sword  it  had  cleared  the  way  for  the 
advance  of  its  trader,  and  opened  up  to  civilisation  great  territories,  some 
of  which,  like  Urartu,  had  even  adopted  its  method  of  writing.  It  had  held 
all  tlie  vast  empire  together  by  the  sword,  and  not  by  beneficent  and  vmself- 
ish  rule.  Even  unto  this  very  reign  barbaric  treatment  of  men  who  yearned 
for  liberty  had  been  the  rule  and  not  the  exception.  That  which  had  been 
founded  by  the  sword  and  maintained  by  the  sword  would  not  survive  if  the 
sword  lost  its  keenness  or  the  arm  which  wielded  it  lost  its  strength  or  readi- 
ness. This  had  happened  in  the  days  of  Asshurbanapal.  He  had  conquered 
but  little  new  territory,  made  scarcely  any  advance,  as  most  of  the  kings 
who  j)rec('ded  him  had  done.  He  had  not  only  not  made  distinct  advances, 
he  hiid  actually  beaten  a  retreat,  and  the  empire  was  smaller.  Worse  even 
than  this,  he  had  weakened  the  borders  which  remained,  and  had  not  erected 
fortresses,  as  had  Sargon  and  Esarhaddon  and  even  Sennacherib,  for  the 
defence  of  the  frontier  against  aggression.  He  had  gained  no  new  allies,  and 
had  shown  no  consideration  or  friendship  for  any  people  who  might  have 
been  won  to  join  hands  with  Assyria  when  the  hour  of  struggle  between 


THE  DECLINE  AND   FALL   OF  ASSYRIA  439 

[64S-626  B.C.] 

the  Semites  and  the  Indo-Europeans  should  come.  On  the  contrary,  his 
brutality,  singularly  unsuited  to  his  period  and  his  position  of  growing  weak- 
ness, his  bloodthirstiness,  his  destructive  raids  into  the  territories  of  his 
neighbours,  had  increased  the  hatred  of  Assyria  into  a  passion.  All  these 
things  threatened  the  end  of  Assyrian  prestige,  if  not  the  entire  collapse  of 
the  empire. 

The  culture  which  Asshurbanapal  had  nurtured  and  disseminated  was 
but  a  cloak  to  cover  the  nakedness  of  Assyrian  savagery.  It  never  became 
a  part  of  the  life  of  the  people.  It  contributed  not  to  national  patriotism, 
but  only  to  national  enervation.  Luxury  had  usurped  the  place  of  simplicity, 
and  weakness  had  conquered  strength.  The  most  brilliant  colour  of  all 
Assyrian  history  was  only  overlaid  on  the  palace  and  temple  walls.  The 
shadows  were  growing  long  and  deep,  and  the  night  of  Assyria  was 
approaching.  6 

Whatever  our  precise  estimate  of  this  criticism  of  Asshurbanapal,  it  is 
clear  that  the  successors  of  that  monarch  were  unable  to  sustain  the  tradi- 
tions of  their  fathers.  Assyriologists  have  recently  restored  to  us  the  names 
of  Bel-zakir-ishkun  or  Asshur-etil-ili,  Sin-shar-ishkun,  as  the  immediate 
successors  of  Asshurbanapal,  the  last  named  being  the  one  who  is  believed  to 
have  been  the  occupant  of  the  throne  when  the  conquering  hosts  of  Cyaxares 
finally  razed  Nineveh  to  the  ground. 

It  may  fairly  be  presumed  that  there  exist  somewhere  among  the  yet 
unrecovered  treasures  of  Mesopotamia,  inscriptions  giving  more  or  less  full 
accounts  of  the  destruction  of  Nineveh.  But  be  that  as  it  may,  no  such 
inscription  has  yet  come  to  light;  at  least  none  such  has  been  deciphered. 
There  is  an  abundance  of  material  in  the  various  museums  of  Europe  and 
America  that  has  not  yet  been  fully  investigated.  The  reading  of  inscrip- 
tions in  the  arrow-head  script  is  an  extremely  difficult  task ;  indeed,  it  has 
been  claimed,  perhaps  half  jestingly,  by  one  of  the  greatest  of  living  orien- 
talists, that  only  four  scholars  in  the  world  are  competent  to  read  securely 
Assyrian  or  Babylonian  texts  from  the  original  clay  tablet.  Doubtless  this 
is  an  exaggeration,  but  it  is  one  full  of  suggestion  as  to  the  difficulties  en- 
countered by  the  would-be  investigator  of  Mesopotamian  history;  and  at 
the  same  time  offering  an  explanation  of  the  fact  that  so  much  material 
is  awaiting  its  turn,  and  must  long  remain  unpublished,  notwithstanding 
the  importance  and  interest  of  the  historical  secrets  thus  entombed. 
Possibly,  as  has  been  suggested,  the  story  of  the  destruction  of  Nineveh  may 
be  among  these  secrets,  but  as  to  the  validity  of  this  surmise  time  must 
decide. 

Meanwhile  the  twentieth-century  historian  is  but  little  better  off  than 
his  predecessor  of  the  times  before  the  advent  of  modern  Assyriology  in 
regard  to  this  particular  problem.  Whoever  would  picture  to  himself  the 
destruction  of  Nineveh  has  no  resource  but  to  turn  back  to  such  classical 
accounts  as  that  of  Diodorus,  giving  whatever  degree  of  credence  he  may 
choose  to  the  details  of  the  story.  One  qualification,  however,  may  be  added. 
We  at  least  are  tolerably  sure,  as  our  predecessors  could  not  be,  that  the  last 
ruler  of  Nineveh  did  not  bear  the  name  which  classical  tradition  ascribed  to 
him.  Just  as  there  was  no  Ninus,  founder  of  Nineveh,  so  there  was  no 
Sardanapalus  last  ruler  of  that  famous  city.  In  regard  to  this  detail,  tradi- 
tion was  at  fault  here  as  so  often  elsewhere.  None  the  less  will  the  name  of 
Sardanapalus  long  continue  to  symbolise  the  idea  of  the  last  ruler  of  Nine- 
veh, whose  effeminate  reign  and  tragic  end  form  so  interesting  a  theme  for 
the  classical  writer,  a 


440 


THE   HISTORY  OF   MESOPOTAMIA 


LAST   YEARS    AND    FALL   OP    THE    ASSYRIAN    EMPIRE  (626-609   B.C.) 

In  all  probability,  Asshurbanapal  lived 
until  626,  and  during  the  whole  of  his 
reign  he  remained  firmly  established  in 
possession  of  the  Assyrian  throne  and 
also  of  the  kingdom  of  Babylon.  Elam 
had  been  rendered  powerless,  Babylon 
had  been  conquered,  and  the  desert 
dwellers  of  the  west  were  too  much  weak- 
ened and  impoverished  by  the  severe  lesson 
taught  them,  as  well  as  by  hunger  and 
disease,  to  be  dangerous.  Media  was  only 
in  her  youth,  and  Assyria  was  still  strong 
enough  to  resist  the  first  onrush  of  this 
new,  conquering  state.  Besides  her  north- 
eastern and  northern  neighbours,  the  states 
of  Asia  Minor  and  the  inhabitants  of  the 
Mediterranean  coast  had  enough  to  do  to 
defend  themselves  against  the  barbarians 
wlio  were  pressing  upon  them  from  the 
north  and  east.  Egypt  was  indeed  inde- 
pendent, but  could  not  seriously  think  of 
conquests  in  Asia.  The  condition  of  the 
Assyrian  Empire  resembled  the  calm  before 
the  storm. 

In  his  latter  years  the  king  doubtless 
devoted  himself  by  preference  to  the  works 
of  peace.  He  had  already  erected  many 
buildings,  even  during  the  period  of  his 
great  wars.  He  had  continued  and  com- 
pleted the  work  on  the  temples  of  Assyria 
and  Babylonia,  which  Esarhaddon  had  begun.  Unfortunately  the  inscription 
which  enumerates  the  principal  structures  belonging  to  the  first  half  of  his 
reign  only  occasionally  mentions  the  places  in  which  the  temples  he  erected 
stood.  In  the  later  years  of  the  king's  reign  the  walls  of  Nineveh  demanded 
his  attention.  They  were  loosened  by  annual  rains  and  the  violent  showers 
of  Adad,  and  had  sunk.  Asshurbanapal  restored  them  and  made  them 
stronger  than  before.  When  he  had  seen  his  great  campaigns  crowned  with 
victory,  he  at  last  undertook  an  important  work  in  Nineveh,  the  town  of 
Bel  and  Ishtar.  Bit-Riduti,  the  great  palace,  which  Sennacherib  had  built 
and  established  as  a  royal  dwelling,  had  fallen  to  ruins.  This  king  did 
nothing  without  the  gods.  It  was  now  again  a  dream  which  made  known 
to  him  tlieir  will  that  he  should  repair  the  damage  to  the  palace.  This  was 
done.  The  forced  labour  of  Assyrian  subjects  brought  the  stone  in  carts 
from  the  spoil  of  ELam  ;  and  the  captive  Arabian  kings,  decked  out  with 
appropriate  marks  of  distinction,  shared  in  the  labour  as  workmen.  When 
the  palace  was  comph^ted  to  the  pinnacles  and  enlarged,  it  was  surrounded 
with  noble  grounds  ;  and  when  the  victims  were  slaughtered  at  the  conse- 
cration, the  king  made  his  entry  carried  in  a  gorgeous  palanquin  and  with 
festive  rejoicings. 

Of  all  the  objects  assembled  in  this  palace  the  king  set  the  highest  value 
on  tlie  library  which  he  had  founded  and  which  has  now  for  the  most  part 


.\asYRL.\N  King  in  Sacerdotal  Robes 


THE  DECLINE  AND   FALL   OF  ASSYRIA  441 

[626-609  B.C.] 

been  unearthed  and  brought  to  Europe.  Asshurbanapal  was,  without  any 
doubt,  an  admirer  and  patron  of  learning  and  a  prince  who  loved  art.  He 
did  not  allow  the  libraries  of  Babylonia  to  be  plundered,  but  he  had  the  lit- 
erary treasures  which  were  buried  there,  including  whole  works  on  philo- 
sophical, mythological,  and  poetic  subjects,  copied  in  Assyrian  characters 
and  added  to  the  historical  records  of  his  own  predecessors.  He  even  seems 
to  have  studied  them  diligently  himself,  and  to  have  encouraged  their  peru- 
sal. The  fruit  of  this  study  is  shown  in  his  own  memorials.  In  fact  these 
have  some  literary  value,  which  cannot  be  said  of  the  dry  chronicles  of  former 
kings.  He  was  not,  however,  the  first  to  found  a  library.  Not  only  had  the 
ancient  Babylonian  kings  —  it  is  said  even  Sargon  I  of  Agade  —  preceded 
him  in  this  respect,  but  the  Assyrian  kings  had  also  set  him  an  example. 
This  was  certainly  true  of  Sennacherib,  in  whose  palace  at  Nineveh,  accord- 
ing to  the  calculation  made  by  George  Smith,  probably  twenty  thousand 
fragments  are  now  awaiting  the  investigator  who  can  find  the  time  and 
means  to  dig  them  out  and  make  them  accessible  to  western  learning.  But 
it  cannot  be  denied  that  Asshurbanapal  earned  the  gratitude  of  scholars 
by  rendering  so  many  treasures  of  the  Babylonian  libraries  accessible  to  his 
compatriots,  and  also  by  founding  libraries  in  other  places  ;  as,  for  example, 
in  Babylon,  and  that  he  devoted  more  attention  to  these  things  than  any  of 
his  predecessors. 

The  popular  tradition  of  the  downfall  of  the  Assyrian  Empire,  which  took 
shape  in  later  years  and  came  from  the  Persians  to  the  Greeks,  represents 
Sardanapalus  (by  whom  none  other  than  Asshurbanapal  can  be  meant)  as  the 
type  of  a  luxurious,  effeminate,  oriental  despot,  who  forgets  his  kingly  duties 
in  the  enjoyments  of  his  harem,  abandons  his  empire  to  the  enemies  rising 
against  him  on  all  sides,  and  finally,  shut  up  in  his  capital,  delivers  himself 
in  despair  to  the  flames  with  his  wives  and  all  his  treasures.  We  now  know 
how  little  this  picture  agrees  with  the  truth,  but  from  what  is  historically 
credible  we  can  gather  how  it  arose.  Asshurbanapal  did  indeed  take  pleas- 
ure in  filling  his  women's  palace  with  the  daughters  of  all  the  princes  sub- 
dued by  him,  and  with  those  of  their  nearest  relatives  ;  and  these  princes 
knew  well  what  was  pleasing  to  the  supreme  king.  It  is  true  that  this  pro- 
ceeded as  much  from  love  of  display  as  from  an  inclination  to  voluptuous- 
ness ;  it  is  true  that  policy  also  had  a  share  in  it,  because  by  this  means  his 
supremacy  was  confirmed  and  a  pledge  given  for  further  submissiveness  ;  it 
is  true  that  the  custom  was  a  usual  one  with  oriental  monarchs ;  but  a 
king  who  pursued  it  to  such  an  extent  must  have  been  easily  transformed  into 
a  voluptuary  in  the  minds  of  his  people. 

There  was  also  some  reason  for  regarding  him  as  weak  and  effeminate. 
The  great  Assyrian  monarchs,  at  least  during  the  years  of  their  youth  and 
vigorous  manhood,  had  themselves  frequently  led  their  armies  to  victory. 
It  was  seldom,  if  ever,  that  Asshurbanapal  joined  in  the  fight.  His  official 
historians  do,  indeed,  ascribe  to  him  the  honour  of  all  the  victories  during  his 
reign,  but  they  have  not  succeeded  in  hiding  the  fact  that  his  generals  fought 
the  battles.  Yet  he  was  by  no  means  a  weakling.  That  he  was  an  eager 
hunter  is  testified  by  a  number  of  hunting  inscriptions,  some  of  them  accom- 
panied by  reliefs.  In  any  case,  a  prince  who  could  find  pleasure  in  so  manly 
a  pastime  was  no  effeminate  voluptuary,  little  warlike  though  he  may  have 
sh()w]i  himself  to  be. 

The  king's  tragic  end  in  tlie  flames  of  his  own  palace,  of  which  the  legend 
s])eaks,  may  have  been  shifted  on  to  him  from  his  brother,  Shamush-shum- 
ukin,  or,  still  more  probably,  from  the  last  Ninevite  king.     That  he,  the  last 


442  THE   HISTORY   OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

[628-609  B.C.] 

great  king  of  Assyria,  should  have  been  supposed  to  continue  reigning  until 
the  end  of  the  empire,  while  the  insignificant  kings  who  really  followed  him 
were  forgotten,  is  natural  enough.  In  short,  Asshurbanapal  was  not  a  hero 
who  strove  to  reap  the  laurels  of  the  battle-field  through  difficulty  and  priva- 
tions on  distant  campaigns.  He  preferred  to  linger  in  his  luxurious  palace, 
and  to  alternate  the  delights  of  the  harem  and  the  pursuit  of  learning  with 
the  royal  lioii-lnmting.  He  was  very  pious,  and  did  nothing  without  con- 
sulting the  oracles  of  his  gods  or  the  dreams  of  his  seers.  If  he  thought  the 
dignity  of  his  empire,  and  with  it  the  honour  of  his  gods,  insulted  by  an 
ol)slinate  rebellion,  he  would  avenge  them  as  his  predecessors  had  done  by 
punishments  of  ingenious  cruelty,  inflicted  both  on  individuals  and  on  whole 
countries.  The  fearful  suffering  which  the  war  on  Asshur's  enemies 
wrought  in  its  train,  the  pestilence  which  filled  the  streets  with  corpses,  the 
famiire  wliich  drove  parents  to  destroy  their  own  children,  filled  him  with 
transports  of  joy.  His  ruling  idea  was  the  unity  and  vastness  of  his  empire. 
If  he  left  the  sword  in  its  sheath,  the  love  of  pleasure  did  not  make  him 
neglect  his  duties  as  a  ruler.  He  took  care  that  his  armies  should  always 
bel-eady  to  take  the  field,  which  would  not  have  been  possible  without  good 
organisation ;  and  they  triumphed  over  almost  all  his  enemies,  maintained 
his  sway  against  a  powerful  coalition,  crushed  the  formidable  Elara  so 
severely  that  she  never  recovered  from  the  blows  she  had  received,  and,  if 
not  during  his  reign,  at  least  shortly  after  it,  repelled  the  advancing  Medes. 
He  regularly  transmitted  his  orders  to  all  the  governors  in  his  empire,  and 
was  by  them  kept  carefully  informed  of  anything  of  importance  which  hap- 
pened in  their  provinces.  No  one  of  his  victorious  military  leaders  ever 
ventured  to  turn  his  arms  against  him.  All,  including  the  governors,  recog- 
nised him  and  honoured  him  as  their  king.  Such  he  was  in  the  fullest  sense 
of  the  word.  In  his  palace  at  Nineveh,  during  two-and-forty  years,  he  held 
the  reigns  of  government  with  a  strong  hand.  And  this  is  all  the  more 
creditable  to  the  influence  of  his  personality,  since  the  empire  was  internally 
weakened  by  his  own  political  mistakes,  in  particular  by  the  removal  of  the 
centre  of  government  from  Babylon,  which  Esarhaddon  had  made  its- seat, 
to  Nineveh,  and  by  other  causes,  so  that  it  went  to  pieces  a  few  years  after 
his  death. 

After  him  at  least  two  kings  ruled  over  Assyria,  who  were  probably 
brothers,  for  one  of  them,  Bel-zakir-ishkun,  was  the  son  of  a  king  of  Assyria, 
and  grandson  of  a  king  of  Sumer  and  Accad,  and  though  their  names  are 
mis.sing  from  the  inscriptions,  they  can  have  been  none  other  than  Asshur- 
l)anapal  and  E.sarhaddon ;  and  the  other,  Asshur-etil-ili  [who  is  sometimes 
known  by  a  lengthened  form  of  his  name,  Asshur-etil-ili-ukinni]  is  expressly 
called  the  son  and  grandson  of  these  rulers.  Probably  Bel-zakir-ishkun 
reigned  first,  and  then  the  other.^  No  historical  records  have  been  preserved, 
dealing  either  with  the  fortunes  and  achievements  of  these  kings  or  with  the 
fall  of  Assyria.  Certain  texts  have  led  some  to  conclude  that  a  third  king, 
a  namesake  of  Esarliaddon,  may  have  swayed  the  sceptre  at  this  period,  but 
tills  has  been  shown  to  be  extremely  questionable. 

Immediately  after  Asshurbanapal's  death,  or  perhaps  even  in  the  last 
year  of  his  reign,  Babylon  broke  away  from  the  Assyrian  rule,  and  this  time 
the  sei)aration  was  permanent.  The  empire  was  much  weakened  by  it.  The 
north  and  north-west,  Urartu  and  the  states  of  Asia  Minor,  gradually  fell 

['  It  is  now  believed  that  these  two  kings  were  one  and  the  same  person.  See  Professor 
Ililprecht  in  Zeitschrijl  fur  Assyriologie,  Vol.  IV,  p.  164  et  seq.  "The  name  of  this  king 
(Asahur-etil-ili),"  says  Professor  Rogers,  "was  originally  read  Bel-zakir-ishkun."] 


THE  DECLINE   AND   FALL   OF   ASSYRIA  443 

[612-609  B.C.] 

into  the  power  of  the  ever-advancing  Medes.  The  Assyrian  lordship  over 
the  countries  on  the  coast  of  the  Mediterranean  Sea  now  existed  in  name 
only,  so  that  King  Josiah  of  Jiidah  was  able  to  effect  his  reform  unhindered, 
and  to  act  as  master  in  the  territory  of  the  ancient  kingdom  of  Israel,  which 
for  years  had  been  an  Assyrian  province.  And  in  the  year  608  Neku  II, 
king  of  Egypt,  was  able  to  think  of  extending  his  empire  to  the  Euphrates, 
as  in  days  long  past,  and  to  take  arms  against  Assyria  with  the  idea  of 
wresting  from  her  all  her  western  provinces.  The  foundation  of  the  new 
Babylonian  Empire  and  the  invasion  of  the  Egyptians,  who  could  no  longer 
be  repelled  by  the  Assyrians,  but  were  only  to  give  way  before  the  Baby- 
lonian arms,  are  described  elsewhere.  Here  we  only  mention  them  as  among 
the  causes  which  brought  about  the  fall  of  the  Assyrian  Empire.  That 
empire  no  longer  had  any  real  existence,  at  least  as  a  ruling  power.  Thrust 
back  to  its  old  frontiers,  the  ancient  Assyrian  state  slowly  languished  and 
only  awaited  the  death-blow. 

That  blow  was  to  come  from  the  Medes  in  alliance  with  the  Babylonians, 
and  was  partly  hastened,  partly  stayed,  by  the  great  migratory  streams  of  the 
Cimmerians  and  Scythians. c 

Though  Professor  Tide's  admirable  history  is  recent,  much  new  infor- 
mation concerning  the  last  days  of  the  Assyrian  rule  at  Nineveh  has  come 
to  light,  and  historians  are  now  able  to  place  the  conquest  of  the  city  by 
the  Manda  in  the  reign  of  Sin-shar-ishkun.  Without  overlooking  a  certain 
Sin-shum-lishir,  who  is  mentioned  in  several  places  as  an  Assyrian  king,  and 
must  have  ruled  about  this  time,  but  whose  personality  has  not  yet  been 
unwrapped  from  the  historic  gloom,  it  is  safe  to  say  that  this  Sin-shar-ishkun 
was  Asshur-etil-ili's  successor.  From  contract  tablets  found  at  Sippar  and 
Erech  we  know  that  he  occupied  the  Assyrian  throne  in  612  B.C.,  and  that 
his  dominion  included  a  part  of  Babylonia  as  well.  Later  records  would 
show  him  to  be  of  much  stronger  character  than  the  man  he  succeeded.  In 
610  or  609  he  attempted  to  wrest  more  of  the  Babylonian  provinces  from 
Nabopolassar,  and  the  harassed  king  took  the  fatal  step  of  appealing  to  that 
people  from  the  north,  who  for  the  most  part  had  formed  part  of  the  great 
Indo-European  migration  into  western  Asia.  Already  these  Scythian  hordes, 
the  Manda,  had  their  eye  on  the  rich  Mesopotamian  Valley,  and  therefore 
Nabopolassar's  appeal  did  not  fall  upon  unwilling  ears.  Sin-shar-ishkun 
was  indeed  driven  back,  but  when  that  happened  the  Manda  were  in  the 
coveted  land.  The  reader  will  observe  that  we  have  just  spoken  of  the  Manda 
and  not  the  Medes  as  the  assailants  of  Nineveh.  This  is  because  of  the  recent 
clearing  up  of  a  historical  error  that  was  our  heritage  from  the  Greek  his- 
torians. They  simply  confused  the  Manda,  the  nomadic  tribes  that  lived 
north-east  of  Assyria  towards  the  Caspian  Sea  and  were  the  classical  Scythians, 
with  the  Mada,  or  true  Medes.  As  Professor  Sayce  says  :  "  It  was  not  until 
the  discovery  of  the  monuments  of  Nabonidus  and  Cyrus  that  the  truth  at 
last  came  to  light  and  it  was  found  that  the  history  we  had  so  long  believed 
was  founded  upon  a  philological  mistake."  This  matter  will  be  more  fully 
explained  in  the  account  of  Persia. « 

Like  his  father,  Cyaxares  perceived  that  it  would  not  be  possible  for 
the  Medes  to  extend  and  maintain  their  conquests  westward  so  long  as 
he  had  to  dread  the  rivalry  of  the  Assyrian  Empire,  so  lately  the  mistress 
of  those  regions.  Consequently  he  put  into  practice  the  lesson  which 
his  father  had  received  from  the  Assyrians.  The  as  yet  untrained  hordes 
of  Medians  were  evidently  no  match  for  the  better  military  organisa- 
tion  of   the   Assyrians  and   the    military  skill    of   the  Assyrian  generals. 


444  THE   HISTOKY   OF   MESOPOTAMIA 

[600^01  B.C.] 
Cyaxares,  therefore,  began  as  became  a  warlike  prince  with  the  remodelling 
of  his  army,  dividing  his  troops,  after  the  pattern  of  the  Assyrians,  into  the 
various  arms  —  spearmen,  bowmen,  and  horsemen — and  fortifying  his  citadel, 
Ecbatana.  Then  he  again  ventured  to  attack  Assyria,  this  time  with  better 
success.  The  Assyrian  army  was  beaten  in  Nineveh  at  last,  and  was  sur- 
rounded. But  an  unexpected  event  came  to  the  assistance  of  the  hard- 
pressed  Ninevites  —  the  Scythians  invaded  Media. 

Their  invasion  compelled  Cyaxares  to  evacuate  Assyria,  and  for  a  time 
Nineveh  breathed  again.  But  only  for  a  short  time.  Cyaxares  succeeded 
in  putting  an  end  to  the  Scythian  domination  in  his  kingdom  in  the  course 
of  a  few  years. 

About  609  the  Median  army  under  the  command  of  Cyaxares  appeared 
for  the  second  time  at  the  gates  of  Nineveh.  According  to  Berosus,  the 
Babylonian  king,  whose  son  Nebuchadrezzar  had  married  the  Median  king's 
daughter,  also  took  part  in  this  siege.  It  is  easy  to  understand  how  it  was 
that  Herodotus  knew  nothing  of  this,  for  the  Persians  were  his  authorities. 
But  he  is  certainly  right  in  assigning  the  chief  role  to  the  Medes,  of  whom 
Abydenus  says  nothing,  for  from  this  time  forward  they  kept  possession  of 
Assyria  itself ;  and  he  is  also  right  in  placing  the  taking  of  Nineveh  during 
the  period  of  Cyaxares'  government,  and  not,  like  Berosus  and  the  authors 
who  follow  him,  in  the  time  of  Astyages,  since  the  latter  did  not  ascend  the 
throne  of  Media  before  584  B.C.  It  is  sufficient  that  Nineveh  fell,  and  As- 
syria passed  to  the  power  of  the  Medes,  who  at  the  same  time  acquired  the 
dominion  over  the  North  and  the  countries  of  Asia  Minor  as  far  as  the 
Halys.  All  other  provinces  of  the  fallen  empire  as  far  as  the  Mediterranean 
Sea,  including  probably  that  part  of  ancient  Assyria  whose  capital  was  the 
city  of  Asshur,  and  also  Kharran  and  Carchemish,  fell  to  Babylonia. 

We  have  no  historical  account  of  the  details  connected  with  the  fall  of 
Nineveh.  The  story  of  the  last  Assyrian  king,  Asshur-etil-ili,  or,  as  some 
authorities  call  him,  Saracus,^  which  represents  him  in  his  despair  burning 
himself  with  his  palace  and  his  treasures,  is  a  popular  tale  which  is  not  indeed 
impossible,  but  probably  arose  by  confusion  with  Shamash-shum-ukin's  end. 
Nineveh  was  so  completely  desolated  that  when  Xenophon  passed  with  the 
Ten  Thousand  in  the  year  401  B.C.  he  took  the  ruins  for  the  remains  of 
Median  towns  destroyed  by  the  Persians.  Subsequently  a  fortress,  Ninus, 
seems  to  have  been  built  there  by  the  Parthians.  Calah  also  once  more  rose 
from  its  rubbish  heaps  after  lying  desolate  for  a  long  time.  Arbela  remained 
untouched,  and  it  is  therefore  probable  that  it  fell  unresisting  into  the 
luinds  of  the  conquerors.     But  the  Assyrian  monarchy  was  gone  forever. 

The  Assyrian  monarchy  was  gone,  but  not  the  empire  at  whose  head  the 
kings  of  Asshur  had  stood.  It  has  been  matter  of  astonishment  that  so 
powerful  an  empire,  to  which  through  a  series  of  centuries  the  whole  of 
western  Asia  liad  been  subdued,  could  have  been  so  suddenly  overturned  by 
the  fall  of  the  capital.  But  this  surprise  proceeds  from  an  incorrect  concep- 
tion of  history.  Events  had  long  prepared  the  fall  of  Nineveh.  The  keen 
eye  of  Esarhaddon  had  already  perceived  that  it  would  be  safer  to  remove 
the  centre  of  the  empire  to  Babylon.  His  son  Asshurbanapal,  a  less  acute 
statesman  than  he,  but  a  great  king  and  a  strong  administrator,  had  once 
more  attempted  to  secure  the  hegemony  for  Assyria.  In  this  he  had  suc- 
ceeded, being  supported  by  favourable  circumstances  and  the  influence  of 
his  own  personality.     But  when  the  sceptre  fell  from  his  strong  hand,  little 

[1  The  most  recent  revelations  in  Assyrian  history  incline  the  authorities  to  the  belief  that 
Saracus  is  identical  with  Sin-shar-ishkun.] 


THE   DECLINE   AND   FALL   OF  ASSYRIA  445 

[606  B.C.] 

more  was  needed  to  put  an  end  to  the  Assyrian  dominion,  and  that  end  was 
only  a  question  of  time.  However,  the  empire  survived  for  a  few  years 
longer,  though  not  in  its  full  vigour.  The  hegemony  now  passed  again  to 
Babylon ;  but  not  unimpaired,  for,  since  Media  had  conquered  Nineveh,  the 
lion's  share  of  Assyria  itself  fell  to  the  Median  kingdom,  together  with  those 
northern  and  north-western  provinces  wliich  had  been  lost  long  before.  But 
the  Assyrian  survived  in  the  new  Babylonian  Empire,  which  continued  its 
policy  of  conquest,  and  the  Greeks,  who  not  long  afterwards  called  the 
Babylonians  themselves  Assyrians,  were  in  this  not  so  very  far  from  the 
truth.  But  the  days  of  the  Semitic  dominion  were  hastening  to  their  end. 
Even  the  new  monarchy  under  Babylon's  hegemony  could  only  be  propped 
up  by  the  force  of  Nebuchadrezzar's  personality.  His  feeble  successors 
were  in  no  condition  to  prevent  the  spread  of  the  Median  power  nor  the  rise 
of  the  Persian  monarchy,  which  had  grown  to  such  proportions  by  the  con- 
quest of  Elam,  until  the  genius  of  Cyrus  founded  a  dominion  which  soon 
embraced  the  four  ancient  empires  —  the  Median,  the  Elamite,  the  Assyrio- 
Babylonian,  and  the  Egyptian  —  and  gave  the  sceptre  of  western  Asia  to  the 
Aryans. 

The  sense  of  relief  which  fell  on  the  oppressed  nations  at  the  downfall  of 
the  scourge  of  Asia  can  be  gathered  from  the  rejoicing  accents  of  the  Jewish 
prophets.  What  an  Isaiah,  a  Micah,  had  not  dared  to  hope,  Nahum  and 
Zephaniah  saw  approach  and  actually  happen.  Nahum  is  convinced  that  the 
fate  of  Thebes  will  soon  overtake  Nineveh.  Her  merchants,  multiplied  as 
the  stars  of  heaven,  her  crowned,  her  captains,  her  whole  people,  they  shall 
be  scattered  like  flying  grasshoppers,  and  no  man  shall  gather  them.  "  All 
that  hear  the  bruit  of  thee  shall  clap  their  hands  over  thee :  for  upon  whom 
hath  not  thy  wickedness  passed  continually  ?  "  (Nahum  iii.  19.)  And  Zepha- 
niah (ii.  13-15),  his  contemporary,  sees  with  satisfaction  the  desolation  of 
the  proud  city,  who  thought  herself  so  safe  and  boasted  herself  to  be  the  first 
and  the  only  one,  but  now  had  become  desolate  and  a  place  for  beasts,  in 
whose  ruins  the  bittern  and  the  screech-owl  lodge. c 


CHAPTER  VI.  RENASCENCE  AND  FALL  OF  BABYLON 


Belshazzar's  grave  is  made, 

His  kiiigdoin  passed  away, 
He,  in  the  balance  weighed, 

Is  light  and  worthless  clay. 
The  shroud  his  robe  of  state. 

His  canopy  the  stone ; 
The  Mede  is  at  his  gate, 

The  Persian  on  his. throne." 
—  Byron's 


Vision  of  Belshazzar.' 


Nowhere  is  there  a  more  striking  illustration  of  national  regeneration 
than  is  furnished  by  the  story  of  the  new  Babylonian  Empire.  Freed  from 
Assyrian  thraldom,  Babylon,  the  old,  old  city,  came  forward  to  take  the 
place  of  the  fallen  Nineveh  as  the  world-metropolis. 

It  has  been  customary  to  think  and  speak  of  the  new  Babylonian  Empire 
as  evidencing  the  rejuvenation  of  an  old  people.  In  one  sense  this  view  has 
full  validity.  But  it  must  not  be  supposed  that  the  new  Babylonians  who 
came  to  power  when  Nineveh  fell  were  the  bona  fide  descendants  of  the  rulers 
of  old  Babylonia.  New  blood  had  made  itself  felt  in  the  old  race ;  indeed, 
without  its  influence  it  is  highly  improbable  that  the  rejuvenation  could 
liave  been  effected.  The  outsiders  who  made  their  influence  felt  with  such 
potency  to  restore  and  rejuvenate  the  old  empire,  are  known  as  the  Chaldeans. 
The  precise  origin  of  this  people  is  in  doubt.  It  is  held  to  be  established, 
however,  that  they  were  Semitic,  and  hence  could  claim  cousinship  with 
the  Babylonians  and  Assyrians.  They  inhabited  the  Sea  Lands  to  the 
soutli  of  Mesopotamia  at  an  early  date,  and  have  been  supposed  to  come 
originally  from  Arabia.  They  are  heard  of  from  time  to  time  in  Babylonian 
and  Assyrian  annals  as  a  half-barbaric  and  often  troublesome  people,  divided 
into  various  tribes  or  clans  or  petty  principalities,  bearing  such  unfamiliar 
names  as  Bit-Silani,  Bit-Sa'alli,  and  Bit-Sala. 

It  is  supposed  by  modern  orientalists  that  the  Chaldeans  long  had 
their  eyes  upon  the  fertile  regions  of  the  North,  and  even,  from  time  to 
time,  been  presumptuous  enough  to  cross  swords  with  the  Babylonians  and 
Assyrians  in  tlie  hope  of  dethroning  them.  Certain  it  is  that  the  rulers  of 
the  North  had  at  various  times  waged  war  against  their  less  civilised  cousins 
of  the  Sea  Lands.  Yet  the  evidence  does  not  seem  to  be  very  clear  as  to  the 
j)recise  sliare  which  the  Chaldeans  took  in  the  new  movement  inaugurated  in 
Babylon  with  the  death  of  the  last  really  powerful  Assyrian  king,  Asshur- 
l)anapal.  The  name  of  the  new  ruler  who  now  came  to  power  in  Babylon 
was  Nabopolassar ;  but  it  cannot  be  asserted  with  confidence  that  he  was  of 
Chaldean  origin.  It  is  held,  however,  that  the  influences  that  dominated  the 
kingdom  under  his  reign  were  clearly  Chaldean;  though  considering  the 
vagueness  that  surrounds  the  entire  subject,  it  must  be  admitted  that  this 
assertion  is  much  easier  to  make  than  to  prove.  Still,  all  that  we  know 
about  the  degeneration  of  old  nations  elsewhere,  and  the  extreme  difficulty 
of  resuscitating  a  senescent  people,  except  by  a  mixture  of  races,  tends  to 

440 


RENASCENCE  AND   FALL   OE  BABYLON  447 

[555  B.C.] 

confirm  the  theory  that  a  race  relatively  new  to  civilisation  was  chiefly 
instrumental  in  working  the  miracle  of  Babylonian  regeneration. 

In  any  event,  the  people  who  for  something  less  than  a  century  made 
Babylon  a  great  centre  of  world-influence  were  known  to  their  contempora- 
ries and  to  succeeding  generations  as  Chaldeans  rather  than  as  Babylonians. 
Just  to  what  extent  the  old  Babylonian  people  shared  in  the  new  work,  can 
perhaps  never  be  known ;  but  the  question  is  relatively  unimportant,  because 
in  any  event  it  was  a  people  of  the  same  old  Semitic  stock  that  carried  on 
the  historic  story. 

The  most  brilliant  period  of  the  new  Babylonian  Empire  came  soon  after 
the  fall  of  Nineveh,  in  the  reign  of  the  world-famous  king,  Nebuchadrezzar, 
the  monarch  who  built  the  marvellous  wall  about  the  city  and  the  fabulous 
hanging  gardens  ;  the  conqueror  who  overthrew  the  Phoenicians  and  carried 
the  Israelites  into  captivity. 

A  peculiar  interest  attaches  to  the  period  of  the  immediate  successors  of 
Nebuchadrezzar  because  the  Babylonian  captivity  of  the  Israelites  still  con- 
tinued, to  which  the  Hebrew  writers  made  such  extended  references.  The 
famous  account  in  the  Book  of  Daniel  of  the  feast  of  Belshazzar,  with  its 
brief  but  graphic  reference  to  the  alleged  tragic  end  of  the  Babylonian  king, 
and  the  overthrow  of  Babylon  itself  at  the  hands  of  "Darius  the  Mede," 
have  furnished  never-to-be-forgotten  pictures  to  all  subsequent  generations. 
The  modern  arch^ologist  has  rudely  shattered  some  of  these  treasured 
images.  Thus  the  Book  of  Daniel  makes  allusion  to  the  overthrow  of 
Babylon  in  these  words  :  "  Belshazzar  the  king  made  a  great  feast  to  a  thou- 
sand of  his  lords,  and  drank  wine  before  the  thousand.  Belshazzar,  whiles 
he  tasted  the  wine,  commanded  to  bring  the  golden  and  silver  vessels  which 
his  father  Nebuchadnezzar  had  taken  out  of  the  temple  which  was  in  Jerusa- 
lem ;  that  the  king,  and  his  princes,  his  wives,  and  his  concubines,  might 
drink  therein.  ...  In  that  night  was  Belshazzar  the  king  of  the  Chaldeans 
slain.  And  Darius  the  Median  took  the  kingdom,  being  about  threescore 
and  two  years  old."     (Daniel  v.  1,  2,  30,  31.) 

But  within  the  past  generation  inscriptions  have  come  to  light  proving, 
to  the  amazement  of  a  keenly  interested  world,  that  no  king  named  Belshaz- 
zar ever  reigned  in  Babylon  ;  and  that  the  name  of  the  monarch  overthrown 
by  Cyrus  the  Persian  or  Elamite  —  not  by  "  Darius  the  Mede  "  —  was 
Nabonidus.  Nabonidus  had  a  son,  Belshazzar,  but  he  never  ruled.  This 
Nabonidus  was  not  the  son  of  Nebuchadrezzar  or  his  immediate  successor, 
three  successive  rulers  after  Nebuchadrezzar  having  reigned  before  he  came 
to  the  throne.  It  is  clear  from  inscriptions  of  Nabonidus  and  of  Cyrus  his 
conqueror  that  Babylon  was  overthrown  without  a  struggle.  A  cylinder 
inscription  by  Cyrus  tells  the  story:  the  first  part  of  Avhich,  translated  by 
the  Rev.  C.  J.  Ball,  is  as  follows :  "  The  continual  offering  he  made  to  cease 
...  he  (es)tablished  in  the  cities  the  worship  of  Merodach,  the  King  of  the 
Gods,  he  exalted  (?)  His  name.  ...  by  a  yoke  unrelaxing  he  ruined  them 
all.  At  their  lamentation  the  Lord  of  the  Gods  waxed  very  wroth  .  .  .  the 
Gods  who  dwelt  among  them  forsook  Their  abode.  In  wrath  because  he 
brought  them  into  Shu-anna  {i.e.  Babylon),  Merodach  .  .  .  He  turned 
towards  all  the  districts  whose  dwellings  were  thrown  down.  And  (to)  the 
people  of  Shinar  and  Accad,  who  were  become  as  dead.  He  turned  (His 
regard?):  He  showed  compassion  upon  all  the  lands  together.  He  looked 
for,  He  found  him,  yea,  He  sought  out  an  upright  Prince,  after  His  own  heart, 
whom  He  took  by  his  hand,  Cyrus,  king  of  the  city  of  Anshan ;  He  named 
his  name  ;  to  the  kingdom  of  the  whole  world  He  called  him  by  na(me). 


448  THE  HISTORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

[615-538  B.C.] 
The  land  of  Qutu  (and)  all  the  Umman-Manda  he  humbled  to  his  feet ;  the 
Blackheaded  folk,  whom  his  hands  subdued,  —  in  faithfulness  and  righteous- 
ness he  looked  after  them.  Merodach,  the  great  Lord,  the  guardian  of  His 
people,  joyfully  beheld  his  good  deeds  and  his  upright  heart.  To  His  own 
city  Babylon  his  march  He  commanded ;  He  put  them  on  the  road  to  Tin-tir 
(i.e.  Bai3ylon);  like  a  comrade  and  helper  He  marched  at  his  side.  His 
great  hosts,  whose  number  like  the  waters  of  a  river  could  not  be  known,  with 
their  weapons  girded  on,  advanced  beside  him.  Without  skirmish  or  battle 
He  made  him  enter  Shu-anna.  His  own  city  Babylon  He  spared  from  dis- 
tress ;  Nabonidus  the  king,  who  feared  him  not,  He  delivered  up  to  him. 
The  people  of  Tin-tir  in  a  body,  the  entire  land  of  Shinar  and  Accad,  the 
nobles  and  grandees,  bowed  down  before  Him,  kissed  His  feet,  rejoiced  at 
His  accession  ;  their  faces  brightened." 

The  accounts  given  by  Nabonidus  himself  confirm  this  record  of  Cyrus. 
It  would  appear,  then,  that  the  Hebrew  chroniclers,  gifted  rather  with  the 
poetical  imagination  than  with  the  calm  historical  sense,  confused  the  Baby- 
lonian conquest  of  Cyrus  with  a  later  campaign  of  his  successor,  Darius. 
But  no  mere  substitution  of  the  cold  facts  of  history  can  ever  rob  the  world 
of  the  beautiful  traditional  picture  of  the  feast  of  Belshazzar.  Here,  as  else- 
where, myth  must  be  allowed  to  hold  its  own  as  the  embodiment  of  the  spirit 
of  history.  Myth  and  history  coincide  as  to  the  fact  that  the  old  dynasty 
in  new  Babylonia  was  overthrown.  And  with  that  overthrow  the  sceptre  of 
world-influence  passed  from  the  hands  of  the  Semitic  race  forever. 

CONTEMPORARY   CHRONOLOGY 

The  epoch  of  the  new  Babylonian  Empire  covers  a  period  of  time  from 
about  615  to  538  B.C.,  approximately  three-quarters  of  a  century.  We  have 
already,  at  the  beginning  of  this  book,  outlined  the  position  of  contemporary 
civilisations  during  the  entire  sweep  of  Assyrian  and  new  Babylonian  his- 
tory ;  but  it  may  be  well  briefly  to  recapitulate  the  position  of  other  nations 
during  the  epoch  of  new  Babylonian  domination,  that  a  clearer  picture  of 
the  time  may  be  before  the  eyes  as  we  view  the  details  of  Babylonian 
history. 

While  reading  of  the  achievements  of  Nebuchadrezzar  and  his  successors, 
then,  it  will  be  well  to  recall  that : 

Etjypt  under  the  XXVIth  Dynasty  enjoys  a  brief  period  of  rejuvenescence 
as  a  world-power ;  curiously  linked  in  time  with  the  new  awakening  of  her 
old-time  rival,  Babylonia ; 

In  India,  at  about  this  period,  Buddha  lives  and  founds  the  religion  that 
is  to  bear  his  name ; 

Greece  and  Rome  are  in  a  relative  youth,  not  yet  reckoning  time  from  a 
fixed  era,  and  only  beginning  to  make  secure  records  on  which  future  gener- 
ations may  build.  Their  civilisation  does  not  compare  in  importance  with 
that  of  Babylon,  which  is  the  recognised  centre  of  culture,  looking  upon 
these  "  new  "  nations  in  the  west  as  utter  barbarians ; 

Phoenicia  is  far  past  the  zenith  of  its  power;  Samaria  has  fallen;  Jerusa- 
lem is  to  become  subject  to  Babylon  itself; 

In  Asia  Minor,  Sardis,  the  capital  of  Lydia,  is  waxing  in  power. 

But  the  coming  nation  of  the  epoch  is  Persia,  which  turns  the  tables  on 
its  fellow,  Manda,  hitherto  the  stronger  of  the  half-civilised  pair  of  nations, 
and  which  finall}',  under  Cyrus,  captures  Babylon  itself,  and  assumes  undis- 
puted sovereignty  over  the  whole  of  south-western  Asia." 


RENASCENCE  AND  FALL  OF  BABYLON         449 

[626-562  B.C.] 

NABOPOLASSAR   AND   NEBUCHADREZZAR 

Nabopolassar  (Nabu-apal-usur,  i.e.  "  Nabu  protect  the  heir  "),  according 
to  the  Ptolemaic  canon,  reigned  from  625  B.C.  ("the  date  of  his  accession  thus 
being  626)  until  605  B.C.,  in  which  year  he  died,  shortly  before  the  victory 
won  by  his  son  Nebuchadrezzar  over  the  Egyptians  at  Carcheraish,  having 
been  in  ill  health  before  Nebuchadrezzar  started  for  Syria.  We  have  seen 
how  immediately  upon  his  accession  to  the  throne  of  the  Pharaohs,  Neku  II 
profited  by  the  imjDotence  of  the  Assyrian  kingdom,  which  was  enfeebled  to 
the  last  degree  by  long  years  of  Scythian  incursions,  to  penetrate  into  the 
Hamath  district. 

[He  encountered  the  army  of  Judah  at  Meggido — the  same  historical 
locality  where,  a  thousand  years  before,  Tehutimes  III  had  vanquished  the 
combined  forces  of  Syria  and  Phoenicia.  The  king  of  Jerusalem  was  slain 
on  the  field,  and  his  army,  retreating  in  terror  to  the  capital,  made  his  young 
son,  Jehoahaz,  king,  ignoring  the  claims  of  Eliakim,  the  eldest,  probably 
because  he  was  in  favour  of  submitting  to  Neku.  Pharaoh  now  proceeded, 
unmolested,  to  Riblah  in  Coele-Syria,  where  he  made  his  headquarters,  and 
confident  in  his  mastery  over  Judah,  ordered  Jehoahaz  to  appear  before  him. 
When  the  new  king  arrived  he  was  thrown  into  chains  and  Eliakim  put  in 
his  place  under  the  name  of  Jehoiakim.] 

Neku's  ambition  was  next  directed  to  the  conquest  of  the  whole  of  north- 
ern Syria;  a  project  which  he  actually  accomplished  to  a  great  extent 
during  the  years  608  to  606,  whilst  the  Babylonians,  with  their  Median  allies, 
were  besieging  Nineveh.  He  must  certainly  have  advanced  as  far  as  Carche- 
mish,  since  that  was  the  spot  where  the  Egyptian  and  Babylonian  forces  met 
in  605.  The  fate  of  Syria  was  sealed  thereby;  it  became  a  province  of  Baby- 
lonia even  as  it  had  once  been  a  province  of  Assyria,  and  Judah  became  a 
vassal  kingdom  to  Babylonia. 

Thus  Nabopolassar,  who  died  in  605,  while  his  son  was  on  the  march  for 
Syria,  only  just  missed  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  the  new  kingdom  of  Baby- 
lonia which  he  had  founded  enter  upon  the  heritage  of  the  Assyrian  Empire, 
out  of  which  the  western  province  could  least  of  all  be  spared.  He  did  not 
see  it :  instead  the  news  of  his  father's  death  reached  the  young  Nebuchadrez- 
zar (Nabu-kudur-usur,  i.e.  "  Nabu  protect  the  crown  ")  shortly  after  the 
victory  of  the  Egyptians,  which  decided  the  fate  of  Syria  for  the  time  being; 
and  leaving  his  generals  to  follow  up  the  victory,  he  had  to  return  to  Babylon 
in  hot  haste  to  assume  the  royal  dignity  that  awaited  him.  There  he  received 
the  crown  at  the  hands  of  the  great  nobles  without  encountering  any  obsta-*^ 
cles,  and  for  the  long  period  of  his  glorious  reign,  which  lasted  forty- 
two  years  (604-562)  he  guided  the  destinies  of  his  countrjs  extended  and 
strengthened  its  borders,  and  thus  made  Babylonia  a  great  power,  and  Baby- 
lon one  of  the  most  splendid  and  illustrious  cities  of  ancient  times.  If  we 
further  take  into  consideration  that  it  was  he  who  likewise  conquered  Syria 
for  Babylonia,  we  cannot  but  acknowledge  his  claim  to  be  counted  the  first 
ruler  who  entered  upon  the  full  possession  of  Assyria  and  consolidated  it. 

Amid  all  the  many  and  sometimes  detailed  inscriptions  of  Nebuchadrezzar 
which  have  been  found  in  the  ruins  of  Babylon  and  other  cities,  not  one 
contains  any  account  of  his  campaigns  ;  but  from  a  passage  in  the  preamble 
of  the  great  inscription  of  the  kingdom,  we  see  that  in  spite  of  his  preference 
for  building  and  other  peaceful  labours  he  was  a  mighty  warrior.  It  runs  : 
"  Under  his  mighty  protection  (i.e.  that  of  the  god  Marduk)  I  have  passed 
through  far  countries,  distant  mountains,  from  the  upper  sea  even  to  the 

H.  W. VOL.    I.  2  G 


450  THE   HISTORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

[602-587  B.C.] 

lower  sea  {i.e.  probably  from  the  Gulf  of  Issus  to  the  month  of  the  Nile)  far- 
reaching  ways,  closed  paths  where  my  step  was  stayed  and  ray  foot  could 
not  stand,  a  road  of  hardships,  a  Avay  of  thirst ;  the  disobedient  I  subdued 
and  took  the  adversaries  captive,  the  land  I  guided  aright,  the  people  I 
caused  to  be  seized  ;  1  carried  away  the  bad  and  the  good  among  them,  silver 
and  gold  and  precious  stones,  copper,  palm  wood  and  cedar  wood,  whatsoever 
was  costly,  in  gorgeous  abundance ;  the  products  of  the  mountains  and  that 
which  the  sea  yielded,  brought  I  as  a  gift  of  great  weight,  as  a  rich  tribute 
into  my  city  of  Babylon  before  his  (the  god's)  face."  And  althovigh  the 
different  campaigns  of  which  we  know  are  distributed  over  almost  the  whole 
of  his  long  reign,  we  find  mention  of  only  one  short  war  against  Aahmes  of 
Egypt  in  the  thirty-seventh  year  of  it. 

With  regard  to  these  wars,  most  of  them  aimed  at  completing  the  work 
begun  at  the  battle  of  Carchemish,  and  more  particularly  at  preventing  fur- 
ther interference  on  the  part  of  Egypt,  and  at  banishing  her  influence  com- 
pletely from  Babylonian  territory,  which  had  now  been  extended  to  her  very 
frontier.  It  was  probably  in  the  third  year  after  Nebuchadrezzar's  battle 
(therefore  in  602  B.C.)  that  Syria  was  completely  incorporated  into  the 
Babylonian  kingdom,  leaving  him  free  to  think  of  displaying  his  i:)Ower  in 
the  eyes  of  Jehoiakim,  whom  Neku  had  set  up  as  king  in  Jerusalem,  by 
advancing  against  him  with  an  army.  The  desired  result  promptly  followed, 
and  from  001  to  599  Jehoiakim  became  tributary  to  the  king  of  the  Chal- 
deans. In  the  fourth  year,  598,  the  king  of  Judah  withheld  the  tribute, 
prol)ably  at  the  instigation  of  Egypt.  When  the  Babylonians  invaded 
Judah  (probably  at  the  beginning  of  587)  Jehoiakim  was  just  dead  ;  his  son 
Jehoiachin  (known  also  as  Jeconiah)  was  besieged  at  Jerusalem  and,  seeing 
further  resistance  useless,  surrendered  to  Nebuchadrezzar.  He  was  carried 
away  captive  to  Babylon  with  his  family  and  nearly  all  the  princes,  warriors, 
masons,  and  smiths  ;  but,  once  there,  their  lot  was  no  hard  one,  for  they 
were  permitted  to  settle  without  molestation  and  to  exercise  their  own 
religion.  A  great  number  of  them  lived  thus  at  Tel-Abib  (i.e.  "heap  of 
ruins")  on  the  canal  Chebar  [a  canal  found  near  Nippur  and  now  called 
Kabaru]  as  we  know  from  the  chronicles  of  Ezekiel,  who  was  one  of  them. 
Jerusahnn  was  not  destroyed,  but  Jehoiachin's  kinsman,  Mattaniah  (another 
son  of  Josiah),  was  set  over  the  few  inhabitants  that  remained  there  as  a  vas- 
sal of  Babylonia,  under  the  new  name  of  Zedekiah  (595-587).  The  newly 
installed  sovereign  was  a  weak  man,  who  by  his  own  good  will  would  have 
been  a  loyal  vassal ;  but  ultimately  in  spite  of  the  warnings  of  the  prophet 
Jeremiah,  who  fully  realised  the  true  state  of  affairs,  he  threw  in  his  lot 
with  the  war  party,  who  relied  on  the  help  of  Egypt,  and  rebelled  against 
Baljylonia. 

In  589  Psamthek  II  (Neku's  successor)  himself  was  succeeded  by  the 
young  and  warlike  Uah-ab-Ra  (the  Hophra  of  the  Bible  and  the  Apries  of  the 
Greeks),  who  sent  a  fleet  to  the  assistance  of  the  Phoenicians  in  an  attempt 
tliey  made  to  revolt.  Tliereupon  Nebuchadrezzar  marched  his  troops  into 
Syria  and  set  up  his  headquarters  at  Riblali,  the  old  headquarters  of  Neku, 
so  as  to  operate  from  thence  against  Zedekiah,  Tyre,  and  Pharaoh.  How 
Jeru.salem  was  besieged  (589-587)  and  destroyed,  how  in  the  meantime 
Uali-ab-]{a's  army  was  vanquished,  and  how  Tyre  was  then  invested  (the  siege 
lasting  thirteen  years)  and  forced  to  pay  tribute,  if  no  more  —  all  these  events 
are  likewise  known  to  us  only  from  other  sources  than  cuneiform  inscrip- 
tions, and  tlie  detailed  description  of  them,  at  least  in  so  far  as  they  relate 
to  the  downfall  of  the  kingdom  of  Judah,  and  thus  form  a  part  of  (not  the 


RENASCEXCE  AXD  FALL  OF  BABYLON         451 

[587-568  B.C.] 

opening  era  of)  Jewish  liistor}-,  lies  ready  to  every  reader's  liand  in  the 
books  of  the  Bible  of  which  we  have  given  a  brief  outline.  As  for  Tyre 
(after  the  siege)  she  remained  under  the  rule  of  her  own  kings,  though  as  a 
vassal  to  Babylonia.  All  the  worse  was  the  fate  which,  in  587,  overtook 
Judah,  whose  hopes  had  been  so  cruelly  deceived,  for  not  only  was  the  city 
utterly  destroyed  (see  the  moving  laments  in  the  so-called  Book  of  Lam- 
entations), and  the  king,  blinded  and  fettered,  carried  away  into  captivity 
after  seeing  his  sons  slain  before  his  face  ;  but  with  the  exception  of  the 
poor,  the  day  labourers  absolutely  necessary  for  the  cultivation  of  the  soil 
and  \'ineyards,  all  who  had  escaped  the  previous  deportation  were  carried 
away  by  the  Babylonian  king  to- the  "waters  of  Babylon"  (Psalm  137). 

[While  his  soldiers  were  keeping  their  long  and  weary  station  under  the 
walls  of  Tyre,  Nebuchadrezzar  turned  his  attention  to  another  important 
matter.  Because  the  people  of  Judah  and  Tyre  had  looked  to  Egypt  for 
assistance,  they  had  given  the  Babylonian  king  much  trouble.  Egypt,  there- 
fore, must  suffer  for  tliis  ;  so  that  she  would  not  feel  inclined  to  repeat  her 
action  of  sending  an  army  to  Zedekiah's  aid.  A  new  Egyptian  campaign 
was  planned.] 

A  fragment  at  the  beginning  of  which  a  prayer  (••  Thou  destroyest  my 
enemies  and  makest  my  heart  to  rejoice  ")  was  set  down,  assigns  the  above- 
mentioned  campaign  in  Egypt  to  the  year  568  (i.e.  the  thirty-seventh  year 
of  the  reign).  The  passage  which  refers  to  it,  —  "Year  37  of  Nebuchad- 
rezzar, king  of  (Babylonia  to  the  land  of)  Misir,  {i.e.  Egypt)  to  give  a 
battle,  he  marched  and  (his  troops  A-ma)-a-su,  the  king  of  Misir  assembled 
and  ..."  leaves  no  doubt  that  Aalimes  or  Amasu  is  the  king  here  meant, 
for  only  the  year  before,  in  569,  Aahmes  had  revolted  against  Uah-ab-Ra  and 
forced  him  to  recognise  him  (Aahmes)  as  co-regent.  He  soon  afterward 
became  sole  ruler  in  Egypt  ;  and,  as  such,  he  died  in  the  year  528,  shortl}- 
before  the  conquest  of  Egypt  by  the  Persians.  Nebuchadrezzar  meanwhile 
contented  himself  with  humbling  the  pride  of  Egypt,  and  refrained  from 
conquering  the  country,  which  even  had  it  been  successfully  done  would 
but  have  raised  difficidties  for  the  Babylonian  kingdom  to  cope  with.  His 
chief  aim,  to  keep  Syria  and  Palestine  clear  of  Egyptian  influence,  was 
attained  by  the  campaign. 

Of  Nebuchadrezzar's  other  military  expeditions,  the  one  mentioned  (Jere- 
miah xlix.  28-33)  against  the  Bedouins  of  Kedar  and  the  Arab  tribes,  which 
had  settled  to  the  east  of  Palestine,  leads  us  again  to  the  borders  of  the  Occi- 
dent. The  town  of  Teredon,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Euphrates,  was  founded  at 
this  time  as  a  bulwark  against  the  Bedouins,  and  by  reason  of  its  situation 
became,  like  Gerrha,  on  the  Persian  Gulf,  and  Thapsacus,  Tiphsah,  on  the 
middle  Euphrates,  a  mercantile  station  of  some  importance.  Not  until  the 
time  of  the  New  Kingdom  of  Babylonia  did  a  flourishing  trade  develop  along 
the  Euphrates,  with  Armenia  and  the  east  coast  of  Arabia  for  its  extreme 
poles ;  and  from  the  reign  of  Nebuchadrezzar  dates  the  part  played  by 
Babylon,  his  capital,  as  the  greatest  emporium  of  the  ancient  world,  and 
the  proverbial  meaning  which  the  name  of  Babylon  has  retained  down  to 
our  times,  to  signify  the  worst  aspects  (luxury  and  license)  of  a  capital 
city. 

From  Babylon  and  the  mention  of  her  trade  it  would  be  a  natural  transi- 
tion to  the  buildings  erected  by  Nebuchadrezzar,  if  we  were  not  first  bound  to 
mention  the  north-west  and  east,  which  are  of  extreme  importance  from  an 
historical  point  of  view,  and  in  wliii-h  Nebuchadrezzar  took  the  part  of  a 
mediator,  if  no  more,  between  the  ]\Iedes  and  the  Lydians. 


452  THE   HISTORY   OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

[604-5(52  B.C.] 

To  return  to  the  buildings  erected  by  Nebuchadrezzar,  which,  up  to  this 
time  form  the  subject  of  nearly  all  the  inscriptions  discovered,  the  latter  all 
show  his  character  in  a  favourable  light.  In  all  we  find  evidence  of  the 
paternal  care  of  a  prince  zealous  for  the  welfare  of  his  dominions,  and  of  a 
sincere  and  heartfelt  piety  which  by  no  means  leaves  the  impression  that 
it  is  a  mere  form  of  speech.  We  can  listen  to  his  own  words  prefixed  to  his 
account  of  the  buildings  he  erected  and  revealing  something  of  his  heart. 

"Since  the  Lord,  Marduk,  created  me,  and  made  fair  preparation  for  my 
birth  from  the  woml),  from  that  time  forward,  when  I  was  born  and  created, 
I  have  visited  the  holy  places  of  God,  and  walked  in  the  ways  of  God. 
To  Marduk,  my  Lord,  I  prayed ;  1  took  up  my  parable  in  prayer  to  him,  the 
speech  of  my  heart  came  (before  him)  to  him  1  s})oke :  'Eternal,  Holy,  Lord 
of  all  things,  for  the  king,  whom  thou  lovest,  whose  name  thou  callest  ac- 
cording to  tliy  good  pleasure,  guide  his  name  well,  lead  (or  guard)  him  in  a 
straight  path.  1,  the  prince,  who  obeyeth  thee,  am  the  work  of  tlly  hands, 
thou  didst  create  me,  thou  didst  commit  unto  me  the  royal  dominion  over 
the  whole  people,  according  to  thy  grace,  O  Lord  which  thou  sendest  forth 
upon  all.  Teach  me  to  love  thy  august  sovereignty,  let  the  fear  of  thy 
divinity  be  in  my  lieart,  bestow  (upon  me)  that  which  is  pleasing  unto  thee, 
thou  who  preparest  my  life.'  Thereupon  the  Highest,  the  Glorious,  the  first 
among  tlie  gods,  the  august  Marduk,  heard  my  supplication  and  accepted  my 
prayers,  he  caused  his  great  majesty  to  rule  favourably,  he  caused  the  fear  of 
God  to  abide  in  my  lieart,  I  fear  his  majesty."  And  the  conclusion  runs: 
"  Babylon,  the  capital  of  the  land,  I  established  with  the  hills  of  the  forest. 
To  Marduk,  my  lord,  I  prayed  and  lifted  up  my  hand  :  'Marduk,  lord,  the 
first  of  gods,  thou  mighty  prince,  thou  hast  created  me,  thou  hast  committed 
to  me  royal  dominion  over  the  multitude  of  the  people,  1  love  the  majesty  of 
thy  courts  as  my  precious  life.  Save  thy  city  of  Babylon.  I  have  made  me 
no  other  capital  out  of  all  inhabited  places.  As  I  love  the  fear  of  thy  divin- 
ity and  seek  thy  majesty,  so  incline  graciously  to  my  supplication  (literally, 
to  the  raising  of  my  hands),  hear  my  prayers.  I  am  the  King,  the  Restorer, 
who  delights  thy  heart,  the  zealous  ruler,  the  restorer  of  all  thy  cities.  At 
thy  command,  O  merciful  Marduk,  may  the  house  which  I  have  built  endure 
to  all  eternity,  may  I  satisfy  myself  in  its  abundance.  May  I  come  to  old 
age  therein,  may  1  satisfy  myself  with  my  glory,  may  I  receive  the  weighty 
tribute  therein  from  the  kings  of  all  regions  of  the  world  and  from  all  man- 
kind. From  the  horizon  of  the  heavens  unto  the  meridian  and  at  (?)  the 
rising  sun  may  I  have  no  enemies  nor  possess  any  adversaries  (lit.  them  that 
put  me  in  fear).  May  my  posterity  bear  rule  therein  over  the  black-headed 
people  to  all  eternity.'  " 

Nebuchadrezzar,  himself,  attached  the  greatest  importance  to  the  resto- 
ration of  the  temples  of  E-sagila  and  E-zida,  as  being  the  most  ancient  sanctu- 
aries of  Babylon,  and  in  his  briefest  inscriptions,  the  stamp-marks  on  bricks, 
whether  used  for  the  building  of  these  two  temples  or  any  other  edifice, 
always  had  added  to  his  title  of  king,  that  of  restorer  of  the  temples  of 
E-sagila  and  E-zida.  Of  greater  interest  to  us,  however,  since  we  can  still 
admire  the  ruins  of  it,  is  a  tem[)le  which  is  only  briefly  referred  to  in  a  few 
words  in  the  long  inscription,  but  of  which  we  have  a  detailed  account  in 
another,  shorter  inscription,  namely,  the  Temple  of  the  Seven  Spheres  of 
Heaven  and  Earth,  which  was  built  in  seven  stories  near  (or  as  a  ziggurat 
of)  E-zida  at  Borsippa. 

But  although  Nebuchadrezzar  devoted  most  thought  to  his  beloved 
Babylon  (and  to  Borsippa)  he  in  nowise  neglected  other  seats  of  worship  of 


RENASCENCE   AND   FALL  OF  BABYLON  453 

[604-560  B.C.] 

the  countiy.  The  temple  of  the  Sun,  at  Sippar,  the  temple  of  a  god  as  yet 
unidentified,  in  the  city  of  Baz  (Paszitu),  the  temple  of  Idi-Anu  (the  Eye 
of  Anu),  at  Dilbat,  the  temple  of  Lugal-Amarda  (Marad),  E-Anna,  the 
temple  of  Ishtar,  at  Erech,  the  temple  of  the  Sun,  at  Larsa,  and  the  temple 
of  the  Moon,  at  Erech,  are  enumerated  one  after  another  as  having  been  rebuilt 
by  Nebuchadrezzar.  With  better  right  than  his  father  he  calls  himself  on 
one  of  the  Abu-Habba  cylinders  "  the  ruler  of  Sumer  and  Accad,  who  laid 
the  foundation  of  the  land  "  (or  as  Winckler  translates  it,  "  made  fast  the 
foundations  of  the  land  "),  for  in  truth  his  new  creations  extended  over  the 
whole  territory  that  had  been  Sumer  and  Accad  as  we  are  familiar  with  it 
in  ancient  Babylonian  history,  from  the  reigns  of  Ur-Ba'u  of  Ur  onward. 
Under  him,  after  a  long  sleep  (lasting  in  places  for  a  thousand  j'-ears)  among 
her  ruins,  the  whole  of  Babylonia  kept  the  festival  of  her  resurrection,  and 
joyous  sacrificial  hymns  resounded  through  the  length  and  breadth  of  the 
land  during  Nebuchadrezzar's  long  and  prosperous  reign,  as  in  the  days  of 
her  distant  prime. 

To  complete  the  picture  of  Nebuchadrezzar's  capital,  we  must  in  conclu- 
sion cast  a  glance  at  the  vast  fortifications  with  which  this  king  girdled  the 
city  he  had  created,  and  so  insured  it  against  the  most  formidable  assault. 
Nebuchadrezzar  did  not  rest  satisfied  with  completely  restoring  and  enlarg- 
ing these  fortifications  (a  work  that  his  father  had  begun,  since  they  had 
again  been  impaired)  ;  he  included  a  strip  of  arable  land  some  four  thousand 
cubits  (about  two  to  three  kilometres)  in  breadth,  on  the  farther  side  of  the 
rampart  Nimitti-Bel,  within  another  "mountain  high"  wall,  and  made  it  a 
part  of  the  outworks,  thus  casting  a  gigantic  threefold  girdle  of  ramparts 
(or  walls)  and  moats  about  the  city.  Nor  was  that  enough  :  "  To  quell  the 
countenance  of  the  enemy  that  he  should  not  harass  the  (threefold)  encom- 
passment  of  Babylon,  I  surrounded  the  land  with  mighty  streams,  compar- 
able unto  the  waters  of  the  sea  ;  to  cross  them  was  as  it  were  to  cross  the  ocean. 
To  render  an  inundation  from  their  midst  (tlie  midst  of  these  artificial 
courses)  impossible,  I  heaped  up  masses  of  earth,  I  set  up  brick  dams  round 
about  them." 

And  herewith  we  must  take  leave  of  this  truly  great  ruler,  and  turn  to 
his  successors,  who,  unhappily,  did  not  resemble  him,  and  of  whom  the  last, 
Nabonidus  by  name,  could  alone  be  compared  to  him  in  his  zeal  for  the  res- 
toration and  adornment  of  the  various  temples  of  the  country,  though  in  all 
other  respects  he  fell  far  below  the  greatness  of  his  mighty  ancestor.  This 
inferiority  is  the  reason  that  the  New  Babylonian  Kingdom  hurried  so  swiftly 
to  its  unexpected  end. 

THE   FOLLOWERS   OF   NEBUCHADREZZAR 

We  know  from  the  Ptolemaic  canon,  Hommel  goes  on,  that  after  Nebu- 
chadrezzar's death  (562)  Illoarudamos  (probably  a  clerical  error  for  Illoaru- 
dakos,  i.e.  Amil-Marduk),  the  biblical  Evil-Merodach,  ascended  the  tlirone 
and  died  in  the  second  year  of  his  reign  (560).  Berosus  calls  him  a  son  of 
Nebuchadrezzar,  and  describes  his  short  reign  as  unjust  and  licentious,  this 
being  the  reason  why  he  was  murdered  by  Neriglissor  (Norgal-shar-usur),  his 
sister's  husband,  and  thus  son-in-law  to  Nebuchadrezzar.  As  a  matter  of 
fact,  in  direct  confirmation  of  the  chronological  statements  of  the  Ptolemaic 
canon,  the  only  contract  tablets  that  have  been  discovered  of  the  reign  of 
this  king,  date  from  his  accession,  about  July  22,  560  B.C.  He  is  mentioned 
in  the  Old  Testament,  in  the  last  four  verses  of  the  2nd  Book  of  Kings ; 


454  THE   HISTORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

[560-555  B.C.] 

"And  it  came  to  pass  in  the  seven  and  thirtieth  year  of  the  captivity  of 
Jehoiachin,  king  of  Judah,  in  the  twelfth  month,  on  the  seven  and  twentieth 
day  of  the  month,  that  Evil-Merodach,  king  of  Babylon,  in  the  year  that  he 
began  to  reign,  did  lift  u})  the  head  of  Jehoiachin,  king  of  Judah,  out  of 
jjrison.  And  he  spake  kindly  to  him  and  set  his  throne  above  the  throne 
of  the  kings  that  were  with  him  in  Babylon ;  and  changed  his  prison  gar- 
ments, and  he  did  eat  bread  continually  before  him  all  the  days  of  his  life. 
And  his  allowance  was  a  continual  allowance  given  him  of  the  king,  a  daily 
rate  for  cverv  day,  all  the  days  of  his  life."  It  is  evident  that  the  Bible  here 
refers  to  Amil-Marduk,  for  on  the  twenty-seventh  Adar  560  this  king  was 
still  upon  the  throne  (see  the  above  date,  4th  Abu),  whilst  the  first  well- 
authenticated  date  of  Neriglissor  is  25th  Marsheshwan,  i.e.  about  10th 
November  of  that  same  year. 

From  the  reign  of  Amil-Marduk  we  have  no  inscription,  but  we  are  in 
better  case  as  regards  his  successor,  Nergal-shar-usur  (the  Nergal-sharezer  of 
the  Bible  ;  Berosus,  Neriglissor,  Ptolemaic  canon,  Neriga-solasar).  He  reigned 
from  559-556,  for  there  are  two  inscriptions  on  cylinders  and  a  brief  in- 
scription on  brick  which  Ave  may  assign  to  this  reign.  The  subject  appears 
to  be  some  restoration  in  the  shrine  of  E-zida  at  Babylon.  Where  the 
inscription  again  becomes  legible,  the  king  gives  an  account  of  the  con- 
struction of  a  canal,  the  waters  of  which  had  gone  away  and  withdrawn,  and 
of  palace  building. 

The  following  questions  are  suggested  by  these  inscriptions.  Firstly, 
who  was  his  father,  the  Bel-shum-ishkum  twice  mentioned  in  them?  Let  it 
sutlice  here  to  note  the  possibility  that  he  may  be  identical  with  a  former  king 
of  Assyria,  the  son  of  Asshurbanapal,  who  certainly  did  not  reign  more  than 
a  few  months.  The  chronology  presents  no  obstacle  to  the  acceptance  of 
this  hypothesis.  Let  us  then  assume  that  Bel-shum-ishkum  was  born  about 
645 ;  he  would  then  be  about  twenty  years  of  age  at  the  death  of  Asshur- 
banapal, and  about  forty  at  the  fall  of  Nineveh,  after  which  he  probably 
found  a  refuge  at  the  Babylonian  court.  By  that  time  (606)  liis  son  Nergal- 
shar-usur  might  very  well  be  about  eighteen  years  old ;  if  we  take  this  for 
granted,  then  the  latter  was  thirty-seven  in  the  year  587,  in  which  two  per- 
sons of  the  same  name  (Nergal-sharezer,  Jeremiah  xxxix.  3)  are  mentioned 
among  Nebuchadrezzar's  nobles  (one  among  the  "princes"  in  general,  tlie 
other  amongst  the  ofticials  of  highest  rank),  sixty-four  at  his  accession  in 
560  R.c.  and  not  quite  seventy  when  he  died,  which  gives  a  great  show  of 
})robability  to  his  identity  with  one  or  other  of  these  two  Nergal-sharezers. 
Another  question  to  wliicli  it  would  be  very  interesting  to  find  an  answer  is 
tliat  of  the  wars  of  Nergal-shar-usur,  for,  short  as  his  reign  was,  it  is  evident 
from  tlie  two  cylinder  inscriptions  that  he  did  wage  wars.  Unfortuately 
we  have  no  more  exact  information  on  the  subject;  but  if  we  consider  that 
as  early  as  the  year  555,  that  is,  only  a  year  after  Nergal-shar-usur's  death, 
disorders  of  such  magnitude  had  broken  out  in  Mesopotamia,  due  to  the 
'*  Manda  warriors"  under  tlie  leadership  of  their  king  Ishtuvegu  (Astyages), 
that  is  to  say,  to  Median  hordes,  that  the  Babylonians  appealed  to  Kurush 
(Cyrus),  king  of  Anshan,  who  did,  in  fact,  succeed  in  driving  the  Medes 
back,  we  may  l)e  sure  that  the  earliest  incursions  of  the  Manda  into  Babylo- 
nian territory  (of  wliich  Mesopotamia  had  formed  a  part  since  the  fall  of 
Niiieveli)  took  place  in  the  reign  of  Neriglissor.  This  hypothesis  is  directly 
••onfirmed  by  the  tenor  of  Nabonidus'  account  of  the  invasion.  In  that  case 
Neriglissor's  warlike  enterprises  were  not  crowned  with  brilliant  success,  or 
at  all  events  did  not  expel  the  Manda  from  Mesopotamia  altogether. 


KENASCENCE  AND  FALL  OF  BABYLON  455 

THE   KEIGN    OF   NABONIDUS  (556-538  B.C.} 

On  the  death  of  Neriglissor  in  556,  he  was  succeeded,  according  to 
Berosus,  by  his  son  Labassarachos  or  Labarosoarchodos  (in  inscriptions 
Labashi-Marduk),  but  it  appears  that  a  Babylonian  of  high  rank,  Nal)u- 
naidu  ("Nabu  is  glorious"),  the  son  of  Nabu-balatsu-iqbi  ("Nabu  hath 
foretold  his  life"),  was  immediately  proclaimed  king  by  an  opposition  party, 
and  although  Labashi-Marduk  made  head  against  Nabu-naidu  (or  Nabonidus, 
as  he  is  usually  known)  for  nine  months,  the  latter  dates  the  beginning  of 
his  reign  from  the  death  of  Neriglissor.  According  to  Berosus,  Labashi- 
Marduk  was  a  child,  and  fell  victim  to  a  conspiracy,  having  already  betrayed 
tokens  of  a  bad  disposition. 

According  to  the  Ptolemaic  canon,  Nabonidus  reigned  seventeen  years, 
which  agrees  with  the  circumstance  that  the  latest  of  the  numerous  contract 
tablets  belonging  to  his  reign  up  to  this  time  discovered  are  dated  the  5th  of 
Ulul  (the  middle  of  August)  in  his  seventeenth  year.  He  concerned  himself 
chiefly  with  the  restoration  of  old  temples  elsewhere  than  in  Babylon,  as 
those  at  Ur,  Larsa,  Sippar,  and  even  at  Kharran  in  INIesopotamia,  that  is,  the 
oldest  sanctuaries  in  the  country ;  while  in  Babylon,  where  he  certainly 
resided,  if  onl}^  at  intervals,  he  seems  to  have  done  nothing  except  to  proceed 
with  the  building  of  the  walls  on  the  river  bank.i  Nabonidus  was  actuated 
not  merely  by  religious  motives,  but  by  an  interest  in  history  and  archaeology, 
which  grew  to  be  an  absolute  mania  with  him.  His  inscriptions  give  us 
minute  information  as  to  how  he  dug  and  hunted  for  the  foundation  cylinders 
of  these  primitive  temples,  nor  does  he  fail  to  deal  many  a  sly  hit  at  his 
predecessors  (Nebuchadrezzar,  for  example),  who  had  not  always  conscien- 
tiously done  this,  and  had  consequently  many  a  time  built  something  that 
was  not  in  the  original  plan.  When,  after  long  search,  Nabonidus  found 
these  cylinders,  often  buried  deep  down  in  the  ground,  he  reproduced 
the  tenor  of  them  exactly,  frequently  giving  the  precise  number  of  years 
between  his  own  reign  and  that  of  the  ancient  Babylonian  king  in  question, 
and  so  providing  us  with  the  most  valuable  data  for  determining  the  earliest 
periods  of  Babylonian  history.  In  this  way  we  have  learned  the  date  of 
Naram-Sim,  the  ancient  king  of  Agade,  of  Shagarakti-Buriash  [sometimes 
read  Shagarakti-Shuriash],  and  lastly,  as  it  would  appear,  of  Khammurabi 
(although  in  this  case  the  computation  is  incorrect),  together  with  many 
other  data  of  historical  importance.  For  this  reason  the  reign  of  Nabo- 
nidus is  to  us  among  the  most  important  in  Babylonian  history,  but  his 
passion  for  arclueology  —  which  seems  to  have  made  him  forget  the  world 
entirely,  and,  in  particular,  overlook  the  danger  with  which  the  victories  of 
Cyrus  menaced  Babylonia  —  was  of  less  service  to  himself,  and  ultimately 
cost  him  his  throne  and  liberty. 

We  have  already  mentioned  the  fragment  of  the  Babylonian  chronicle 
treating  of  the  reign  of  Nabonidus  and  the  conquest  of  Jiabylon  and  the 
whole  Babylonian  empire  by  Cyrus.  We  will  now  regard  the  public  events 
of  the  reign  of  tlie  last  native  king  of  Babylonia  in  the  light  of  this  text. 
In  the  first  year  mention  is  made  of  a  military  ex])editi()ii  witli  the  object  of 
subjugating  a  prince  of  whose  name,  unfortunately,  notliing  (or  at  most  the 
termination,  sJniishshi^  has  been  preserved,  but  whom  we  sliould,  perhaj)s, 
be  justified  in  regarding  as  the  chieftain  of  a  Median  tribe. 

[1  The  authorities  seem  to  be  in  dispute  as  to  Nabonidus'  place  of  residence.  ProfessDr 
Rogers  says  (Historij  of  Babylon  and  Aaayria,  Vol.  II,  p,  301),  "Me  [Nabonidus]  did  not 
ro^idf  at  Babylon  at  all, "but  at  Tenia,  probably  an  insignificant  place,  with  no  other  influence  in 

hi.slory."] 


454  THE   HISTORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

[560-555  B.C.] 

"And  it  came  to  pass  in  the  seven  and  thirtieth  year  of  the  captivity  of 
Jehoiachin,  king  of  Judah,  in  the  twelfth  month,  on  the  seven  and  twentieth 
day  of  the  month,  that  Evil-Merodach,  king  of  IJabj-lon,  in  the  year  that  he 
began  to  reign,  did  lift  uj)  the  head  of  Jehoiachin,  king  of  Judah,  out  of 
prison.  And  he  spake  kindly  to  him  and  set  his  throne  above  the  throne 
of  the  kings  that  were  with  him  in  Babylon ;  and  changed  his  prison  gar- 
ments, and  he  did  eat  bread  continually  before  him  all  the  days  of  his  life. 
And  his  allowance  was  a  continual  allowance  given  him  of  the  king,  a  daily 
rate  for  every  day,  all  the  days  of  his  life."  It  is  evident  that  the  Bible  here 
refers  to  Aniil-Marduk,  for  on  the  twenty-seventh  Adar  560  this  king  was 
still  upon  the  throne  (see  the  above  date,  4th  Abu),  whilst  the  first  well- 
authenticated  date  of  Neriglissor  is  25tli  Marsheshwan,  i.e.  about  10th 
November  of  that  same  year. 

From  the  reign  of  Amil-Marduk  we  have  no  inscription,  but  we  are  in 
better  case  as  regards  his  successor,  Nergal-shar-usur  (the  Nergal-sharezer  of 
tlie  Bible  ;  Berosus,  Neriglissor,  Ptolemaic  canon,  Neriga-solasar).  He  reigned 
from  559-556,  for  there  are  two  inscriptions  on  cylinders  and  a  brief  in- 
scription on  brick  which  we  may  assign  to  this  reign.  The  subject  appears 
to  be  some  restoration  in  the  shrine  of  E-zida  at  Babylon.  Where  the 
inscription  again  becomes  legible,  the  king  gives  an  account  of  the  con- 
struction of  a  canal,  the  waters  of  which  had  gone  away  and  withdrawn,  and 
of  palace  building. 

The  following  questions  are  suggested  by  these  inscriptions.  Firstly, 
who  was  his  father,  the  Bel-shum-ishkum  twice  mentioned  in  them?  Let  it 
suHice  here  to  note  the  possibility  that  he  may  be  identical  with  a  former  king 
of  Assyria,  the  son  of  Asshurbanapal,  who  certainly  did  not  reign  more  than 
a  few  months.  The  chronology  presents  no  obstacle  to  the  acceptance  of 
this  hypothesis.  Let  us  then  assume  that  Bel-shum-ishkum  was  born  about 
645;  he  woidd  then  be  about  twenty  years  of  age  at  the  death  of  Asshur- 
banapal, and  about  forty  at  the  fall  of  Nineveh,  after  which  he  probably 
found  a  refuge  at  the  Babylonian  court.  By  that  time  (606)  his  son  Nergal- 
shar-usur  might  very  well  be  about  eighteen  years  old ;  if  we  take  this  for 
granted,  then  the  latter  was  thirty-seven  in  the  year  587,  in  which  two  per- 
sons of  the  same  name  (Nergal-sharezer,  Jeremiah  xxxix.  3)  are  mentioned 
among  Nebuchadrezzar's  nobles  (one  among  the  "  princes "  in  general,  the 
other  amongst  the  officials  of  highest  rank),  sixty-four  at  his  accession  in 
560  B.C.  and  not  quite  seventy  when  he  died,  which  gives  a  great  show  of 
probability  to  his  identity  with  one  or  other  of  these  two  Nergal-sharezers. 
Anotlier  question  to  wliich  it  would  be  very  interesting  to  find  an  answer  is 
that  of  the  wars  of  Nergal-shar-usur,  for,  short  as  his  reign  was,  it  is  evident 
from  the  two  cylinder  inscriptions  that  he  did  wage  wars.  Unfortuately 
we  have  no  more  exact  information  on  the  subject;  but  if  we  consider  that 
as  early  as  the  year  555,  that  is,  only  a  year  after  Nergal-shar-usur's  death, 
disorders  of  such  magnitude  had  broken  out  in  Mesopotamia,  due  to  the 
"  Manda  warriors"  under  the  leadership  of  their  king  Ishtuvegu  (Astyages), 
tliat  is  to  say,  to  Median  hordes,  that  the  Babylonians  appealed  to  Kurush 
(Cyrus),  king  of  Anshan,  who  did,  in  fact,  succeed  in  driving  the  Medes 
l)ack,  we  may  be  sure  that  the  earliest  incursions  of  the  Manda  into  Babylo- 
nian territory  (of  which  Mesopotamia  had  formed  a  part  since  the  fall  of 
Nineveh)  took  place  in  the  reign  of  Neriglissor.  This  hypothesis  is  directly 
confirmed  by  tlie  tenor  of  Nabonidus'  account  of  the  invasion.  In  that  case 
Neriglissor's  warlike  enterprises  were  not  crowned  with  brilliant  success,  or 
at  all  events  did  not  expel  the  Manda  from  Mesopotamia  altogether. 


I 


jjb 


KENASCENCE  AND  FALL   OF  BABYLON 


THE   EEIGN    OF   NABONIDUS  (556-538  B.C.) 


455 


On  the  death  of  Neriglissor  in  556,  he  was  succeeded,  according  to 
Berosiis,  by  his  son  Labassarachos  or  Labarosoarchodos  (in  inscriptions 
Labashi-Marduk),  but  it  appears  that  a  Babylonian  of  high  rank,  Nabu- 
naidu  ("Nabu  is  glorious"),  the  son  of  Nabu-balatsu-iqbi  ("Nabu  hath 
foretold  his  life"),  was  immediately  proclaimed  king  by  an  opposition  party, 
and  although  Labashi-Marduk  made  head  against  Nabu-naidu  (or  Nabonidus, 
as  he  is  usually  known)  for  nine  months,  the  latter  dates  the  beginning  of 
his  reign  from  the  death  of  Neriglissor.  According  to  Berosus,  Labashi- 
Marduk  was  a  child,  and  fell  victim  to  a  conspiracy,  having  already  betrayed 
tokens  of  a  bad  disposition. 

According  to  the  Ptolemaic  canon,  Nabonidus  reigned  seventeen  years, 
which  agrees  with  the  circumstance  that  the  latest  of  the  numerous  contract 
tablets  belonging  to  his  reign  up  to  this  time  discovered  are  dated  the  5th  of 
Ulul  (the  middle  of  August)  in  his  seventeenth  year.  He  concerned  himself 
chiefly  with  the  restoration  of  old  temples  elsewhere  than  in  Babylon,  as 
those  at  Ur,  Larsa,  Sippar,  and  even  at  Kharran  in  Mesopotamia,  that  is,  the 
oldest  sanctuaries  in  the  country;  while  in  Babylon,  where  he  certainly 
resided,  if  only  at  intervals,  he  seems  to  have  done  nothing  except  to  proceed 
with  the  building  of  the  walls  on  the  river  bank.^  Nabonidus  was  actuated 
not  merely  by  religious  motives,  but  by  an  interest  in  history  and  archaeology, 
which  grew  to  be  an  absolute  mania  with  him.  His  inscriptions  give  us 
minute  information  as  to  how  he  dug  and  hunted  for  the  foundation  cylinders 
of  these  primitive  temples,  nor  does  he  fail  to  deal  many  a  sly  hit  at  his 
predecessors  (Nebuchadrezzar,  for  example),  who  had  not  always  conscien- 
tiously done  this,  and  had  consequently  many  a  time  built  something  that 
was  not  in  the  original  plan.  When,  after  long  search,  Nabonidus  found 
these  cylinders,  often  buried  deep  down  in  the  ground,  he  reproduced 
the  tenor  of  them  exactly,  frequently  giving  the  precise  number  of  years 
between  his  own  reign  and  that  of  the  ancient  Babylonian  king  in  question, 
and  so  providing  us  with  the  most  valuable  data  for  determining  the  earliest 
periods  of  Babylonian  history.  In  this  way  we  have  learned  the  date  of 
Naram-Sim,  the  ancient  king  of  Agade,  of  Shagarakti-Buriash  [sometimes 
read  Shagarakti-Shuriash],  and  lastly,  as  it  would  appear,  of  Khammurabi 
(although  in  this  case  the  computation  is  incorrect),  together  with  many 
other  data  of  historical  importance.  For  this  reason  the  reign  of  Nabo- 
nidus is  to  us  among  the  most  important  in  Babylonian  history,  but  his 
passion  for  archteology  —  which  seems  to  have  made  him  forget  the  world 
entirely,  and,  in  particular,  overlook  the  danger  with  which  the  victories  of 
Cyrus  menaced  Babylonia  —  was  of  less  service  to  himself,  and  ultimately 
cost  him  his  throne  and  liberty. 

We  have  already  mentioned  the  fragment  of  the  Babylonian  chronicle 
treating  of  the  reign  of  Nabonidus  and  the  conquest  of  Babylon  and  the 
whole  Babylonian  empire  by  Cyrus.  We  will  now  regard  the  public  events 
of  the  reign  of  the  last  native  king  of  Babylonia  in  the  light  of  this  text. 
In  the  hrst  year  mention  is  made  of  a  military  expedition  with  the  object  of 
subjugating  a  prince  of  whose  name,  unfortunately,  nothing  (or  at  most  the 
termination,  shu'ishsJn')  has  been  preserved,  but  whom  we  sliould,  perhaps, 
be  justified  in  regarding  as  the  chieftain  of  a  Median  tribe. 

[1  The  authorities  soem  to  be  in  dispute  as  to  Nabonidus'  place  of  residence.  Professor 
Rogers  says  (History  of  Babylon  and  Assyria,  Vol.  II,  p.  8(!1),  "lie  [Nabonidus]  did  not 
reside  at  Babylon  at  all,  "but  at  Tema,  probably  an  insiguilicant  place,  with  no  other  influence  in 

history."] 


I 


'^M 


456  THE  HISTORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

[555-547  B.C.] 

From  the  first  section  of  the  cylinder-inscription  of  Abu-Habba  we  see 
that  if,  after  the  deliverance  of  Kharran,  Nabonidus  summoned  his  troops 
from  the  frontier  of  Egypt  and  onward  to  the  Gulf  of  Issus  and  the  Persian 
Gulf,  to  the  work  of  building,  or  the  collection  of  building  material;  these 
were  not  military  enterprises  in  the  strict  sense  of  the  term  (and  this  is 
characteristic),  Init  merely  expeditions  for  peacefid  ends,  which  were  all  the 
easier  for  Nal)onidus  to  achieve,  because,  since  the  reign  of  Nebuchadrezzar 
the  Babvlonians  had  lield  undisputed  possession  of  the  "Occident"  right  up 
^o  the  Egyptian  frontier.  The  only  exception  to  this  ride  seems  to  be  the 
account  of  the  beginning  of  the  first  year  (or  the  beginning  of  his  reign) 
given  in  the  chronicle,  where,  among  other  tilings,  it  is  said,  "the  king  sum- 
moned his  warriors."  But  this  expedition  was,  in  all  likelihood,  only  the 
less  laborious  gleaning  left  to  Nabonidus  after  the  conquest  of  the  Medes 
by  Cyrus. 

The  next  event  narrated  in  the  chronicle  is  the  final  defeat  of  the  Medes 
by  Cyrus,  which  cannot,  therefore,  have  taken  place  later  than  the  sixth  year 
of  the  reign  of  Nabonidus,  that  is,  550  B.C.,  and  may  have  been  earlier. 

The  account  of  the  seventh  year  is  difficult  to  understand,  but  this  much 
is  plain,  that  in  those  years  Nabonidus  was  not  present  at  the  New  Year's 
celebration  at  E-sagila,  nay,  that  the  festival  in  question  did  not  take  place 
at  aU.  We  do  not  know  why  this  was  so,  but  we  may  conjecture  that  the 
reason  was  a  hierarchical  revolution,  a  kind  of  vote  of  want  of  confidence  in 
the  king,  who  was  pursuing  his  works  and  researches  in  the  temples  of  Sip- 
par,  Ur,  Larsa,  and  other  cities,  heedless  of  the  danger  that  menaced  the 
country  from  Cyrus. 

Of  greater  importance,  historically,  is  the  account  of  the  ninth  year  (547 
B.C.).  After  repeating  the  statement  concerning  the  non-celebration  of  the 
feast  of  Bel,  it  proceeds :  On  the  5th  of  Nisan  the  king's  mother  died  in  the 
fortified  camp  on  the  far  side  (Sha  am?  =  slia  ammat)  of  the  Euphrates  above 
Sippar ;  for  three  days  mourning  prevailed  and  lamentation,  in  the  month  of 
Sivan  there  was  mourning  (official)  for  the  queen-mother  throughout  the 
(whole)  land  of  Accad.  In  the  Nisan  (of  this  year)  Kurush  (Cyrus),  king 
of  the  hind  of  Parsu,  had  summoned  his  warriors  and  crossed  the  Tigris  be- 
low Arbela,  in  order  to  invade  Asia  Minor  in  the  following  month,  Airu, 
"from  the  king  he  took  away  his  silver  and  goods,  his  own  children  he  caused 
to  mount  tlie  [funeral  pyre],  after  his  chiklren  and  the  king  (he  himself, 
Cyrus?)  were  therein." 

We  know  from  Herodotus  that  an  expedition  of  Cyrus  against  King 
Croesus  of  Lydia  took  place  at  this  very  time,  and  ended  with  the  siege  and 
reduction  of  Sardis  and  the  fall  of  the  kingdom  of  Lydia,  after  an  indecisive 
battle  had  been  fought  in  Cappadocia,  near  Pteria  (Boghaz-koi),  a  place 
since  made  famous  by  the  discovery  of  a  Hittite  bas-relief.  Nabonidus  had 
joined  the  alliance  between  Lydia,  Sparta  and  Aahmes  of  Eg}  pt,  on  which 
Crcesus  relied  when  he  began  the  war  against  Cyrus ;  probably  he  thought 
he  could  make  an  easy  conquest  of  Media  and  Elam  after  the  defeat  he  ex- 
pected Cyrus  to  suffer  in  Asia  Minor.  The  Babylonians  do  not  seem  to 
have  taken  any  active  part  in  the  struggle  after  Cyrus'  speedy  victory  over 
the  Lydians,  but  nevertheless  with  that  victory  the  fate  of  ISabylonia  was 
practically  sealed.  For  it  was  obvious  that  Cyrus,  who  had  not  only  ruled 
over  the  whole  of  ^ledia,  since  the  taking  of  Ecbatana,  but  was  also  undis- 
puted master  of  Armenia  right  up  to  the  western  coast  of  Asia  Minor,  and 
thus  had  really  become  emperor  (or  great  king)  would  take  the  first 
opportunity   of   seizing  upon  Babylonia  and  its  wealthy  Syrian  provinces. 


•:  irliicli 
,.5  over 


RENASCENCE  AND  FALL  OF  BABYLON         457 

[547-538  B.C.] 

Moreover,  from  this  time  forth  he  had  the  best  of  reasons  for  regarding 
Nabonidus  as  a  disloyal  neighbour  who  deserved  condign  punishment. 

In  the  tenth  and  eleventh  years  the  chronicle  first  notes  the  omission  of 
the  Feast  of  Bel  in  exactly  the  same  terms  as  in  the  case  of  the  seventh  and 
ninth  years,  and  when  the  narration  begins  we  find  ourselves  in  the  seven- 
teenth and  last  year  of  the  reign  of  Nabonidus  (539  B.C.).  After  a  series 
of  sentences  which  are  very  much  defaced  the  narrative  proceeds :  "  In  the 
month  of  Tanimuz  (June-July,  539),  Kurush  [Cyrus]  fought  a  battle  at 
Kish  (?)  above  the  canal  of  Illat  (?)  against  the  warriors  of  the  land  of 
Accad ;  the  people  of  the  land  of  Accad  rose  up  against  the  ranks  of  soldiers, 
on  the  14th  day  (of  Tammuz)  the  city  of  Sippar  was  taken  without  a  battle, 
Nabonidus  fled.  On  the  17th  day  (e.e.  about  July  5,  539),  Ugbaru  (Gobryas), 
governor  of  Guti  (i.e.  the  district  to  the  east  of  Arbela),  and  the  warriors  of  Ku- 
rush marched  into  E-ki  (Babylon)  ;  when  Nabonidus  thereupon  entrenched 
himself  in  E-ki  (Babylon)  he  was  taken  captive.  Even  unto  the  end  of  the 
month  the  tukkmii  (troops  ?)  of  the  land  of  Guti  encompassed  the  gates 
of  E-sagila,  yet  were  not  weapons  of  any  sort  laid  upon  E-sagila  and  the 
(other)  temples,  nor  was  the  embellishment  (i.e.  the  images  and  vessels  of 
the  temple)  taken  away.  On  the  3rd  of  Marsheshwan  (Arakhsamnu,  i.e. 
about  October  19),  Kurush  marched  into  E-ki,  the  streets  were  filled  in 
view  of  his  entry,  he  established  peace  in  the  city;  Kurush  proclaimed  peace 
to  the  whole  of  Tintir  (Babylon),  he  set  Ugbaru  (Gobryas),  his  vicegerent, 
as  vicegerent  over  Babylon,  and  from  the  month  Kislev  even  until  Adar 
(November-December,  539-February-March,  538),  he  caused  the  gods  of 
the  land  of  Accad,  which  Nabonidus  had  caused  to  be  brought  into  Babylon, 
to  be  carried  back  into  their  own  places.  In  the  same  (?)  month,  on  the 
11th  day,  Ugbaru  went  over  and  the  king  dies ;  from  the  27th  of  the  month 
Adar,  even  to  the  3rd  of  Nisan  (the  end  of  March,  538),  there  is  mourning  in 
Accad,  all  the  people  loose  (lit.  cleave)  their  hair  (?) ;  on  the  4th,  Kambujiya 
(Cambyses),  the  son  of  Kurush,  goes  to  the  temple  of  the  city  (?)  of  Khad- 
kalamasummu.  ..."  What  follows  is  defaced  beyond  translation,  and,  to 
judge  from  the  scraps  of  lines  still  decipherable,  contains  nothing  of  historic 
interest ;  for  example,  it  goes  on  to  speak  of  the  temple  of  E-Anna  at  Erech. 

Thus  we  see  that  Babylon  itself  received  King  Cyrus  with  open  arms, 
and  that,  even  as  the  Kossseans  had  usurped  and  long  maintained  the  mas- 
tery of  Accad,  so  now  the  Persians  superseded  the  native  dynasty.  The 
event  was  therefore  no  new  thing,  and,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  Babylonian  his- 
tory proceeds  upon  the  old  lines  under  Cyrus  and  his  successors,  so  that  it  is 
hard  to  see  why  most  narratives  should  break  off  at  this  point.  The  national 
literature  and  mode  of  writing  continued  to  flourish,  but  the  history  of 
Babylonia  and  Assyria,  of  which  the  short-lived  prosperity  of  the  New  Baby- 
lonian Kingdom  was  the  last  chapter,  concluded  with  the  entry  of  Cyrus 
into  Babylon  ;  the  subsequent  history  of  Babylonia  is  of  local  interest  only, 
and  has  no  further  significance  for  the  world. 

Lastly,  as  regards  the  important  original  Babylonian  inscription  of  the 
reign  of  Cyrus,  which  has  been  referred  to  before,  it  most  fully  confirms  the 
correctness  of  the  impression  made  by  the  narrative  of  the  clironicle  on  every 
unprejudiced  reader.  The  Babylonians,  with  the  hierarchy  of  the  city  of 
Babylon  at  their  head,  were  utterly  weary  of  the  feeble  rule  of  Nabonidus, 
who  does  not  seem  even  to  have  been  of  the  blood-royal,  and  hailed  Cyrus  as 
deliverer.  At  the  bidding  of  Cyrus  the  learned  Babylonian  scribes  were 
charged  to  draw  up  an  inscription,  and  from  its  contents  and  wording  (which 
can  hardly  have  been  dictated  by  the  king  of  Persia)  we  can  clearly  realise  the 


f- 


tm 


458  THE  HISTORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

[538  B.C.] 
view  of  the  situation  taken  by  the  priestly  circles  of  the  country  (which  gov- 
erned the  populace).  From  the  very  beginning,  defaced  as  it  is,  we  perceive 
that  Nabonidus  is  made  the  scapegoat  for  everything.  lie  is  represented  with 
having  sent  forth  "to  Ur  and  the  other  cities  oracles  that  did  not  beseem 
them"  (i.e.  tlie  gods),  with  "thinking  daily  upon  evil"  (?),  with  having 
"caused  the  daily  sacrifice  to  cease"  and  grossly  neglected  the  worship  of 
the  god  Marduk  ;  further,  with  having  "  let  the  fortifications  of  Babylon  fall 
into  ruin,  so  tliat  the  lord  of  the  gods  was  greatly  incensed  in  lamentation 
thereat,"  as  well  as  "  with  wrath  that  he  had  brought  in  (into  E-sagila)  the 
gods  (of  other  liabylonian  cities),  who  were  thus  constrained  to  forsake 
their  (former)  temples. 

Tlien  it  came  to  pass  that  jNIarduk  "looked  upon  his  friend,"  and  "laid 
hold  of  his  hand,  Kurush,  king  of  Anshan,  was  his  name  called";  "he 
subdued  tlie  land  of  the  Kuti  and  the  whole  host  of  the  Manda  hordes 
beneatli  his  feet  ;  he  caused  the  black-headed  people  to  fall  into  his  hands  ; 
in  righteousness  and  justice  came  he  unto  them."  The  god  ]\Iarduk 
"  bade  him  to  go  to  Babylon  and  take  the  road  to  Tintir,  like  a  friend  and 
comrade  went  he  at  his  side,  the  multitude  of  his  troops,  whereof  the  num- 
ber, like  unto  the  waters  of  a  river,  was  not  known,  girt  on  the  weapons  and 
marclied  at  his  side  ;  he  (Marduk)  caused  him  to  enter  Shu-anna  (Babylon) 
without  strife  or  battle  ;  Babylon,  his  city,  he  spared  Avith  difficulty  ;  Naboni- 
dus the  king,  who  did  not  fear  him,  he  gave  over  into  his  (Kurush's) 
hands ;  all  the  people  of  Tintir,  the  whole  multitude  of  Sumer  and  Accad, 
the  princes  and  the  ruler  who  submitted  to  his  dynasty,  kissed  his  feet  and 
rejoiced  in  his  royal  dominion  ;  their  faces  shone.  The  Lord,  who  (draweth 
nigh)  with  succour,  who  raiseth  the  dead  to  life,  who  in  might  bestoweth 
benefits  upon  the  whole  earth,  graciously  blesseth  him  (Cyrus)  and  hath 
respect  unto  his  name.  I,  Kurush,  King  of  the  world,  the  mighty  King, 
King  of  Babylon,  King  of  Sumer  and  Accad,  King  of  the  four  quarters  of 
the  Earth,  son  of  Kambujiya,  the  great  King,  the  King  of  the  city  of  Anshan, 
grandson  of  Kurush,  the  great  King,  the  King  of  the  city  of  Anshan,  descen- 
dant (lihbalhaV)  of  Sispis,  tlie  great  King,  the  King  of  Anshan,  the  eternal 
shoot  of  royalty,  whose  government  Bel  and  Nabu  love,  to  do  good  unto  his 
lieart  and  for  the  superabundance  of  his  joy."  Cyrus  then  proceeds  to  lay 
stress  upon  his  peaceful  entry  into  Babylon  and  the  gladness  and  rejoicing 
amidst  which  he  took  up  his  abode  there,  on  how  his  troops  occupied  the 
city  in  peace  and  he  himself  visited  the  other  cities  in  peace,  how  he  repaired 
their  ruins  and  loosed  their  chains  (?),  how  Marduk  was  gracious  towards 
him  and  his  son  Kambujiya  (Cambyses),  and  how,  "at  Marduk's  august 
bidding  all  the  kings  who  dwelt  in  royal  chambers,  from  all  quarters  unde;-' 
heaven,  frcmi  the  upper  sea  even  to  the  lower  sea,  and  likewise  the  kings  of 
the  Occident  who  inhabit  [the  desert]  and  they  that  dwell  in  tents,"  all 
brouglit  weighty  tribute  and  kissed  his  feet  at  Babylon. 

"  From  .  .  .  even  unto  the  cities  of  Asshur  and  Ishtar-Damiktu  (?),  the 
city  of  Agade,  the  land  of  Ishnunnak,  the  cities  of  Zambaru,  Mi-Turnu  and 
Dur-ihi,  even  unto  the  region  of  the  land  of  Kuti,  the  cities  on  the  (bank 
of)  Tigris,  where  their  dwelling-place  was  from  of  old,  I  carried  the  gods 
that  dwelt  there  back  to  their  places,"  "  the  gods  of  Sumer,  and  Accad,  whom 
Nabonidus,  to  the  great  indignation  of  the  lord  of  gods,  had  caused  to  be 
brought  into  Babylon,  I  set  once  more  into  their  shrines  in  peace  at  the 
command  of  Marduk." 

Such  is  practically  the  tenor  (and  wording)  of  the  Cyrus  inscription, 
which,  considered  in  connection  with  the  chronicle  which  has  come  down  to 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS   OF   BABYLONIA-ASSYRIA 


461 


an  inferential  knowledge  of  their  predecessors;  and  we  must  all  along  re- 
member that  we  are  to  a  certain  extent  seeing  with  Assyrian  eyes  in  attempt- 
ing to  view  the  Babylonian  civilisation.  Still,  it  should  be  recalled  that 
important  changes  in  the  manners  and  customs  of  any  people  are  usually  of 
slow  development  everywhere,  and  that  they  were  perhaps  particularly  so 
here,  because  we  have  to  do  with  the  most  conservative  of  races.  The  Baby- 
lonians and  Assyrians  were  own  cousins  to  the  Hebrews,  and  no  doubt  par- 
took in  full  measure  of  what  Goethe  styles  the  "  obstinate  persistency  "  of 
that  race.  The  main  outline  of  their  civilisation,  therefore,  probably  re- 
mained unchanged  generation  after  generation. 

On  the  other  hand,  it  must  be  understood  that  the  Sumerians,  whatever 
their  precise  racial  affinities,  were  a  very  different  people  from  the  Semitic 
races  that  superseded  them.  There  is  reason  to  believe  that  they  were  essen- 
tially a  creative  race,  whereas  the  Semites,  and  in  particular  the  Assyrians, 
were  pre-eminently  copyists  and  adapters  rather  than  originators.  It'would 
appear  that  all  the  chief  features  of  the  later  Assyrian  civilisation  were 
adumbrated,  if  not  indeed  fully  elaborated,  in  that  early  day  when  the  Sume- 
rians were  dominant  in  southern  Babylonia.  Even  the  cuneiform  system  of 
writing,  with  all  its  extraordinary  complexities,  is  believed  by  philologists  to 
give  unequivocal  evidence  of  Sumerian  origin.  But  however  correct  this 
view  may  be,  we  are  constrained  to  view  the  Sumerians  solely  in  the  light  of 
their  successors.  The  monumental  remains  exhumed  from  amid  tlie  ruins  of 
the  palace  of  Asshurbanapal  supply  us  wdth  the  chief  documents  for  the  inter- 
pretation of  a  civilisation  that  had  passed  away  something  like  three  thou- 
sand years  before  this  palace  itself  or  its  documentary  treasures  came  into 
being. 

This  is  somewhat  as  if  one  were  to  study  the  manners  and  customs  of  the 
Italians  of  to-day  in  order  to  gain  a  knowledge  of  the  civilisation  of  Rome  in 
the  time  of  the  Tarquinians.  The  parallel  is  really  not  quite  so  complete  as 
it  might  at  first  sight  appear,  for  in  many  respects  practical  civilisation 
changed  more  in  the  nineteenth  century  than  in  all  the  previous  centuries  of 
recorded  history.  Beyond  cavil,  the  civilisation  of  the  time  of  Sargon  I  had 
far  greater  resemblance  to  the  time  of  Asshurbanapal  than  the  Rome  of  the 
early  kings  bears  to  the  Rome  of  King  Victor  Emmanuel.  Nevertheless, 
we  should  bear  this  corrective  view  in  mind  in  the  alleged  attemj)t  to  deal 
with  Mesopotamian  civilisation  as  a  whole. 

OUR   SOURCES 

The  sources  of  our  knowledge  of  Mesopotamian  history  have  been  pretty 
fully  discussed  in  previous  chapters.  Beyond  the  classical  traditions,  our 
sole  reliance  must  be  placed  upon  the  monuments.  And  of  these  the  sculp- 
tures are  by  far  the  most  important  in  their  bearings  upon  the  civilisation  of 
the  people. 

Very  little  is  said,  except  inferentially,  by  the  written  inscriptions,  that 
throws  any  definite  light  upon  the  manners  and  customs  of  the  people.  But 
fortunately  the  Assyrians  in  particular  were  much  given  to  pictorial  ])resen- 
tation  of  the  scenes  of  at  least  certain  features  of  tlieir  everyday  life  ;  their 
bas-reliefs,  therefore,  furnish  us  with  the  clearest  index  as  to  their  life  customs. 
The  interpretation  of  these  bas-reliefs  in  this  light  was  first  taken  up  in 
detail  by  Sir  Henry  Layard,  and  his  expositions  remain  to  this  day  the  most 
complete  and  satisfactory.  We  shall  have  occasion  to  turn  frequently  to  his 
pages  in  the  present  book,  supplementing  his  accounts  with  certain  elabora- 


^ 


Uas-kklikf  of  Eunuch  Warriors  in  Battle 
(Found  at  Nimrud)    (Layard) 


CHAPTER   VII.      MANNERS   AND   CUSTOMS   OF 
BABYLONIA-ASSYRIA 


AVAR   METHODS 

The  horseman  lifteth  up  both  the  bright  sword  and  the  glittering 
spear :  and  there  is  a  multitude  of  slain,  and  a  great  number  of  car- 
cases; and  there  is  none  end  of  their  corpses;  they  stumble  upon 
their  corpses.  —  Nahum  iii.  3. 

In  following  the  political  fortunes  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria  we  have  nec- 
essarily caught  glimpses  from  time  to  time  of  the  conditions  of  civilisation 
which  form  everywhere  the  background  of  the  picture.  But  it  is  desirable 
to  view  some  phases  of  this  civilisation  more  in  detail,  and  an  attempt  will  be 
made  in  the  present  book  to  summarise  these  conditions  as  a  whole,  and  to 
elaborate  certain  details  in  reference  to  the  more  interesting  or  more  impor- 
tant themes.  Such  an  attempt  within  the  spacial  limits  necessarily  imposed 
cannot  hope  to  be  altogether  satisfactory.  In  particular  it  must  be  borne  in 
mind  that  we  are  dealing,  or  attempting  to  deal,  with  a  period  of  time  not 
loss  than  three  thousand  years  in  extent,  even  if  we  consider  only  the  mini- 
nnim  epoch  covered  by  a  tolerabl}'  sure  chronology. 

It  is  obvious  that  in  such  a  sweep  of  time  numerous  changes  must  take 
place  in  the  manners  and  customs  of  the  people,  and  multiform  alterations 
must  be  developed  in  the  various  phases  of  civilisation.  This  would  neces- 
sarily be  true  even  if  the  history  of  a  single  people  were  involved.  But,  in 
point  of  fiict,  as  we  have  seen,  we  have  here  to  do  with  four  tolerably  distinct 
peoples  —  the  Sumerians,  the  Babylonians,  the  Assyrians,  and  the  Chaldeans. 
To  attempt  a  brief  exposition  of  the  varied  civilisations  of  these  four  peoples 
(luring  a  period  of  several  millenniums  within  brief  bounds,  Avould  clearly  be  a 
presumptuous  task  were  full  details  accessible  as  to  all  the  periods  involved. 
But  we  have  already  seen  that  such  details  are  not  accessible.  Meagre 
details  have  eome  down  to  us  from  the  Sumerians,  and  only  less  meagre  ones 
from  the  old  Babylonians;  and  the  reminiscences  of  the  Chaldeans,  notwith- 
standing their  later  period  in  history,  are  but  slightly  less  vague.  It  is  the 
Assyrians  that  must  be  looked  to  chiefly  for  data  that  can  afford  us,  at  best, 

460 


MANNERS   AND   CUSTOMS   OF   BABYLONIA-ASSYRIA  463 

general  plan  of  a  battle,  as  in  some  Egyptian  bas-reliefs,  yet  from  the  order 
in  whicli  the  soldiers  are  drawn  up  before  the  castle  walls,  and  from  the 
phalanx  which  they  tlien  appear  to  form,  it  seems  highly  probable  that  simi- 
lar means  were  ado})ted  to  resist  the  assaults  of  the  enemy  in  the  open  field. 

The  king  himself,  attended  by  his  vizier,  his  euinichs,  and  principal  officers 
of  state,  was  j)resent  in  battle,  and  not  only  commanded,  but  took  an  active 
part  in  the  affray.  Even  [the  traditional]  Sardanapalus,  when  called  upon  to 
place  himself  at  the  head  of  his  armies  to  meet  tlie  invading  [traditional] 
JMedes,  showed  a  courage  equal  to  the  occasion,  and  repulsed  his  enemies. 
Like  the  Persian  monarchs  who  succeeded  him  in  the  dominion  of  Asia,  the 
Assyrian  king  was  accompanied  to  the  war,  however  distant  his  seat  miglit  be, 
by  his  wives,  his  concubines,  and  his  children,  and  by  an  enormous  retinue 
of  servants.  Even  his  nobles  were  similarly  attended.  Their  couches  were  of 
gold  and  silver,  and  the  hangings  of  the  richest  materials.  Vessels  of  the 
same  precious  metals  were  used  at  their  tables;  their  tents  were  made  of  the 
most  costly  stuffs,  and  were  even  adorned  with  precious  stones.  The  canopy 
or  tent  of  Ilolofernes  was  of  purple,  gold,  and  emeralds  and  precious  stones  ; 
and  every  man  had  gold  and  silver  (vessels)  out  of  the  king's  house. 
(Judith  ii.  18.)  This  book  contains  an  interesting  account  of  the  luxurious 
manner  of  living  of  the  great  Assyrian  warriors,  confirming  what  has  been 
said  in  the  text,  and  showing  that  the  Persians  were,  in  this  respect,  as 
almost  in  every  other,  imitators  of  the  Assyrians.  Herodotus  (Lib.  IX.,  c. 
82  and  83)  describes  the  equipage,  furnished  with  gold  and  silver,  and  with 
various  coloured  hangings,  and  the  gold  and  silver  couches  and  tables,  found 
in  the  tents  of  Mardonius  after  tlie  defeat  of  the  Persian  army.  They  had 
been  left  by  Xerxes  when  he  fled  from  Greece.  They  were  also  accom- 
panied by  musicians,  who  are  represented  in  the  sculptures  as  walking 
before  the  warriors,  on  their  triumphant  return  from  battle. 

The  army  was  followed  by  a  crowd  of  sutlers,  servants,  and  grooms  ; 
who,  whilst  adding  to  its  bulk,  acted  as  an  impediment  upon  its  movements, 
and  carried  ruin  and  desolation  into  the  countries  through  which  it  passed. 
As  this  multitude  could  not  de})end  entirely  for  supplies  upon  the  inhabi- 
tants, whom  they  unmercifully  j)illaged,  provisions  in  great  abundance,  as 
well  as  live-stock,  were  carried  with  them.  Holof ernes,  in  marching  from 
Nineveh  with  his  army,  took  with  him  "  camels  and  asses  for  their  carriage, 
a  very  great  number,  and  sheep,  and  oxen,  and  goats  without  number,  for 
their  provision;  and  })lenty  of  victuals  for  every  man." 

Quintus  Curtius  thus  describes  the  march  of  a  Persian  army :  Tlie 
signal  was  given  from  the  tent  of  the  king,  on  the  top  of  which,  so  as  to  be 
seen  l)y  all,  was  placed  an  image  of  the  sun,  in  crystal.  The  holy  fire 
was  borne  on  altars  of  silver,  surrounded  by  the  j)i"iests,  chanting  their 
sacred  hymns.  They  were  followed  hy  three  hundred  and  sixty-five  youths, 
according  to  the  number  of  the  days  in  the  year,  dressed  in  purple  garments. 
The  chariot,  dedicated  to  the  supreme  deity,  or  to  the  sun,  was  drawn  by 
snow-white  horses,  led  by  grooms  wearing  white  garments,  and  carrying 
golden  wands.  The  horse  especially  consecrated  to  the  sun  was  chosen  from 
its  size.  It  was  followed  by  ten  chariots,  embossed  with  gold  and  silver,  and 
by  the  cavalry  of  twelve  nations,  dressed  in  their  various  costumes,  and  car- 
rying their  peculiar  arms.  Then  came  the  Persian  immortals,  ten  thousand 
in  number,  adorned  with  golden  chains,  and  wearing  robes  embroidered  with 
gold,  and  long-sleeved  tunics,  all  glittering  with  precious  stones.  At  a  short 
interval  fifteen  thousand  nobles,  who  bore  the  honourable  title  of  relations 
of  the  king,  walked  in  garments  which,  in  magnificence  and  luxury,  more 


464 


THE   HISTORY   OF   MESOPOTAMIA 


resembled  those  of  women  than  of  men.  The  doryphori  (a  chosen  company 
of  spearmen)  preceded  the  chariot  in  which  the  king  himself  sat,  high  above 
the  surrounding  multitude.  On  either  side  of  this  chariot  were  effigies  of 
the  gods  in  gold  and  silver.  The  yoke  was  inlaid  with  the  rarest  jewels. 
Fn)m  it  projected  two  golden  figures  of  Ninus  and  Belus,  each  a  cubit  in 
length.  A  golden  eagle  with  outspread  wings  was  placed  between  them. 
The  king  was  distinguished,  from  all  those  who  surrounded  him,  by  the 
mugnilicence  of  his  robes,  and  by  the  cidaris,  or  mitre,  upon  his  head.  By 
his'^ide  walked  two  hundred  of  the  most  noble  of  his  relations.  Ten  thou- 
sand warriors,  bearing  spears  whose  staffs  were  of  silver  and  heads  of  gold, 
followed  the  royal  chariot.  The  king's  led  horses,  forty  in  number,  and 
thirty  thousand  footmen,  concluded  the  procession.     At  the  distance  of  one 


The  Enemy  asking  Quarter  of  Assyrian  Hoksejikn 

stadium  followed  the  mother  and  wife  of  the  king,  in  chariots.  A  crowd  of 
women,  the  handmaidens  and  ladies  of  the  queens,  accompanied  them  on 
horseback.  Fifteen  cars,  called  armamaxse,  carried  the  children  of  the  king, 
their  tutors  and  nurses,  and  the  eunuchs.  The  king's  three  hundred 
and  sixty  concubines,  who  accompanied  him,  were  adorned  with  royal 
splendour.  Six  hundred  mules  and  three  hundred  camels  bore  the  royal 
treasury,  guarded  by  the  archers.  The  friends  and  relations  of  the  ladies 
were  mingled  with  a  crowd  of  cooks  and  servants  of  all  kinds.  The  pro- 
cession was  closed  by  the  light-armed  troops. 

The  armies  were  provided  with  the  engines  and  materials  necessary  for 
the  siege  of  the  cities  they  might  meet  with  in  their  expedition.  If  any 
natural  obstructions  impeded  the  approach  to  a  castle,  such  as  a  forest  or  a 


MANNEES   AND   CUSTOMS   OF  BABYLOXIA-ASSYRIA  465 

river,  they  were,  if  possible,  removed.  Rivers  were  turned  out  of  their 
courses,  if  they  impeded  the  operations  of  the  army ;  and  warriors  are  fre- 
quently represented  in  the  sculptures  cutting  down  trees  which  surround 
a  hostile  city. 

The  first  step  in  a  siege  was  probably  to  advance  the  battering-ram.  If 
the  castle  was  built,  as  in  the  plains  of  Assyria  and  Babylonia,  upon  an  arti- 
ficial eminence,  an  inclined  plane,  reaching  to  the  summit  of  the  mound,  was 
formed  of  earth,  stones,  or  trees,  and  the  besiegers  were  then  able  to  bring 
their  engines  to  the  foot  of  the  walls.  This  road  was  not  unfrequently 
covered  with  bricks,  forming  a  kind  of  paved  way,  up  which  the  ponderous 
machines  could  be  drawn  without  much  difficulty. 

This  mode  of  reaching  the  walls  of  a  city  is  frequently  alluded  to  by  the 
prophets,  and  is  described  by  Isaiah :  "  Thus  saith  the  Lord,  concerning  the 
king  of  Assyria,  he  shall  not  come  into  this  city,  nor  shoot  an  arrow  there, 
nor  come  before  it  with  shields,  nor  cast  a  hank  against  it. "  Similar  approaches 
were  used  by  the  Egyptians.  They  not  only  enabled  the  besiegers  to  push 
their  battering-rams  up  to  the  castle,  but  at  the  same  time  to  escalade  the 
walls,  the  summit  of  which  might  otherwise  have  been  beyond  the  reach  of 
their  ladders. 

The  battering-rams  were  of  several  kinds.  Some  were  joined  to  mov- 
able towers  which  held  warriors  and  armed  men.  The  whole  then  formed 
one  great  temporary  building,  the  top  of  which  is  represented  in  the  sculp- 
tures, as  on  a  level  with  the  walls,  and  even  turrets,  of  the  besieged  city.  In 
some  bas-reliefs  the  battering-ram  is  without  wheels ;  it  was  then  perhaps 
constructed  on  the  spot,  and  was  not  intended  to  be  moved.  The  movable 
tower  was  probably  sometimes  unprovided  with  the  ram ;  but  I  have  not 
met  with  it  so  represented  in  the  sculptures.  When  Nebuchadrezzar, 
king  of  Babylon,  besieged  Jerusalem,  he  "  built  forts  against  it  round 
about."  These  forts  or  towers,  if  stationary,  were  solidly  constructed  of 
wood;  if  movable,  they  consisted  of  a  light  frame  covered  with  wicker- 
work.  The  Jews  were  forbidden  to  cut  down  and  employ,  for  this  pur- 
pose, trees  which  afford  sustenance  to  man.  "  Only  the  trees  which  thou 
knowest  that  they  be  not  trees  for  meat,  thou  shalt  destroy  and  cut  them 
down :  and  thou  shalt  build  bulwarks  against  the  city  that  maketh  war  with 
thee  until  it  be  subdued." 

When  the  machine  containing  the  battering-ram  consisted  of  a  simple 
framework,  not  forming  an  artificial  tower,  a  cloth  of  some  kind  of  drapery 
edged  with  fringes  and  otherwise  ornamented  appears  to  have  been  occa- 
sionally thrown  over  it.  Sometimes  it  may  have  been  covered  with  hides. 
It  moved  either  on  four  or  on  six  wheels,  and  was  provided  with  one  ram  or 
with  two.  The  mode  of  working  the  rams  cannot  be  determined  from  the 
Assyrian  sculptures.  It  may  be  presumed,  from  the  representations  in  the 
bas-reliefs,  that  they  were  partly  suspended  by  a  rope  fastened  to  the  outside 
of  the  machine,  and  that  men  directed  and  impelled  them  from  within.  Such 
was  the  plan  adopted  by  the  Egyptians,  in  whose  paintings  the  warriors, 
working  the  ram,  may  be  seen  through  the  frame.  Sometimes  this  engine 
was  ornamented  by  a  carved  or  painted  figure  of  the  presiding  divinity, 
kneeling  on  one  knee  and  drawing  a  bow.  The  artificial  tower  was  usually 
occupied  by  two  warriors :  one  discharged  his  arrows  against  the  besieged, 
whom  he  was  able  from  his  lofty  position  to  harass  more  effectually  than  if 
he  had  been  below ;  the  other  held  up  a  shield  for  his  companion's  defence. 
Warriors  are  not  unfrequently  represented  as  stepping  from  the  maehine  to 
the  battlements. 

H.  W.  VOL.   I.  2  H 


4G6 


THE   HISTORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA 


Ezekiel  alludes  to  all  these  modes  of  attack.  "  Lay  siege  against  it,"  he 
exclaims,  speaking  of  the  city  of  Jerusalem,  "and  build  a  fort  against  it,  and 
cast  a  mount  against  it ;  set  the  camp  also  against  it,  and  set  battering-rams 
against  it  round  about." 

Archers  on  the  walls  hurled  stones  from  slings,  and  discharged  their 
arrows  against  the  warriors  in  the  artificial  towers  ;  whilst  the  rest  of  the 
besieged  were  no  less  active  in  endeavouring  to  frustrate  the  attempts  of  the 
assailants  to  make  breaches  in  their  walls.  By  dropping  a  doubled  chain  or 
rope  from  the  battlements,  they  caught  the  ram,  and  could  either  destroy  its 
etlicacy  altogether  or  break  the  force  of  its  blows.  Those  below,  however, 
by  placing  hooks  over  the  engine,  and  throwing  their  whole  weight  upon 
them,  struggled  to  retain  it  in  its  place. 

The  besieged,  if  unable  to  displace  the  battering-ram,  sought  to  destroy 
it  by  fire  and  threw  lighted  torches  or  firebrands  upon  it.     But  water  was 

poured  upon  the  flames,  through 
pipes  attached  to  the  artiticial  tower. 
Other  engines  and  instruments  of 
war  were  employed  by  the  besiegers. 
With  a  kind  of  catapult,  apparently 
consisting  of  a  light  wooden  frame 
covered  with  canvas  or  hides,  they 
threw  large  stones  and  darts  against 
the  besieged,  who,  in  their  turn,  en- 
deavoured to  set  fire  to  it  by  torches. 
A  long  staff  with  an  iron  head,  re- 
sembling a  spear,  was  used  to  force 
stones  out  of  the  walls.  Mines  were 
also  opened,  and  the  assailants  sought 
to  enter  the  castle  through  concealed 
passages.  Those  who  worked  on 
them,  or  advanced  to  the  attack,  were 
perhaps  protected  by  the  testudo,  as 
represented  in  the  Egyptian  paint- 
ings ;  but  this  defence  is  not  seen  in 
the  Assyrian  sculptures.  Attempts 
were  made  to  set  fire  to  the  gates  of 
the  city  by  placing  torches  against 
them,  or  to  break  them  open  with 
axes. 

Mounting  to  the  assault  by  lad- 
ders was  constantly  practised,  and 
appears  to  have  been  the  most  general  mode  of  attacking  a  castle  ;  for  ladders 
are  found  on  those  bas-reliefs  in  which  neither  the  battering-ram  nor  other 
cMgiiR's  are  introduced.  It  is  remarkable  that  the  battering-ram  is  not  intro- 
duced in  the  sculptures  hitherto  discovered  at  Kuyunjik,  nor,  as  far  as  I  am 
aware,  in  those  of  Khorsabad.  It  would  appear,  therefore,  that  at  the  period 
of  the  building  of  those  edifices  it  had  fallen  into  disuse.  Scaling-ladders 
appear  in  Egyptian  sculptures  as  early  as  the  XlXth  Dynasty.  Ramses  III 
is  seen  taking  a  city,  by  their  means,  at  Medinet  Habu.  They  reached  to 
the  top  of  the  battlements,  and  several  persons  could  ascend  them  at  the 
same  time.  Whilst  warriors,  armed  with  the  sword  and  spear,  scaled  the 
walls,  archers  posted  at  tlie  foot  of  the  ladders  kept  the  enemy  in  check  and 
drove  them  from  the  walls. 


H 

^r 

yz/r- 

.S'-^^M 

A> 

.-  Assyiua:',- 

Archer 

MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS   OF   BABYLONIA-ASSYRIA  467 

The  troops  of  the  besieging  army  were  ranged  in  ranks  below.  The  king 
was  frequently  present  during  the  attack.  Descending  from  his  chariot, 
which  remained  stationary  at  a  short  distance  behind  him,  he  discharged  his 
arrows  against  the  enemy.  He  was  attended  by  his  shield  bearer  and  eunuchs, 
one  of  whom  generally  held  over  him  the  emblem  of  royalty,  the  umbrella, 
whilst  the  others  bore  his  arms.  He  is  sometimes  represented  in  his  char- 
iots, superintending  the  operations,  or  repulsing  a  sally.  Warriors  of  high 
rank  likewise  came  in  chariots,  accompanied  by  their  shield  bearers  and  chari- 
oteers. The  vizier  and  the  chief  of  the  eunuchs  are  frequently  seen  in  the 
midst  of  the  combatants. 

The  besieging  warriors  were  protected,  as  I  have  already  mentioned,  by 
large  shields  of  wickerwork,  sometimes  covered  with  hides,  which  concealed 
the  entire  person.  Three  men  frequently  formed  a  group ;  one  held  the 
shield,  a  second  drew  the  bow,  and  a  third  stood  ready  with  a  sword  to  defend 
the  archer  and  shield  bearer,  in  case  the  enemy  should  sally  from  the  castle. 
The  besieged  manned  the  battlements  with  archers  and  slingers,  who 
discharged  their  missiles  against  the  assailants.  Large  stones  and  hot 
water  were  also  thrown  upon  those  below.  A  woman  from  the  battlement 
of  Thebez  cast  a  millstone  upon  Abimelech's  head,  and  broke  his  skull 
(Judges  ix.  53). 

When  the  battering-ram  had  made  a  breach,  and  the  assault  had  com- 
menced, the  women  appeared  upon  the  walls  ;  and,  tearing  their  hair  or 
stretching  out  their  hands,  implored  mercy.  The  men  are  not  unfrequently 
represented  as  joining  in  asking  for  quarter.  When  the  assailants  were  once 
masters  of  the  place,  an  indiscriminate  slaughter  appears  to  have  succeeded, 
and  the  city  was  generally  given  over  to  the  flames.  In  the  bas-reliefs  war- 
riors are  seen  decapitating  the  conquered  and  plunging  swords  or  daggers 
into  their  hearts,  holding  them  by  the  hair  of  their  heads.  The  prisoners 
were  either  impaled  and  subjected  to  horrible  torments  or  carried  away  as 
slaves.  The  manner  of  impaling,  adopted  by  the  Assyrians,  appears  to  have 
differed  from  that  still  in  use  in  the  East.  A  stake  was  driven  into  the  body 
immediately  under  the  ribs.  When  Darius  took  Babylon  he  im})aled  three 
thousand  prisoners  (Herod,  iii.  159).  In  a  bas-relief  discovered  at  Khor- 
sabad,  a  man  was  represented  flaying  a  prisoner  with  a  semicircular  knife. 
The  Scythians  scalped  and  flayed  their  enemies,  and  used  their  skins  as  horse- 
trappings  (Herod,  iv.  64). 

The  women,  children,  and  cattle  were  led  away  by  tlie  conquerors ;  and 
that  it  was  frequently  the  custom  of  the  Assyrians  to  remove  tlie  whole  popu- 
lation of  the  conquered  country  to  some  distant  part  of  their  dominions,  and 
to  replace  it  by  colonies  of  their  own,  we  learn  from  the  treatment  of  the  people 
of  Samaria.  Eunuchs  and  scribes  were  appointed  to  take  an  inventory  of  the 
spoil.  They  appear  to  have  stood  near  the  gates,  and  wrote  down  with  a  pen, 
probably  upon  rolls  of  leather,  the  number  of  prisoners,  sheep,  and  oxen,  and 
the  amount  of  the  booty,  which  issued  from  the  city.  The  women  were 
sometimes  taken  away  in  bullock  carts,  and  are  usually  seen  in  tlie  bas-reliefs 
bearing  a  part  of  their  property  with  them  —  either  a  vase  or  a  sack  perhaps 
filled  with  household  stuff.  They  were  sometimes  accompanied  by  their  chil- 
dren, and  are  generally  represented  as  tearing  their  hair,  throwing  dust  upon 
their  heads,  and  bewailing  their  lot. 

After  the  city  had  been  taken,  a  throne  for  the  king  appears  to  have  been 
placed  in  some  conspicuous  spot  within  the  walls.  He  is  represented  in  the 
sculptures  as  sitting  upon  it,  attended  by  his  eunuchs  and  princii)al  officers, 
and  receiving  the  prisoners  brought  bound  into  his  presence.     The  chiefs 


468  THE   HISTORY   OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

prostrate  themselves  before  liim,  whilst  he  places  his  foot  upon  "their  necks, 
as  Joshua  commanded  the  captains  of  Israel  to  put  their  feet  upon  the  necks 
of  the  captive  kings.  This  custom  long  prevailed  in  the  East.  In  the  rock 
sculpture  of  Behistun,  Darius  is  seen  with  his  foot  upon  the  neck  of  Gometes, 
the  rebellious  Magian,  who  declared  himself  to  be  Bardius,  the  son  of  Cyrus. 
When  inferior  prisoners  were  captured,  their  hands  were  tied  behind,  or  their 
arms  and  feet  were  bound  by  iron  manacles. 

They  were  urged  onward  by  blows  from  the  spears  or  swords  of  the 
warriors  to  whom  Uiey  were  entrusted.  In  a  bas-relief  from  Khorsabad,  cap- 
tives are  led  before  the  king  by  a  rope  fastened  to  rings  passed  through  the 
lip  and  nose.  This  sculpture  illustrates  the  passage  in  2  Kings  xix.  28  :  "I 
will  put  my  hook  in  thy  nose,  and  my  bridle  in  thy  lips."  The  king  is  repre- 
sented in  the  bas-relief  as  holding  a  rope  fastened  to  a  ring,  which  passes 
through  the  lips  of  a  prisoner,  one  of  whose  eyes  he  appears  to  be  piercing 
with  liis  spear. 

In  the  sculptures  of  Khorsabad  and  Kuyunjik,  captives  are  seen  bringing 
small  models  of  their  cities  to  the  victorious  king,  as  a  token  of  their  subjec- 
tion.    Similar  models  are  borne  in  triumphal  processions. 

The  heads  of  the  slain  were  generally  collected,  and  brought  either  to  the 
king  or  to  an  officer  appointed  to  take  account  of  their  number.  When 
Allah's  seventy  sons  were  killed,  their  heads  were  cut  off,  and  brought  in 
baskets  to  Jezreel,  They  were  afterwards,  laid  "  in  two  heaps  at  the  entering 
in  of  the  gate"  (2  Kings  x.  8).  The  Egyptians  generally  counted  by 
hands.  This  mode  of  reckoning  the  loss  of  the  enemy  was  long  resorted  to 
in  the  East. 

As  soon  as  the  soldiers  entered  the  captured  city,  they  began  to  plunder, 
and  then  hurried  away  with  the  spoil.  They  led  off  the  horses,  carried  forth 
on  their  shoulders  furniture  and  vessels  of  gold,  silver,  and  other  metals,  and 
made  prisoners  of  the  inhabitants,  who,  probably,  became  the  property  of 
those  who  seized  them.  The  Assyrian  warriors  are  seen  in  the  sculptures 
bearing  away  in  triumph  the  idols  of  the  conquered  nations,  or  breaking 
them  into  pieces,  weighing  them  in  scales,  and  dividing  the  fragments. 
Thus  Ilosea  prophesied  that  the  calf,  the  idol  of  Samaria,  should  be  carried 
away  by  the  Assyrians. 

When  the  city  had  been  sacked  it  was  usually  given  up  to  the  flames  and 
utterly  destroyed.  The  surrounding  country  was  also  laid  waste.  If  it  had 
been  a  capital  —  a  place  of  strength  and  renown  —  it  was  seldom  rebuilt  on 
the  same  spot,  which  was  avoided  as  unfortunate  by  those  who  survived  the 
catastrophe  and  returned  to  the  ruins. 

ASSYRIAN    WAR   COSTUMES   AND    WAR   METHODS 

The  costume  of  the  warriors  differed  according  to  their  rank  and  the 
nature  of  the  service  they  had  to  perform.  Those  who  fought  in  chariots, 
and  held  the  shield  for  the  defence  of  the  king,  are  generally  seen  in  coats  of 
scale  armour,  which  descend  either  to  the  knees  or  to  the  ankles.  A  large 
number  of  the  scales  were  discovered  in  the  earliest  palace  of  Nimrud. 
They  were  generally  of  iron,  slightly  embossed  or  raised  in  the  centre,  and 
some  were  inlaid  with  copper.  They  were  probably  fastened  to  a  shirt  of 
felt  or  coarse  linen.  Such  is  the  armour  always  represented  in  the  most 
ancient  sculptures.  At  a  later  period  other  kinds  were  used;  the  scales 
were  larger,  and  appear  to  have  been  fastened  to  bands  of  iron  or  copper. 
The  armour  was  frequently  embossed  with  groups  of  figures  and  fanciful 


MANNEKS   AND   CUSTOMS   OF   BABYLOXIA-AS SYRIA 


469 


ornaments ;  but  there  is  no  reason  to  believe  that  the  rich  designs  on  the 
breasts  of  the  kings  were  on  metal. 

The  warriors  were  frequently  dressed  in  an  embroidered  tunic,  which  was 
probably  made  of  felt  or  leather,  sufficiently  thick  to  resist  the  weapons  then 
in  use.  On  the  sculptures  of  Kuyunjik  they  are  generally  seen  in  this  attire. 
Their  arms  were  bare  from  above  the  elbow,  and  their  legs  from  the  knees 
downward,  except  when  they  wore  shirts  of  mail  which  descended  to  the 
ankles.  They  had  sandals  on  their  feet.  The  warriors  on  the  later  Assyrian 
monuments,  particularly  on  those  of  Khorsabad,  are  distinguished  by  a  pecul- 
iar ornament,  somewhat  resembling  the  Highland  phillibeg.  It  appears  to  be 
fastened  to  the  girdle,  and  falls  below  the  short  tunic. 

In  the  sculptures  of  Kuyunjik  and  of  monuments  of  the  same  period,  the 
dress  of  the  soldiers  appears  to  vary,  according  to  the  manner  in  which  they 
are  armed.  Those  with  spear 
and  shield  wear  pointed  or 
crested  helmets,  and  plain  or 
embroidered  tunics,  confined  at 
the  waist  by  a  broad  girdle.  A 
kind  of  cross  belt  passes  over 
the  shoulders,  and  is  ornamented 
in  the  centre  of  the  breast  by  a 
circular  disk,  probably  of  metal. 
The  slingers  are  attired  in  the 
embroidered  tunic,  which  I  con- 
jecture to  be  of  felt  or  leather  ; 
and  wear  a  pointed  helmet,  with 
metal  lappets  falling  over  the 
ears.  Both  the  spearmen  and 
slingers  have  greaves,  which 
appear  to  have  been  laced  in 
front. 

The  archers  are  dressed  in 
very  short  embroidered  tunics, 
which  scarcely  cover  half  the 
thigh,  the  rest  of  the  leg  being 
left  completely  bare.  They  are 
chiefly  distinguished  from  other 
warriors  by  the  absence  of  the 
helmet.  A  simple  band  round 
the  temples  confines  the  hair, 
which  is  drawn  up  in  a  bunch 
behind. 

It  is  probable  that  these  various  costumes  indicate  people  of  different 
countries,  auxiliaries  in  the  Assyrian  armies,  who  used  the  weapons  most 
familiar  to  them,  and  formed  different  corps  or  divisions.  Thus,  in  the  army 
of  Xerxes  were  marshalled  men  of  many  nations,  each  armed  according  to 
the  fashion  of  his  country,  and  fighting  in  his  own  peculiar  way.  We  may, 
perhaps,  identify,  in  the  Assyrian  sculptures,  several  of  the  costumes  described 
by  the  Greek  historian  as  worn  by  those  who  formed  the  vast  army  of  the 
Persian  king. 

The  arms  of  th©  early  Assyrians  were  the  spear,  the  bow,  the  sword,  and 
the  dagger.  The  sling  is  not  represented  in  the  most  ancient  monuments  as 
an  Assyrian  weapon,  although  used  by  a  conquered  nation;  it  was,  perl 


Costume  of  an  Assyrian  Spearilan 


470  THE   HISTORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

introduced  at  a  later  period.  The  bows  were  of  two  kinds  :  one  long  and 
slightly  curved,  the  other  short  and  almost  angular  ;  the  two  appear  to  have 
been  carried  at  the  same  time  by  those  who  fought  in  chariots. 

The  arrows  were  probably  made  of  reeds,  and  were  kept  in  a  quiver  slung 
over  the  back.  The  king,  however,  and  the  great  officers  of  the  state  were 
followed  by  attendants,  who  carried  the  quivers  and  supplied  their  masters 
with  arrows.  Tlie  bow  was  drawn  to  the  cheek  or  to  the  ear,  as  by  the 
Saxons,  and  not  to  the  breast,  after  the  fashion  of  the  Greeks.  The  barbs 
were  of  iron  and  copper,  several  of  both  materials  having  been  found  in  the 
ruins.  When  in  battle  it  was  customary  for  the  archer  to  hold  two  arrows 
in  reserve  in  his  right  hand ;  they  were  placed  between  the  fingers,  and  did 
not  interfere  with  the  motion  of  the  arm  whilst  drawing  the  bow.  When 
marching  he  usually  carried  the  larger  bow  over  his  shoulders,  having  first 
passed  his  head  through  it.  The  bow  of  the  king  was  borne  by  an  attend- 
ant. The  smaller  bows  were  frequently  placed  in  the  quiver,  particularly  by 
those  who  fought  in  chariots.  A  leather  or  linen  guard  was  fastened  by  straps 
to  the  inside  of  the  left  arm  to  protect  it  when  the  arrow  was  discharged. 
The  swords  were  worn  on  the  left  side,  and  suspended  by  belts  passing 
over  the  shoulders  or  round  the  middle  ;  some  were  short  and  others  long. 
I  have  already  alluded  to  the  beauty  of  the  ornaments  on  the  hilt  and  sheath. 

The  dagger  appears  to  have  been  carried  by  all,  both  in  time  of  peace  and 
war ;  even  tlie  priests  and  divinities  are  represented  with  them.  They  were 
worn  indifferently  on  the  left  and  right  side,  or  perhaps  on  both  at  the  same 
time.  Generally  two,  or  sometimes  three,  were  inserted  into  one  sheath, 
which  was  passed  through  the  girdle.  The  handles,  as  I  have  already  men- 
tioned, were  most  elaborately  adorned,  and  were  frequently  in  the  shape  of 
the  head  of  a  ram,  bull,  or  horse,  being  made  of  ivory  or  rare  stones.  A 
small  chain  was  sometimes  fastened  to  the  hilt  or  to  the  sheath,  probably  to 
retain  it  in  its  place.  J^  dagger,  resembling  in  form  those  of  the  sculptures, 
was  found  amongst  the  ruins  of  Nimrud ;  it  is  of  copper.  The  handle  is 
hcjllowed,  either  to  receive  precious  stones,  ivory,  or  enamel. 

The  spear  of  the  Assyrian  footman  was  short,  scarcely  exceeding  the 
height  of  a  man ;  that  of  the  horseman  api)ears  to  have  been  considerably 
longer.  The  iron  head  of  a  spear  from  Nimrud  is  in  the  British  Museum. 
The  shaft  was  probably  of  some  strong  wood,  and  did  not  consist  of  a  reed, 
like  that  of  the  modern  Arab  lance.  The  large  ckib  pointed  Avith  iron,  men- 
tioned by  Herodotus  amongst  the  weapons  carried  by  the  Assyrians,  is  not 
represented  in  the  sculptures  ;  unless,  indeed,  the  description  of  the  historian 
api)lies  to  the  mace,  a  weapon  in  very  general  use  amongst  them,  and  fre- 
(|Ufiitly  seen  in  the  bas-reliefs.  This  weapon  consisted  of  a  short  handle, 
l)rohably  of  wood,  to  which  was  fixed  a  head,  evidently  of  metal,  in  the  shape 
of  a  iiower,  rosette,  lion,  or  bull.  To  the  end  of  the  handle  was  attached  a 
thong,  api)arently  of  leather,  through  which  the  hand  was  passed.  I  have 
not  found  any  representation  of  warriors  using  the  hatchet,  except  when  cut- 
ting down  trees,  to  clear  the  country  preparatory  to  a  siege.  It  is,  however, 
generally  seen  amongst  tlie  weapons  of  those  who  fought  in  chariots,  and  was 
carried  in  the  quiver,  with  the  arrows  and  short  angular  bow. 

In  the  bas-reliefs  of  Kuyunjik,  slingers  are  frequently  represented  amongst 
tiie  Assyrian  troops.  The  sling  appears  to  have  consisted  of  a  double  rope, 
with  a  thong,  probably  of  leather,  to  receive  the  stone ;  it  was  swung  round 
the  head.  The  slinger  held  a  second  stone  in  his  left  hand,  and  at  his  feet  is 
generally  seen  a  heap  of  pebbles  ready  for  use.  That  the  Persian  slingers 
were  exceedingly  expert,  used  very  large  stones,  and  could  annoy  their  ene- 


MANNEKS  AND   CUSTOMS   OF   BABYLONIA-ASSYEIA  471 

mies  whilst  out  of  the  reach  of  their  darts  or  arrows,  we  learn  from  several 
in  Xenophon. 


The  javelin  is  frequently  included  amongst  the  weapons  of  the  Assyrian 
charioteers ;  but  the  warriors  are  not  represented  as  using  it  in  battle.  It 
was  carried  in  the  quiver  amongst  the  arrows. 

The  shields  of  the  Assyrians  were  of  various  forms  and  materials.  In 
the  more  ancient  bas-reliefs  a  circular  buckler,  either  of  hide  or  metal,  perhaps 
in  some  instances  of  gold  and  silver,  is  most  frequently  introduced.  King 
Solomon  made  three  hundred  shields  of  beaten  gold,  three  pounds  of  gold 
to  each  shield  (1  Kings  x.  17).  The  servants  of  Hadad-ezer,  king  of 
Zobah,  carried  shields  of  gold  (2  Samuel  viii.  7).  The  shield  of  Goliath 
was  of  brass.  It  was  held  by  a  handle  fixed  to  the  centre.  Light  oblong 
shields  of  wickerwork,  carried  in  a  similar  manner,  are  also  found  in  the 
early  sculptures ;  but  those  of  a  circular  form  appear  to  have  been  generally 
used  by  the  charioteers. 

Suspended  to  the  backs  of  the  chariots,  and  also  carried  by  warriors,  are 
frequently  seen  shields  in  the  shape  of  a  crescent,  narrow  and  curved  out- 
wards at  the  extremities.  The  face  is  ornamented  by  a  row  of  angular  bosses, 
or  teeth,  in  the  centre  of  which  is  the  head  of  a  lion.  In  the  sculptures  of 
Khorsabad  the  round  shield  is  often  highly  ornamented.  It  resembles,  both 
in  shape  and  in  the  devices  upon  it,  the  bucklers  now  carried  by  the  Kurds 
and  Arabs,  which  are  made  of  the  hide  of  the  hippopotamus.  In  the  bas- 
reliefs  of  Kuyunjik  some  warrioi's  bear  oval  shields,  very  convex,  and 
sufficiently  large  to  cover  the  greater  part  of  the  body.  The  centre  and 
outer  rim  are  decorated  with  bosses. 

The  shield  used  during  a  siege  concealed  the  whole  person  of  the  warrior, 
and  completely  defended  him  from  the  arrows  of  the  enemy.  It  was  made 
either  of  wickerwork  or  of  hides,  and  was  furnished  at  the  top  with  a  curved 
point,  or  with  a  square  projection,  like  a  roof,  at  right  angles  to  the  body  of 
the  shield,  which  may  have  served  to  defend  the  heads  of  the  combatants 
against  missiles  discharged  from  the  walls  and  towers.  Such  were  probably 
the  shields  used  by  the  Persian  archers  at  the  battle  of  Plataea.  The  archers, 
whether  fighting  on  foot  or  in  chariots,  were  accompanied  by  shield  bearers, 
whose  office  it  was  to  protect  them  from  the  shafts  of  the  enemy.  Some- 
times one  shield  covered  two  archers.  The  shield  bearer  was  usually  pro- 
vided with  a  sword,  which  he  held  ready  drawn  for  defence.  The  king  was 
always  attended  in  his  wars  by  this  officer,  and  even  in  peace  one  of  his 
eunuchs  usually  carried  a  circular  shield  for  his  use.  This  shield  bearer  was 
probably  a  person  of  rank,  as  in  Egypt.  On  some  monuments  of  the  later 
Assyrian  period  he  is  represented  carrying  two  shields,  one  in  each  hand. 

A  great  part  of  the  strength  of  the  Assyrian  armies  consisted  in  chariots 
and  horsemen,  to  which  we  have  frequent  allusion  in  the  inspired  writings. 
The  chariots  appear  to  have  been  used  by  the  king  and  the  higliest  officers 
of  state,  who  are  never  seen  in  battle  on  horseback  nor,  except  in  sieges,  on 
foot.  They  contained  either  two  or  three  persons.  The  king  was  always 
accompanied  by  two  attendants  —  the  warrior  protecting  him  with  a  shield 
(who  was  replaced  during  peace  by  the  eunuch  bearing  the  i)arasol),  and  the 
charioteer.  The  principal  warriors  were  also  frequently  attended  by  their 
shield  bearers,  though  more  generally  by  the  driver  alone. 

The  chariot  was  used  during  a  siege,  as  well  as  in  open  battle.  The 
king  and  his  warriors  are  frequently  represented  as  fighting  in  eliariots  with 
tlie  enemy  beneath  the  walls  of  a  castle,  or  as  having  dismounted  from  their 
cars,  to  discharge  their  arrows  against  the  besieged.     In  the  latter  case, 


472  THE   HISTORY   OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

grooms  on  foot  hold  the  horses.  When  the  king  in  his  chariot  formed  part 
of  a  triumphal  procession,  armed  men  led  the  horses.  The  chariot  was  also 
preceded  and  followed  by  men  on  foot. 

The  horsemen  formed  a  no  less  important  part  of  the  Assyrian  army 
than  the  charioteers.  — ''  Assyrians  clothed  in  blue,  captains  and  rulers,  all 
of  them  desirable  young  men,  horsemen  riding  upon  horses "  (Ezekiel 
xxiii.  6).  Horsemen  are  seen  in  the  most  ancient  sculptures  of  Nimrud. 
It  is  singular,  as  observes  Sir  Gardner  Wilkinson  {Ancient  Egyptians,  Vol.  I, 
p.  288),lhat  horsemen  are  nowhere  represented  on  the  monuments  of  Egypt, 
although  there  can  be  no  doubt,  from  numerous  passages  in  the  sacred 
writings,  that  cavalry  formed  an  important  part  of  the  Egyptian  armies.  I 
have  already  mentioned  that  disciplined  bodies  of  cavalry  were  represented 
in  the  bas-Veliefs  of  Kuyunjik,  We  learn  from  the  Book  of  Judith  that 
Holofernes  had  twelve  thousand  archers  on  horseback  (Judith  ii.  15). 
Solomon  had  twelve  thousand  horsemen  (1  Kings  x.  26).  The  king  him- 
self is  never  represented  on  horseback,  although  a  horse  richly  caparisoned, 
apparently  for  his  use,  —  perhaps  to  enable  him  to  fly,  should  his  chariot 
horses  be  killed,  —  is  frequently  seen  led  by  a  warrior,  and  following  his 
chariot. 

In  the  earliest  sculptures  the  horses,  except  such  as  are  led  behind  the 
king's  chariot,  are  unprovided  with  cloths  or  saddles.  The  rider  is  seated 
on  the  naked  back  of  the  animal.  At  a  later  period,  however,  a  kind  of  pad 
appears  to  have  been  introduced ;  and  in  a  sculpture  at  Kuyunjik  was  repre- 
sented a  hisrh  saddle  not  unlike  that  now  in  use  in  the  East.^ 


THE    ARTS   OF   PEACE   IN   BABYLONIA-ASSYRIA 

Nothing  else,  perhaps,  is  so  vitally  important  in  the  life-history  of  a 
nation  as  its  contact  with  other  nations.  Such  contact  alone,  it  would  seem, 
can  enable  a  nation  in  some  measure  to  ward  off  the  lethargy  of  age,  or  to 
overcome  the  incubus  of  custom  and  superstition. 

The  isolated  nation  does  not  get  beyond  a  certain  stage  of  evolution.  It 
learns  a  few  secrets,  and  seems  powerless  to  learn  others  of  itself.  Only 
through  contact  with  another  community  can  it  improve  its  customs, 
get  new  ideas,  acquire  better  habits  of  thought  and  action.  We  have 
already  pointed  out  how  Egypt  profited  in  this  regard  through  the  foreign 
associations  that  came  with  the  inroad  of  conquering  tribes  from  the 
south  and  east. 

Babylon,  however,  occupied  a  far  more  favourable  position  than  Egypt  for 
contact  with  other  nations,  not  alone  through  such  warlike  channels,  but  also 
through  the  yet  more  beneficent  channels  of  peaceful  commerce.  A  glance 
at  the  map  shows  that  Mesopotamia  occupies  the  very  centre  of  the  world  of 
ancient  civilisation.  By  reaching  out  its  hand,  so  to  speak,  this  way  or  that, 
it  came  in  contact  with  every  civilised  nation  of  the  period  except  China. 
It  was  the  connecting  link  between  Persia  and  India  on  the  one  hand,  and 
Lydia,  Syria,  and  Egypt  on  the  other.  Even  Chinese  ideas  were  to  some 
extent  accessible  through  the  mediation  of  India.  No  other  great  nation  of 
antiquity  compares  with  Babylonia  in  this  regard ;  and  perhaps  this  was  the 
most  important  reason  why  this  little  strip  of  fertile  land  between  the  two 
great  rivers  supported  a  continuous  civilisation,  on  the  whole  ever  advancing, 
millennium  after  millennium. 

If  one  would  correctly  understand  the  development  of  that  Mesopotamian 
civilisation,  of  which  our  own  culture  is  the  direct  outgrowth,  one  must  give 


MANNERS  AND   CUSTOMS   OF  BABYLONIA-ASSYRIA  473 

heed  to  the  commercial  relations  which  were  so  important  a  factor  of  national 
growth,  without  which,  indeed,  no  such  civilisation  as  that  of  Babylon  and 
Nineveh  could  have  come  into  existence. 

But,  of  course,  commerce  builds  up  local  industries.  A  nation  must  be  a 
producer  of  useful  commodities  before  it  can  hope  to  secure,  by  peaceful 
means,  the  commodities  produced  by  other  nations.  In  connection  with  the 
commercial  relations  of  a  nation  we  must  study  also  its  home  industries,  that 
is  to  say,  broadly  speaking,  its  agricultural  and  manufacturing  conditions. 
We  must  see  something  also  of  the  social  customs  that  grow  out  of,  and  rest 
upon  these  industrial  conditions ;  and  of  the  laws  that  are  the  official  expres- 
sion of  the  communal  intelligence  —  the  index  of  the  communal  conscience  of 
the  epoch. a  And  first  we  have  the  privilege  of  quoting  from  one  who 
himself  saw  Babylon,  that  is,  of  course,  Herodotus. 

BABYLON   AND   ITS   CUSTOMS   DESCRIBED   BY   AN   EYE-WITNESS 

The  Assyrians  are  masters  of  many  capital  towns ;  but  their  place  of 
greatest  strength  and  fame  is  Babylon,  which,  after  the  destruction  of  Nine- 
veh, was  the  royal  residence.  It  is  situated  on  a  large  plain,  and  is  a  perfect 
square ;  each  side,  by  every  approach,  is  120  furlongs  in  length ;  the  space, 
therefore,  occupied  by  the  whole  is  480  furlongs.  [The  different  reports 
of  the  extent  of  the  walls  of  Babylon  are  given  as  follows  :  By  Herodotus 
at  120  stadia  each  side,  or  480  in  circumference.  By  Pliny  and  Solinus  at 
60  Roman  miles,  which,  at  eight  stadia  to  a  mile,  agrees  with  Herodotus. 
By  Strabo  at  385  stadia.  By  Diodorus,  from  Ctesias,  360 ;  but  from  Clitarchus, 
who  accompanied  Alexander,  365  ;  and,  lastly,  by  Curtius,  368.  It  appears 
higlily  probable  that  360  or  365  was  the  true  statement  of  the  circum- 
ference. 

So  extensive  is  the  ground  which  Babylon  occupies,  its  internal  beauty 
and  magnificence  exceeds  whatever  has  come  within  ni}^  knowledge.  It  is 
surrounded  by  a  trench,  very  wide,  deep,  and  full  of  water ;  the  wall  beyond 
this  is  two  hundred  roj-al  cubits  high,  and  fifty  wide ;  the  royal  exceeds  the 
common  cubit  by  three  digits.  [These  measures,  being  taken  from  the 
proportions  of  the  human  body,  are  more  permanent  than  any  other.  The 
foot  of  a  moderate-sized  man  and  the  cubit,  that  is  the  space  from  the  end 
of  the  fingers  to  the  elbow,  have  always  been  near  twelve  and  eighteen 
inches  respectively.  — Beloe.] 

I  here  think  it  right  to  describe  the  use  to  which  the  earth  dug  out  of 
the  trench  was  converted,  as  well  as  the  particular  manner  in  which  they 
constructed  the  wall.  The  earth  of  the  trench  was  first  of  all  laid  in  heaps, 
and,  when  a  sufficient  quantity  was  obtained,  made  into  square  bricks  and 
baked  in  a  furnace.  They  used  as  cement  a  composition  of  heated  bitumen, 
which,  mixed  with  tops  of  reeds,  was  placed  betwixt  every  thirtieth  course 
of  bricks.  Having  thus  lined  the  sides  of  the  trench,  they  proceeded  to 
build  the  wall  in  the  same  manner,  on  the  summit  of  which,  and  fronting 
each  other,  they  erected  small  watch-towers  of  one  story,  leaving  a  space  be- 
twixt them,  through  which  a  chariot  and  four  horses  might  pass  and  turn. 
In  the  circumference  of  the  wall,  at  different  distances,  were  an  hundred 
massy  gates  of  brass,  whose  hinges  and  frames  were  of  the  same  metal. 
Within  an  eight  days'  journey  from  Babylon  is  a  city  called  Is  [Hit],  near 
which  flows  a  river  of  the  same  name,  which  empties  itself  into  the  Eu- 
phrates. With  the  current  of  this  river,  particles  of  bitumen  descend 
towards  Babylon,  by  the  means  of  which  its  walls  were  constructed.      The 


474  THE   HISTORY   OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

great  river  Euphrates,  which,  with  its  deep  and  rapid  streams,  rises  in  the 
Armenian  Mountains,  and  pours  itself  into  the  Red  Sea,  divides  Babylon  into 
two  parts.  The  walls  meet  and  form  an  angle  with  the  river  at  each  ex- 
tremity of  the  town,  where  a  breastwork  of  burnt  bricks  begins,  and  is  con- 
tinued along  each  bank.  The  city,  which  abounds  in  houses  from  three  to 
four  stories  in  height,  is  regularly  divided  into  streets.  Through  these, 
which  are  parallel,  there  are  transverse  avenues  to  the  river,  opened  through 
the  wall  and  breastwork,  and  secured  by  an  equal  number  of  little  gates  of 
brass. 

The  first  wall  is  regularly  fortified  ;  the  interior  one,  though  less  in  sub- 
stance, is  of  almost  equal  strength.  Besides  these,  in  the  centre  of  each 
division  of  the  city,  there  is  a  circular  space  surrounded  by  a  wall.  In  one 
of  these  stands  tlie  royal  palace,  which  fills  a  large  and  strongly  defended 
space.  The  temple  of  Jupiter  Belus  occupies  the  other,  whose  huge  gates 
of  brass  may  still  be  seen.  It  is  a  stjuare  building,  each  side  of  which  is  of 
the  length  of  two  furlongs.  In  the  midst  a  tower  rises,  of  the  solid  depth 
and  height  of  one  furlong,  upon  wliich,  resting  as  a  base,  seven  other  turrets 
are  built  in  regular  succession.  The  ascent  is  on  the  outside,  which,  wind- 
ing from  the  ground,  is  continued  to  the  highest  tower ;  and  in  the  middle 
of  the  whole  structure  there  is  a  convenient  resting-place.  In  the  last  tower 
is  a  large  chapel,  in  which  is  placed  a  couch  magnificently  adorned,  and  near 
it  a  table  of  solid  gold ;  but  there  is  no  statue  in  the  place.  No  man  is  suf- 
fered to  sleep  here ;  but  the  apartment  is  occupied  by  a  female,  who,  as  the 
Chaldean  priests  affirm,  is  selected  by  their  deity  from  the  whole  nation  as 
the  ol)ject  of  his  pleasures. 

They  themselves  have  a  tradition,  which  cannot  easily  obtain  credit,  that 
their  deity  enters  this  temple  and  reposes  by  night  on  this  couch.  A  simi- 
lar assertion  is  also  made  by  the  Egyptians  of  Thebes ;  for,  in  the  interior 
part  of  the  temple  of  the  Theban  Jupiter,  a  woman  in  like  manner  sleeps.  Of 
these  two  women,  it  is  presumed  that  neither  of  them  has  any  communica- 
tion with  the  other  sex.  In  which  predicament  the  priestess  of  the  temple 
of  Pataraj  in  Lycia  is  also  placed.  Here  is  no  regular  oracle  ;  but  whenever 
a  divine  communication  is  expected,  the  priestess  is  obliged  to  pass  the  pre- 
ceding night  in  the  temple. 

In  this  temple  there  is  also  a  small  chapel,  lower  in  the  building,  which 
contains  a  figure  of  Jupiter  in  a  sitting  posture,  with  a  large  table  before 
him ;  these,  with  the  base  of  the  table  ancl  the  seat  of  the  throne,  are  all  of 
the  purest  gold,  and  are  estimated  by  the  Chaldeans  to  be  worth  eight  hun- 
dred talents.  On  the  outside  of  this  chapel  there  are  two  altars  :  one  is  of 
gold,  the  other  is  of  immense  size,  and  ai)propriated  to  the  sacrifice  of  full- 
grown  animals ;  those  only  whicli  have  not  left  their  dams  may  be  ofTered  on 
the  altar  of  gold.  Upon  the  larger  altar,  at  the  time  of  the  anniversary  fes- 
tival in  honour  of  their  god,  tlie  Chaldeans  regularly  consume  incense,  to  the 
amount  of  a  thousand  talents.  There  was  formerly  in  this  temple  a  statue 
of  gold,  twelve  cubits  high ;  this,  however,  I  mention  from  the  information 
of  the  Chaldeans,  and  not  from  my  own  knowledge.  Darius,  the  son  of 
Ilystaspes,  endeavoured  by  sinister  means  to  get  possession  of  this,  not  dar- 
ing openly  to  take  it ;  but  his  son  Xerxes  afterwards  seized  it,  putting  the 
priest  to  death  who  endeavoured  to  prevent  its  removal.  The  temple,  be- 
sides those  ornaments  which  I  have  described,  contains  many  offerings  of 
individuals. 

Among  the  various  sovereigns  of  Babylon,  who  contributed  to  the  strength 
of  its  walls,  and  the  decoration  of  its  temples,  and  of  whom  I  shall  make 


MANNERS   AND  CUSTOMS   OF   BABYLONIA-ASSYRIA  475 

mention  when  I  treat  of  the  Assyrians,  there  Avere  two  females  ;  the  former 
of  these  was  named  Semiramis,  who  preceded  the  other  by  an  interval  of 
five  generations.  This  queen  raised  certain  mounds,  which  are  indeed 
admirable  works.  Till  then  the  whole  plain  was  subject  to  violent  inunda- 
tions from  the  river.  The  other  queen  was  called  Nitocris.  She  being  a 
woman  of  superior  understanding,  not  only  left  many  permanent  works, 
which  I  shall  hereafter  describe,  but  also  having  observed  the  increasing 
power  and  restless  spirit  of  the  Medes,  and  that  Nineveh,  with  other  cities, 
had  fallen  a  prey  to  their  ambition,  put  her  dominions  in  the  strongest 
posture  of  defence.  To  effect  this  she  sunk  a  number  of  canals  above 
Babylon,  which  by  their  disposition  rendered  the  Euphrates,  which  before 
flowed  to  the  sea  in  an  almost  even  line,  so  complicated  by  its  windings  that 
in  its  passage  to  Babylon  it  arrives  three  times  at  Ardericca,  an  Assyrian 
village  ;  and  to  this  hour  they  who  wish  to  go  from  the  sea  up  the  Euphrates 
to  Babylon  are  compelled  to  touch  at  Ardericca  three  times  on  three  different 
days.  The  banks  also,  which  she  raised  to  restrain  the  river  on  each  side, 
are  really  wonderful  from  their  enormous  height  and  substance.  At  a  con- 
siderable distance  above  Babylon,  turning  aside  a  little  from  the  stream,  she 
ordered  an  immense  lake  to  be  dug,  sinking  it  till  they  came  to  the  water. 
Its  circumference  was  no  less  than  four  hundred  and  twenty  furlongs.  The 
earth  of  this  was  applied  to  the  embankments  of  the  river,  and  the  sides  of  the 
trench  or  lake  were  strengthened  and  lined  with  stones  brought  thither  for 
that  purpose.  She  had  in  view  by  these  works,  first  of  all  to  break  the 
violence  of  the  current  by  the  number  of  circumflexions  and  also  to  render 
the  navigation  to  Babylon  as  difficult  and  tedious  as  possible.  These  things 
were  done  in  that  part  of  her  dominions  which  was  most  accessible  to  the 
Medes,  and  with  the  further  view  of  keeping  them  in  ignorance  of  her  affairs 
by  giving  them  no  commercial  encouragement.  Having  rendered  both  of 
these  works  strong  and  secure,  she  proceeded  to  execute  the  following 
project.  The  city  being  divided  by  the  river  into  two  distinct  parts,  who- 
ever wanted  to  go  from  one  side  to  the  other  was  obliged  in  the  time  of  the 
former  kings  to  pass  the  water  in  a  boat.  For  this,  which  was  a  matter  of 
general  inconvenience,  she  provided  this  remedy,  and  the  immense  lake 
which  she  had  before  sunk  became  the  further  means  of  extending  her  fame. 
Having  procured  a  number  of  large  stones,  she  changed  the  course  of  the 
river,  directing  it  into  the  canal  prepared  for  its  reception.  When  this  was 
full  the  natural  bed  of  the  river  became  dry,  and  the  embankments  on  each  side, 
near  those  smaller  gates  which  led  to  the  water,  were  lined  with  bricks  hardened 
by  fire,  similar  to  those  which  had  been  used  in  the  construction  of  the  wall. 
She  afterwards,  nearly  in  the  centre  of  the  city,  with  the  stones  above-men- 
tioned, strongly  compacted  with  iron  and  with  lead,  erected  a  bridge.  Over 
this  the  inhabitants  passed  in  the  daytime  by  a  square  platform,  which  was 
removed  in  the  evening  to  prevent  acts  of  mutual  depredation.  When  the 
above  canal  was  thoroughly  filled  with  water,  and  the  bridge  completely 
finished  and  adorned,  the  Euphrates  was  suffered  to  return  to  its  original 
bed;  thus  both  the  canal  and  the  bridge  were  confessedly  of  the  greatest 
utility  to  the  public.  The  above  queen  was  also  celebrated  for  another 
instance  of  ingenuity.  She  caused  her  tomb  to  be  erected  over  one  of  the 
principal  gates  of  the  city,  and  so  situated  as  to  be  obvious  to  universal 
inspection.  It  was  thus  inscribed  :  "  If  any  of  the  sovereigns,  my  succes- 
sors, shall  be  in  extreme  want  of  money  let  him  open  my  tomb  and  take 
what  money  he  may  think  proper ;  if  his  necessity  be  not  great,  let  him 
forbear;  the  experiment  will  perhaps  be  dangerous."     The  tomb  remained 


476  THE  HISTORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

without  injury  till  the  time  and  reign  of  Darius.  He  was  equally  offended 
at  the  gate's  being  rendered  useless,  and  that  the  invitation  thus  held  out  to 
become  affluent  should  have  been  so  long  neglected.  The  gate,  it  is  to  be 
observed,  was  of  no  use,  from  the  general  aversion  to  pass  through  a  place 
over  wliich  a  dead  body  was  laid.  Darius  opened  the  tomb;  but  instead 
of  finding  riches,  he  saw  only  a  dead  body,  with  a  label  of  this  import :  "  If 
your  aval-ice  had  not  been  equally  base  and  insatiable,  you  would  not  have 
disturbed  tlie  repose  of  the  dead."  Such  are  the  traditions  concerning  this 
queen. 

The  following  exists  amongst  many  other  proofs  which  I  shall  hereafter 
produce  of  the  power  and  greatness  of  Babylon.  Independent  of  those  sub- 
sidies which  are  paid  monthly  to  the  Persian  monarch,  the  whole  of  his 
dominions  are  obliged  throughout  the  year  to  provide  subsistence  for  him 
and  for  his  army.  Babylon  alone  raises  a  supply  for  four  months,  eight 
being  proportioned  to  all  the  rest  of  Asia,  so  that  the  resources  of  this  region 
are  considered  as  adequate  to  a  third  part  of  Asia.  The  government  also 
of  this  country,  which  the  Persians  call  a  satrapy,  is  deemed  by  much  the 
noblest  in  the  empire.  When  Tritantsechmes,  son  of  Artabazus,  was  appointed 
to  this  principality  by  the  king,  he  received  every  day  an  artaby  of  silver. 
The  artaby  is  a  Persian  measure  which  exceeds  the  Attic  medimnus  by  about 
three  chfenices.  Besides  his  horses  for  military  service  this  province  main- 
tained for  the  sovereign's  use  a  stud  of  eight  hundred  stallions  and  sixteen 
thousand  mares,  one  horse  being  allotted  to  twenty  mares.  He  had,  more- 
over, so  immense  a  number  of  Indian  dogs  that  four  great  towns  in  the 
vicinity  of  Babylon  were  exempted  from  every  other  tax  but  that  of  main- 
taining them. 

The  Assyrians  have  but  little  rain;  the  lands,  however,  are  fertilised  and 
the  fruits  of  the  earth  nourished  by  means  of  the  river.  This  does  not,  like 
the  Egyptian  Nile,  enrich  the  country  by  overflowing  its  banks,  but  is  dis- 
persetl  by  manual  labour  or  by  hydraulic  engines.  The  Babylonian  district, 
like  Egypt,  is  intersected  by  a  number  of  canals,  the  largest  of  which,  con- 
tinued with  a  south-east  course  from  the  Euphrates  to  that  part  of  the  Tigris 
where  Nineveh  stands,  is  capable  of  receiving  vessels  of  burden.  Of  all 
countries  which  have  come  within  my  observation  this  is  far  the  most  fruitful 
in  corn.  Fruit  trees,  such  as  the  vine,  the  olive,  and  the  fig,  they  do  not 
even  attempt  to  cultivate ;  but  the  soil  is  so  particularly  well  adapted  for 
corn,  that  it  never  produces  less  than  two  hundredfold.  In  seasons  which  are 
remarkably  favourable  it  will  sometimes  rise  to  three  hundred.  The  ear  of 
their  wheat  as  well  as  barley  is  four  digits  in  size.  The  immense  height  to 
which  millet  and  sesamum  will  grow,  although  I  have  witnessed  it  myself,  I 
know  not  how  to  mention.  I  am  well  aware  that  they  who  have  not  visited 
this  country  will  deem  whatever  I  may  say  on  this  subject  a  violation  of 
probability.  They  have  no  oil  but  what  they  extract  from  the  sesamum. 
The  palm  is  a  very  common  plant  in  this  country  and  generally  fruitful. 
This  they  cultivate  like  fig  trees,  and  it  produces  them  bread,  wine,  and 
honey.  The  process  observed  is  this  :  they  fasten  the  fruit  of  that  which 
the  Greeks  term  the  male  tree  to  the  one  which  produces  the  date  ;  by  this 
means  the  worm  which  is  contained  in  the  former  entering  the  fruit  ripens 
and  prevents  it  from  dropping  immaturely.  The  male  palms  bear  insects  in 
their  fruit  in  the  same  manner  as  the  wild  fig  trees.  Of  all  that  I  saw  in 
this  country,  next  to  Babylon  itself,  what  to  me  appeared  the  greatest 
curiosity  were  the  boats.  These  which  are  used  by  those  who  come  to  the 
city  are  of  a  circular  form  and  made  of  skins.     They  are  constructed  in 


MANNERS  A:ND   CUSTOMS   OF   BABYLONIA-ASSYRIA  477 

Armenia,  in  the  parts  above  Assyria,  where  the  sides  of  the  vessels  being 
formed  of  willow  are  covered  externally  with  skins,  and  having  no  distinc- 
tion of  head  or  stern,  are  modelled  in  the  shape  of  a  shield.  Lining  the 
bottom  of  the  boats  with  reeds,  they  take  on  board  their  merchandise,  and 
thus  commit  themselves  to  the  stream.  The  principal  article  of  their  com- 
merce is  palm  wine,  which  they  carry  in  casks.  The  boats  have  two  oars, 
one  man  to  each  ;  one  pulls  to  him,  the  other  pushes  from  him.  These  boats 
are  of  very  different  dimensions ;  some  of  them  are  so  large  as  to  bear  freights 
to  the  value  of  five  thousand  talents ;  the  smaller  of  them  has  one  ass  on 
board,  the  larger  several.  On  their  arrival  at  Babylon  they  dispose  of  all 
their  cargo,  selling  the  ribs  of  their  boats,  the  matting,  and  everything  but 
the  skins  which  cover  them ;  these  they  lay  upon  their  asses  and  with  them 
return  to  Armenia.  The  rapidity  of  the  stream  is  too  great  to  render  their 
return  by  water  practicable.  This  is  perhaps  the  reason  which  induces  them 
to  make  their  boats  of  skin  rather  than  of  wood.  On  their  return  with  their 
asses  to  Armenia  they  make  other  vessels  in  the  manner  we  have  before 
described. 

Their  clothing  is  of  this  kind  :  they  have  two  vests,  one  of  linen  which 
falls  to  the  feet,  another  over  this  which  is  made  of  wool,  a  white  sash 
connects  the  whole.  The  fashion  of  their  shoes  is  peculiar  to  themselves, 
though  somewhat  resembling  those  worn  by  the  Thebans.  They  wear  their 
hair  long,  and  covered  with  a  turban,  and  are  lavish  in  their  use  of  perfumes. 
Each  person  has  a  seal  ring,  and  a  cane,  or  walking-stick,  upon  the  top  of 
which  is  carved  an  apple,  a  rose,  a  lily,  an  eagle,  or  some  figure  or  other, 
for  to  have  a  stick  without  a  device  is  unlawful. 

In  my  description  of  their  laws  I  have  to  mention  one,  the  wisdom  of 
which  I  must  admire,  and  which,  if  I  am  not  misinformed,  the  Eneti,  who 
are  of  lUyrian  origin,  use  also.  In  each  of  their  several  districts  this  custom 
was  every  year  observed :  such  of  their  virgins  as  were  marriageable  were, 
at  an  appointed  time  and  place,  assembled  together.  Here  the  men  also 
came,  and  some  public  officer  sold  by  auction  the  young  women  one  by  one, 
beginning  with  the  most  beautiful.  When  she  was  disposed  of,  and,  as  may 
be  supposed,  for  a  considerable  sum,  he  proceeded  to  sell  the  one  who  was 
next  in  beauty,  taking  it  for  granted  that  each  man  married  the  maid  he 
purchased.  [Herodotus  here  omits  one  circumstance  of  consequence,  in 
my  opinion,  to  prove  that  this  ceremony  was  conducted  with  decency.  It 
passed  under  the  inspection  of  the  magistrates,  and  the  tribunal  superin- 
tended the  marriage  of  the  young  women.  Three  men,  respectable  for  their 
virtue,  and  who  were  at  the  head  of  their  several  tribes,  conducted  the  young; 
women  that  were  marriageable  to  the  place  of  assembly,  and  there  sold  them, 
by  the  voice  of  the  public  crier.  —  Larcher.  If  the  custom  of  disposing  of 
the  young  women  to  the  best  bidder  was  peculiar  to  the  Babylonians,  that  of 
purchasing  the  person  intended  for  a  wife,  and  of  giving  the  father  a  sum  to 
obtain  her,  was  much  more  general.  It  was  practised  amongst  the  Greeks, 
the  Trojans  and  their  allies,  and  even  amongst  the  deities.  —  Bellanger.] 

The  more  affluent  of  the  Babylonian  youths  contended  with  much  ardour 
and  emulation  to  obtain  the  most  beautiful;  those  of  the  common  people 
who  were  desirous  of  marrying,  as  if  they  had  but  little  occasion  for  personal 
accomplishments,  were  content  to  receive  the  more  homely  maidens,  with  a 
portion  annexed  to  them.  For  the  crier,  when  he  had  sold  the  fairest,  selected 
next  the  most  ugly,  or  one  that  was  deformed  ;  she  also  w^as  put  up  to  sale, 
and  assigned  to  whoever  would  take  her  with  the  least  money.  This  money 
was  what  the  sale  of  the  beautiful  maidens  produced,  who  were  thus  obliged 


478  THE   HISTORY  OF   MESOPOTAMIA 

to  portion  oiit  those  who  were  deformed,  or  less  lovely  than  themselves.  No 
iiKUi  was  permitted  to  provide  a  match  for  his  daughter,  nor  could  any  one 
take  away  the  woman  whom  he  purchased  without  first  giving  security  to 
make  her  his  wife.  To  this,  if  he  did  not  assent,  his  money  was  returned 
to  him.  There  were  no  restrictions  with  respect  to  residence;  those  of 
another  village  might  also  become  purchasers.  This,  although  the  most  wise 
of  all  their  institutions,  has  not  been  preserved  to  our  time.  One  of  their 
later  ordinances  was  made  to  punish  violence  offered  to  women,  and  to 
l)revent  their  being  carried  away  to  other  parts  ;  for  after  the  city  had  been 
taken,  and  the  inhabitants  plundered,  the  lower  people  were  reduced  to  such 
extremities  that  they  prostituted  their  daughters  for  hire. 

They  have  also  another  institution,  the  good  tendency  of  which  claims 
api^lause.  Such  as  are  diseased  among  tliem  they  carry  into  some  public 
sijuare ;  they  have  no  professors  of  medicine,  but  the  passengers  in  general 
interrogate  the  sick  person  concerning  his  malady,  that  if  any  person  has 
cither  been  afflicted  with  a  similar  disease  himself,  or  seen  its  operation  on 
another,  he  may  communicate  the  process  by  which  his  own  recovery  was 
efYected,  or  by  which,  in  any  other  instance,  he  knew  the  disease  to  be 
removed.  No  one  may  pass  by  the  afflicted  person  in  silence,  or  without 
incpiiry  into  the  nature  of  his  complaint. 

Previous  to  their  interment,  their  dead  are  anointed  with  honey,  and, 
like  the  Egyptians,  they  are  fond  of  funeral  lamentations.  Whenever  a 
man  has  had  communication  with  his  wife,  he  sits  over  a  consecrated  vessel, 
containing  burning  perfumes ;  the  woman  does  the  same.  In  the  morning 
both  of  them  go  into  the  bath ;  till  they  have  done  this  they  will  neither  of 
them  touch  any  domestic  utensil.     This  custom  is  also  observed  in  Arabia. 

The  Babylonians  have  one  custom  in  the  highest  degree  abominable. 
Every  woman  who  is  a  native  of  the  country  is  obliged  once  in  her  life  to 
attend  at  the  temple  of  Venus,  and  prostitute  herself  to  a  stranger.  Such 
women  as  are  of  superior  rank  do  not  omit  even  this  opportunity  of  separat- 
ing themselves  from  their  inferiors ;  these  go  to  the  temple  in  splendid 
chariots,  accompanied  by  a  numerous  train  of  domestics,  and  place  them- 
selves near  the  entrance.  This  is  the  practice  with  many,  whilst  the  greater 
part,  crowned  with  garlands,  seat  themselves  in  the  vestibule,  and  there  are 
always  numbers  coming  and  going.  The  seats  have  all  of  them  a  rope  or 
string  annexed  to  them,  by  which  the  stranger  may  determine  his  choice. 
A  woman,  having  once  taken  this  situation,  is  not  allowed  to  return  home 
till  some  stranger  throws  her  a  piece  of  money,  and  leading  her  to  a  distance 
from  the  temple,  enjoys  her  person.  It  is  usual  for  the  man,  when  he  gives 
the  money,  to  say,  "  May  the  goddess  Mylitta  be  auspicious  to  thee  !  "  Mylitta 
being  the  Assyrian  name  of  Venus.  The  money  given  is  applied  to  sacred 
uses,  and  must  not  be  refused,  however  small  it  may  be.  The  woman  is  not 
suffered  to  make  any  distinction,  but  is  obliged  to  accompany  whoever  offers 
lu'r  money.  She  afterwards  makes  some  conciliatory  oblation  to  the  goddess, 
and  returns  to  her  house,  never  afterwards  to  be  obtained  on  similar  or  on  any 
terms.  Such  as  are  eminent  for  their  elegance  and  beauty  do  not  continue 
long,  but  those  who  are  of  less  engaging  appearance  have  sometimes  been 
known  to  remain  from  three  to  four  years  unable  to  accomplish  the  terms  of 
the  law.  It  is  to  be  remarked  that  the  inhabitants  of  Cyprus  have  a  similar 
observance. 

In  addition  to  the  foregoing  account  of  Babylonian  manners,  we  may 
observe  that  there  are  three  tribes  of  this  people  whose  only  food  is  fish. 
They  prepare  it  thus :  having  dried  it  in  the  sun,  they  beat  it  very  small  in 


HANKERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF  BABYLOKIA-ASSYRIA  479 

a  mortar,  and  afterwards  sift  it  through  a  piece  of  fine  cloth ;  they  then  form 
it  into  cakes,  or  bake  it  as  bread. c 

The  foregoing-  description  by  Herodotus  refers  to  the  condition  of  Baby- 
lon in  the  early  part  of  the  fifth  century  B.C.,  something  like  fifty  years  after 
the  overthrow  of  the  new  Babylonian  empire  by  Cyrus.  The  city  still 
remained  under  Persian  influence,  Babylon  being  one  of  the  capitals  of  the 
''Great  King."  The  account  given  has  a  peculiar  value  because  it  is  the 
only  description  given  by  an  eye-witness  from  the  Western  world  that  has 
come  down  to  us  from  so  early  a  period. 

Herodotus  saw  with  the  eyes  of  a  Greek  of  the  age  of  Pericles,  and  it  is 
now  admitted  that  when  he  describes  his  personal  experiences,  he  is  alto- 
gether dependable.  His  account,  therefore,  still  has  full  value  as  supple- 
menting the  records  of  the  monuments.  It  is  greatly  to  be  regretted  that 
the  Greek  historian  remained  ignorant  of  the  monumental  records  them- 
selves, though  it  would  have  been  strange  had  he  been  able  to  decipher 
them,  since  the  Greeks  were  notoriously  unfamiliar  with  any  language  but 
their  own. 

The  account  of  Babylon  given  by  the  great  geographer,  Strabo,  which 
will  be  presented  in  the  next  chapter,  relates  to  a  period  not  far  from  the 
beginning  of  the  Christian  era,  and  hence  carries  us  ahead  of  the  political 
story  as  told  in  the  preceding  books.  At  this  time  Babylon  had  ceased  to 
be  the  capital  city,  though  still  important.  Since  Herodotus  wrote,  some 
five  hundred  years  have  passed.  Alexander  has  overthrown  the  Persians, 
and  Alexander's  empire  in  turn  has  been  overthrown.  Yet  we  may  suppose 
that  the  old  city  of  Babylon  —  the  most  ancient  city  retaining  influence  at 
that  day  —  has  not  very  greatly  changed,  except  that  its  ancient  monuments 
are  falling  into  ruins.  A  peculiar  interest  attaches  to  this  description  of  the 
last  stages  in  the  life-history  of  a  city  that  has  seen  so  many  rotations  of 
fortune,  and  has  lived  on  through  so  many  shiftings  of  the  political  kaleido- 
scope. 

It  is  probable  that  Strabo,  like  Herodotus,  writes  as  an  eye-witness.  In 
any  event  his  account  has  full  authority,  coming  from  one  of  the  greatest 
and  most  scientific  of  ancient  geographers,  who  in  addition  to  his  geographi- 
cal learuinof  had  a  keen  historical  sense. « 


A   LATER   CLASSICAL   ACCOUNT   OF    BABYLON 

Babylon  is  situated  in  a  plain.  The  wall  is  385  stadia  in  circum- 
ference and  32  feet  in  thickness.  The  height  of  the  space  between  the 
towers  is  50,  and  of  the  towers,  60  cubits.  The  roadway  upon  the  walls  will 
allow  chariots  with  four  horses  when  they  meet  to  pass  each  other  with  ease. 
Whence,  among  the  seven  wonders  of  the  world,  are  reckoned  this  wall  and 
the  hanging  garden  ;  the  shape  of  the  garden  is  a  square,  and  each  side  of 
it  measures  four  plethra.  It  consists  of  vaulted  terraces,  raised  one  above 
another,  and  resting  upon  cube-shaped  pillars.  These  are  holloAV  and  filled 
with  earth,  to  allow  trees  of  the  largest  size  to  be  planted.  The  pillars,  the 
vaults,  and  the  terraces  are  constructed  of  baked  bricks  and  asphalt. 

The  ascent  to  the  highest  story  is  by  stairs,  and  at  their  side  are  water- 
engines,  by  means  of  which  persons,  appointed  expressly  for  the  purpose, 
are  continually  employed  in  raising  water  from  the  Pi^uphrates  into  the  gar- 
den ;  for  the  river,  which  is  a  stadium  in  breadth,  flows  tlirougli  tlie  middle 
of  the  city,  and  the  garden  is  on  the  side  of  the  river.  The  tomb,  also,  of 
Belus  is  tiiere.     At  present  it  is  in  ruins,  having  been  demolished,  it  is  said, 


480  THE   HISTORY   OF   MESOPOTAMIA 

by  Xerxes.  It  -was  a  quadrangular  pyramid  of  baked  brick,  a  stadium  in 
height,  and  each  of  the  sides  a  stadium  in  length.  Alexander  intended  to 
repair  it.  It  was  a  great  undertaking,  and  required  a  long  time  for  its  com- 
pletion (for  ten  thousand  men  were  occupied  two  months  in  clearing  away 
the  niound  of  eartli ),  so  that  he  was  not  able  to  execute  what  he  had  attempted 
before  disease  hurried  him  rapidly  to  his  end.  None  of  the  persons  who  suc- 
ceeded him  attended  to  this  undertaking  ;  other  works  also  \vere  neglected, 
and  tlie  city  was  dilapidated,  partly  by  the  Persians,  partly  by  time,  and 
tlirough  the  indifference  of  the  Macedonians  to  things  of  this  kind,  particu- 
larly after  Seleucus  Nicator  liad  fortified  Seleucia,  on  the  Tigris,  near  Baby- 
lon, at  the  distance  of  about  three  hundred  stadia. 

Both  this  prince  and  all  his  successors  directed  their  care  to  that  city, 
and  transferred  to  it  the  seat  of  empire.  At  present  it  is  larger  than  Baby- 
lon ;  the  other  is  in  great  part  deserted,  so  that  no  one  would  hesitate  to 
ai)ply  to  it  what  one  of  the  comic  writers  said  of  Megalopolitie  in  Arcadia : 

"  The  great  city  is  a  great  desert." 

On  account  of  the  scarcity  of  timber,  the  beams  and  pillars  of  the  houses 
were  made  of  palm  wood.  They  wind  ropes  of  twisted  reed  round  the  pil- 
lars, paint  them  over  with  colours,  and  draw  designs  upon  them  ;  they  cover 
the  doors  with  a  coat  of  asphaltus.  These  are  lofty,  and  all  the  houses  are 
vaulted  on  account  of  the  want  of  timber.  For  the  country  is  bare,  a  great 
part  of  it  is  covered  with  shrubs,  and  produces  nothing  but  the  palm.  This 
tree  grows  in  the  greatest  abundance  in  Babylonia.  It  is  found  in  Susiana; 
also,  in  great  quantity,  on  the  Persian  coast,  and  in  Carmania. 

Tliey  do  not  use  tiles  for  their  houses,  because  there  are  no  great  rains. 
The  case  is  the  same  in  Susiana  and  in  Sitacene.  In  Babylon  a  residence 
was  set  apart  for  the  native  philosophers  called  Chaldeans,  who  are  chiefly 
devoted  to  the  study  of  astronomy.  Some,  who  are  not  approved  of  by  the 
rest,  profess  to  understand  genethlialogy,  or  the  casting  of  nativities.  There 
is  also  a  tribe  of  Chaldeans  who  inhabit  a  district  of  Babylonia  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  the  Arabians  and  of  the  sea  called  the  Persian  Sea.  There 
are  several  classes  of  the  Chaldean  astronomers.  Some  liave  the  name  of 
Orcheni,  some  Borsippeni,  and  many  others,  as  if  divided  into  sects,  who 
disseminate  different  tenets  on  the  same  subjects.  The  mathematicians 
niake  mention  of  some  individuals  among  them,  as  Cidenas,  Naburianus,  and 
Sudinus.  Seleucus,  also,  of  Seleucia,  is  a  Chaldean,  and  many  other 
remarkable  men.  Borsippa  is  a  city  sacred  to  Diana  and  Apollo.  Herei* 
is  a  large  linen  manufactory.  Bats  of  much  larger  size  than  those  in  other' 
parts  abound  in  it.      They  are  caught  and  salted  for  food. 

The  country  of  the  Babylonians  is  surrounded  on  the  east  by  the  Susans, 
Klynuei,  and  Parietaceni  ;  on  the  south  by  the  Persian  Gulf,  and  the  Chal- 
deans as  far  as  the  Arabian  ^lesseni  ;  on  the  west  by  the  Arabian  ScenitoB 
as  far  as  Adiabene  and  Gordytca  ;  on  the  north  by  the  Armenians  and  Modes 
as  far  as  the  Zagros,  and  the  nations  about  that  river. 

The  country  is  intersected  by  many  rivers,  the  largest  of  which  are  the 
Euphrates  and  the  Tigris  ;  next  to  the  Indian  rivers,  the  rivers  in  the  south- 
ern parts  of  Asia  are  said  to  hold  the  second  place.  The  Tigris  is  navigable 
upward  from  its  mouth  to  Opis  and  to  the  present  Seleucia.  Opis  is  a  vil- 
lagt;  and  a  mart  for  the  surrounding  places.     The  Euphrates  also  is  navi- 

?:able  up  to  Babylon,  a  distance  of  more  than  three  thousand  stadia.     The 
Persians,  through  fear  of  incursions  from  without  and  for  the  purpose  of 


MANNERS   AND  CUSTOMS   OF   BABYLONIA-ASSYRIA  481 

preventing  vessels  from  ascending  these  rivers,  constructed  artificial  cata- 
racts. Alexander,  on  arriving  there,  destroyed  as  many  of  them  as  he  could, 
those  particularly  (on  the  Tigris  from  the  sea)  to  Opis.  But  he  bestowed 
great  care  upon  the  canals,  for  the  Euphrates,  at  the  commencement  of  sum- 
mer, overflows.  It  begins  to  fill  in  the  spring,  when  the  snow  in  Armenia 
melts  ;  the  ploughed  land,  therefore,  would  be  covered  with  Avater  and  be 
submerged,  unless  the  overflow  of  the  superabundant  water  of  the  Nile  is 
diverted.  Hence  the  origin  of  canals.  Great  labour  is  requisite  for  their 
maintenance,  for  the  soil  is  deep,  soft,  and  yielding,  so  that  it  would  easily 
be  swept  away  by  the  stream  ;  the  fields  would  be  laid  bare,  the  canals  filled, 
and  the  accumulation  of  mud  would  soon  obstruct  their  mouths.  Then 
again,  the  excess  of  water  discharging  itself  into  the  plains  near  the  sea 
forms  lakes  and  marshes  and  reed  grounds,  supplying  the  reeds  with  which 
all  kinds  of  platted  vessels  are  woven  ;  some  of  these  vessels  are  capable  of 
holding  w^ater  when  covered  over  with  asphaltus  ;  others  are  used  with  the 
material  in  its  natural  state.  Sails  are  also  made  of  reeds  ;  these  resemble 
mats  or  hurdles. 

It  is  not,  perhaps,  possible  to  prevent  inundations  of  this  kind  altogether, 
but  it  is  the  duty  of  good  princes  to  afford  all  possible  assistance.  The  as- 
sistance required  is  to  prevent  excessive  overflow  by  the  construction  of 
dams,  and  to  obviate  the  filling  of  rivers  produced  by  the  accumulation  of 
mud,  by  cleansing  the  canals  and  removing  stoppages  at  their  mouths.  The 
cleansing  of  the  canals  is  easily  performed,  but  the  construction  of  dams 
requires  the  labour  of  numerous  workmen.  For  the  earth  being  soft  and 
yielding  does  not  support  the  superincumbent  mass,  which  sinks,  and  is 
itself  carried  away,  and  thus  a  difficulty  arises  in  making  dams  at  the  mouth. 
Expedition  is  necessary  in  closing  the  canals  to  prevent  all  the  water  flowing 
out.  When  the  canals  dry  up  in  the  summer-time  they  cause  the  river  to 
dry  up  also  ;  and  if  the  river  is  low  (before  the  canals  are  closed)  it  cannot 
supply  the  canals  in  time  with  water,  of  which  the  country,  burnt  up  and 
scorched,  requires  a  very  large  quantity,  for  there  is  no  difference,  whether 
the  crops  are  flooded  by  an  excess  or  perish  by  drought  and  a  failure  of  water. 
The  navigation  up  the  rivers  (a  source  of  many  advantages)  is  continually 
obstructed  by  both  the  above-mentioned  causes,  and  it  is  not  possible  to  rem- 
edy this  unless  the  mouths  of  the  canals  were  quickly  opened  and  quickly 
closed,  and  the  canals  were  made  to  contain  and  preserve  a  mean  between 
excess  and  deficiency  of  water. 

Aristobulus  relates  that  Alexander  himself,  when  he  was  sailing  up  the 
river  and  directing  the  course  of  the  boat,  inspected  the  canals,  and  ordered 
them  to  be  cleared  by  his  multitude  of  followers  ;  he  likewise  stopped  up 
some  of  the  mouths,  and  opened  others.  He  observed  that  one  of  these 
canals,  which  took  a  direction  more  immediately  to  the  marshes  and  to  the 
lakes  in  front  of  Arabia,  had  a  mouth  very  diflicult  to  be  dealt  with,  and 
which  could  not  be  easily  closed  on  account  of  the  soft  and  yielding  nature  of 
the  soil  ;  he  (therefore)  opened  a  new  mouth  at  the  distance  of  thirty  stadia, 
selecting  a  place  with  a  rocky  bottom,  and  to  this  the  current  was  diverted. 
But  in  doing  this  he  was  taking  precautions  that  Arabia  should  not  become 
entirely  inaccessible  in  consequence  of  the  lakes  and  marslies,  as  it  wius 
already  almost  an  island  from  the  quantity  of  water  (which  surrounded  it). 
For  he  contemplated  making  himself  master  of  this  country,  and  he  had 
already  provided  a  fleet  and  places  of  rendezvous,  and  had  built  vessels  in 
Phoenicia  and  at  Cyprus,  some  of  wliich  were  in  separate  pieces,  others  were 
in  parts,  fastened  together  by  bolts.     These,  after  being  conveyed  to  Thap- 

H.  W.  —  VOL.   I.  2  I 


482 


THE   HISTORY   OF  MESOPOTAMIA 


sacus  in  seven  distances  of  a  day's  march,  were  then  to  be  transported  down 
the  river  to  Babylon.  He  constructed  other  boats  in  Babyh)nia,  from  cypress 
trees  in  the  orroves  and  parks,  for  there  is  a  scarcity  of  timber  in  Babylonia. 
Among  the  (Jossiei  [Kossieans]  and  some  other  tribes  the  supply  of  timber 
is  not  great. 

The  pretext  for  the  war,  says  Aristobulus,  was  that  the  Arabians  were 
the  only  people  who  did  not  send  their  ambassadors  to  Alexander  ;  but  the 
true  reason  was  his  ambition  to  be  lord  of  all. 

When  he  was  informed  that  they  worshipped  two  deities  only,  Jujjiter  and 
liaci-hns,  who  supply  what  is  most  requisite  for  the  subsistence  of  mankind, 
he  supposed  that,  after  his  conquests,  they  would  worship  him  as  a  third,  if 
he  permittetl  them  to  enjoy  their  former  national  independence.  Thus  was 
Alexander  employed  in  clearing  the  canals,  and  in  examining  minutely  the 
sepulchres  of  the  kings,  most  of  which  are  situated  among  the  lakes. 

Eratosthenes,  when  he  is  speaking  of  the  lakes  near  Arabia,  says,  that  the 
water,  when  it  cannot  find  an  outlet,  opens  passages  underground,  and  is 
conveyed  through  these  as  far  as  the  Ca^le-Syrians,  it  is  also  compressed  and 
forced  into  the  parts  near  Ilhinocolura  and  Mount  Casius,  and  there  forms 
lakes  and  deep  pits.  But  I  know  not  whether  this  is  probable.  For  the 
overllowings  of  the  water  of  the  Euphrates,  which  form  the  lakes  and  marshes 
near  Arabia,  are  near  the  Persian  Sea.  But  the  isthmus  which  separates 
them  is  neither  large  nor  rocky,  so  that  it  was  more  probable  that  the  water 
forced  its  way  in  this  direction  into  the  sea,  either  under  the  ground,  or 
across  the  surface,  than  that  it  traversed  so  dry  and  i)arched  a  soil  for  more 
than  six  thousand  stadia :  particularly,  when  we  observe,  situated  midway  in 
this  course,  Libanus,  Antilibanus,  and  Mount  Casius. 

Such,  then,  are  the  accounts  of  Eratosthenes  and  Aristobulus. 

But  Polycleitus  says,  that  the  Euphrates  does  not  overflow  its  banks, 
because  its  course  is  through  large  plains  ;  that  of  the  mountains  (from  which 
it  is  supplied)  some  are  distant  two  thousand,  and  the  Kosstean  Mountains 
scarcely  one  thousand  stadia,  that  they  are  not  very  high,  nor  covered  with 
snow  to  a  great  depth,  and  therefore  do  not  occasion  the  snow  to  melt  in 
great  masses,  for  the  most  elevated  mountains  are  in  the  northern  parts 
above  P^cbatana ;  towards  the  south  they  are  divided,  spread  out,  and  are 
much  lower ;  the  Tigris  also  receives  the  greater  part  of  the  water  (which 
comes  down  from  them)  and  thus  overflows  its  banks. 

Tlie  last  assertion  is  evidently  absurd,  because  the  Tigris  descends  into  the 
same  plains  (as  the  Euphrates) ;  and  the  above-mentioned  mountains  are  not 
of  the  same  height,  the  northern  being  more  elevated,  the  southern  extending 
in  breadth,  but  are  of  a  lower  altitude.  The  quantity  of  snow  is  not,  how- 
ever, to  be  estimated  by  altitude  only,  but  by  aspect.  The  same  mountain 
has  more  snow  on  the  northern  than  on  the  southern  side,  and  the  snow  con- 
tinues longer  on  the  former  than  on  the  latter.  As  the  Tigris  therefore 
receives  from  the  most  southern  parts  of  Armenia,  which  are  near  Babylon, 
tlu!  water  of  the  melted  snow,  of  wliich  there  is  no  great  quantity,  since  it 
c()nu!s  from  the  southern  side,  it  should  overflow  in  a  less  degree  than  the 
lMij)lirates,  which  receives  the  water  from  both  parts  (northern  and  southern), 
and  not  from  a  single  mountain  only,  but  from  many,  as  I  have  mentioned  in 
the  description  of  Armenia.  To  this  we  must  add  the  length  of  the  river, 
the  large  tract  of  country  which  it  traverses  in  the  Greater  and  in  the  Lesser 
Armenia,  the  large  space  it  takes  in  its  course  in  passing  out  of  the  Lesser 
Armenia  and  Capi)adocia,  after  issuing  out  of  the  Taurus  in  its  way  to  Thap- 
sacus  (forming  the  boundary  between  Syria  below  and  Mesopotamia),  and 


MANNERS   AND   CUSTOMS   OF   BABYLONIA-ASSYRIA 


483 


the  large  remaining  portion  of  country  as  far  as  Babylon  and  to  its  mouth,  a 
course  in  all  of  thirty-six  thousand  stadia. 

This,  then,  on  the  subject  of  the  canals  (of  Babylonia). 

Babylonia  produces  barley  in  larger  quantity  than  any  other  country,  for 
a  produce  of  three  hundredfold  is  spoken  of.  The  palm  tree  furnishes  every- 
thing else  —  bread,  wine,  vinegar,  and  meal;  all  kinds  of  woven  articles  are 
also  procured  from  it.  Braziers  use  the  stones  of  the  fruit  instead  of  char- 
coal. When  softened  by  being  soaked  in  water,  they  are  food  for  fattening 
oxen  and  sheep. 

It  is  said  that  there  is  a  Persian  song  in  which  are  reckoned  up  three 
hundred  and  sixty  useful  properties  of  the  palm. 

They  employ  for  the  most  part  the  oil  of  sesamum,  a  plant  which  is  rare 
in  other  places. 

Asphaltus  is  found  in  great  abundance  in  Babylonia.  Eratosthenes  de- 
scribes it  as  follows : 

The  liquid  asphaltus,  which  is  called  naphtha,  is  found  in  Susiana ;  the 
dry  kind,  which  can  be  made  solid,  in  Babylonia.  There  is  a  spring  of  it 
near  the  Euphrates.  When  this  river  overflows  at  the  time  of  the  melting 
of  the  snow,  the  spring  also  of  asphaltus  is  filled  and  overflows  into  the  river, 
where  large  clods  are  consolidated,  lit  for  buildings  constructed  of  baked  bricks. 
Others  say  that  the  liquid  kind  also  is  found  in  Babylonia.  With  respect  to 
the  solid  kind,  I  have  described  its  great  utility  in  the  construction  of  build- 
ings. They  say  that  boats  (of  reeds)  are  woven,  which,  when  besmeared 
with  asphaltus,  are  firmly  compacted.  The  liquid  kind,  called  naphtha,  is  of 
a  singular  nature.  When  it  is  brought  near  the  fire,  the  fire  catches  it ;  and 
if  a  body  smeared  over  with  it  is  brought  near  the  fire,  it  burns  with  a 
flame,  which  it  is  impossible  to  extinguish,  except  with  a  large  quantity  of 
water  ;  with  a  small  quantity  it  burns  more  violently,  but  it  may  be  smothered 
and  extinguished  by  mud,  vinegar,  alum,  and  glue.  It  is  said  that  Alexander, 
as  an  experiment,  ordered  naphtha  to  be  poured  over  a  boy  in  a  bath,  and  a 
lamp  to  be  brought  near  his  body.  The  boy  became  enveloped  in  flames,  and 
would  have  perished  if  the  bystanders  had  not  mastered  the  fire  by  pouring 
upon  him  a  great  quantity  of  water,  and  thus  saved  his  life. 

Poseidonius  says  that  there  are  springs  of  naphtha  in  Babylonia,  some  of 
which  produce  white,  others  black,  naphtha ;  the  first  of  these,  I  mean  the 
white  naphtha,  which  attracts  flame,  is  liquid  sulphur  ;  the  second,  or  black 
naphtha,  is  liquid  asphaltus,  and  is  burnt  in  lamps  instead  of  oil. 

In  former  times  the  capital  of  Assyria  was  Babylon ;  it  is  now  called 
Seleucia  upon  the  Tigris.  Near  it  is  a  large  village  called  Ctesiphon.  This 
the  Parthian  kings  usually  made  their  winter  residence,  with  a  view  to  spare 
the  Seleucians  the  burden  of  furnishing  quarters  for  the  Scythian  soldiery. 
In  consequence  of  the  power  of  Parthia,  Ctesiphon  may  bo  considered  as  a 
city  rather  than  a  village  ;  from  its  size  it  is  cai)able  of  lodging  a  great  multi- 
tude of  people;  it  has  been  adorned  with  public  buildings  by  tlie  Parthians, 
and  has  furnished  merchandise,  and  given  rise  to  arts  prolitable  to  its  masters. 

The  kings  usually  passed  the  winter  there,  on  account  of  the  salubrity  of 
the  air,  and  the  summer  at  Ecbatana  and  in  Ilyrcania,  induced  by  the  ancient 
renown  of  these  places. 

As  we  call  the  country  Babylonia,  so  we  call  the  people  Babylonians,  not 
froln  the  name  of  the  city,  but  of  the  country ;  the  case  is  not  precisely  the 
same,  however,  as  regards  even  natives  of  Seleuceia,  as,  for  instance,  Diogenes, 
the  stoic  philosopher  [who  had  the  appellation  of  the  Baylonian,  and  not  the 
Seleucian].^ 


^1 


482  THE   HISTORY   OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

sacus  in  seven  distances  of  a  day's  march,  were  then  to  be  transported  down 
the  river  to  Babylon.  He  constructed  other  boats  in  Babyk)nia,  from  cypress 
trees  in  the  g^roves  and  parks,  for  there  is  a  scarcity  of  timber  in  Babylonia. 
Among  the  Cossiei  [Kossieans]  and  some  other  tribes  the  supply  of  timber 
is  not  great. 

The  pretext  for  tlie  war,  says  Aristobulus,  was  that  the  Arabians  were 
the  only  people  who  did  not  send  their  ambassadors  to  Alexander  ;  but  the 
true  reason  was  his  ambition  to  be  lord  of  all. 

When  he  was  informed  that  they  worshipped  two  deities  only,  Jupiter  and 
Baet'hus,  who  supply  what  is  most  requisite  for  the  subsistence  of  mankind, 
he  supj)osod  that,  after  his  conquests,  they  would  worship  him  as  a  third,  if 
he  permitted  them  to  enjoy  their  former  national  independence.  Thus  was 
Alexander  employed  in  clearing  the  canals,  and  in  examining  minutely  the 
sepulchres  of  the  kings,  most  of  which  are  situated  among  the  lakes. 

Eratosthenes,  when  he  is  speaking  of  the  lakes  near  Arabia,  says,  that  the 
water,  wheji  it  cannot  find  an  outlet,  opens  passages  underground,  and  is 
conveyed  through  these  as  far  as  the  Coele-Syrians,  it  is  also  compressed  and 
forced  into  the  parts  near  Rhinocolura  and  Mount  Casius,  and  there  forms 
lakes  and  deep  pits.  But  I  know  not  whether  this  is  probable.  For  the 
overflowings  of  the  water  of  the  Euphrates,  which  form  the  lakes  and  marshes 
near  Arabia,  are  near  the  Persian  Sea.  But  the  isthmus  which  separates 
them  is  neither  large  nor  rocky,  so  that  it  was  more  probable  that  the  water 
forced  its  way  in  this  direction  into  the  sea,  either  under  the  ground,  or 
across  the  surface,  than  that  it  traversed  so  dry  and  parched  a  soil  for  more 
than  six  thousand  stadia :  particularly,  when  we  observe,  situated  midway  in 
this  course,  Libanus,  Antilibanus,  and  Mount  Casius. 

Such,  then,  are  the  accounts  of  Eratosthenes  and  Aristobulus. 

But  I'olycleitus  says,  that  the  Euphrates  does  not  overflow  its  banks, 
because  its  course  is  through  large  plains  ;  that  of  the  mountains  (from  which 
it  is  supplied)  some  are  distant  two  thousand,  and  the  Kossa3an  Mountains 
scarcely  one  thousand  stadia,  that  they  are  not  very  high,  nor  covered  with 
snow  to  a  great  depth,  and  therefore  do  not  occasion  the  snow  to  melt  in 
great  masses,  for  the  most  elevated  mountains  are  in  the  northern  parts 
above  Ecbatana ;  towards  the  south  they  are  divided,  spread  out,  and  are 
much  lower ;  the  Tigris  also  receives  the  greater  part  of  the  water  (which 
comes  down  from  them)  and  thus  overflows  its  banks. 

The  last  assertion  is  evidently  absurd,  because  the  Tigris  descends  into  the 
same  plains  (as  the  Euphrates) ;  and  the  above-mentioned  mountains  are  not 
of  the  same  height,  the  northern  being  more  elevated,  the  southern  extending 
in  breadth,  l)ut  are  of  a  lower  altitude.  The  quantity  of  snow  is  not,  how- 
ever, to  be  estimated  by  altitude  only,  but  by  aspect.  The  same  mountain 
has  more  snow  on  the  northern  than  on  the  southern  side,  and  the  snow  con- 
tinues longer  on  the  former  than  on  the  latter.  As  the  Tigris  therefore 
receives  from  the  most  southern  parts  of  Armenia,  which  are  near  Babylon, 
the  water  of  the  melted  snow,  of  which  there  is  no  great  quantity,  since  it 
comes  from  the  southern  side,  it  should  overflow  in  a  less  degree  than  the 
Euphrates,  which  receives  the  water  from  both  parts  (northern  and  southern), 
and  not  from  a  single  mountain  only,  but  from  many,  as  I  have  mentioned  in 
the  description  of  Armenia.  To  this  we  must  add  the  length  of  the  river, 
the  large  tract  of  country  which  it  traverses  in  the  Greater  and  in  the  Lesser 
Armenia,  the  large  space  it  takes  in  its  course  in  passing  out  of  the  Lesser 
Armenia  and  Cappadocia,  after  issuing  out  of  the  Taurus  in  its  way  to  Thap- 
sacus  (forming  the  boundary  between  Syria  below  and  Mesopotamia),  and 


MANNEllS   AND   CUSTOMS   OF   BABYLONIA-ASSYRIA  485 

in  the  hot  season  the  glowing  sky  forces  the  inhabitants  during  the  day  into 
their  underground  vaults,  yet  they  enjoy  the  balmy  coolness  of  night  in  the 
open  air  on  their  house  tops.  The  delightful  temperature  of  the  winter 
months,  from  the  middle  of  November  to  that  of  February,  compensates  for 
the  inconveniences  of  summer,  though  at  the  same  time  it  offers  irresistible 
incentives  to  all  manner  of  sensual  enjoyments. 

It  must  surely  have  been  the  same  in  former  times.  Can  it  be  supposed 
that  those  who  came  down  the  Euphrates  from  the  royal  cities  of  Persia  and 
Media  to  the  great  city  of  traffic  had  not  the  same  spectacle  before  their 
eyes  ?  But  what  is  modern  Baghdad  compared  with  the  ancient  capital  of 
the  East  ?  What  crowds  must  have  once  thronged  the  streets  and  squares 
of  that  city  when  the  caravans  of  the  East  and  West,  with  the  crews  of  ships 
trading  to  the  south,  were  there  collected  together ;  when  the  Chaldean 
and  Persian  sovereigns,  with  their  numberless  attendants,  made  it  their  resi- 
dence ;  when  it  was  the  emporium  of  the  world,  and  the  great  centre  of 
attraction  to  all  nations  !  How  bustling  and  animated  must  not  these  deso- 
late places  have  been  formerly,  where  all  now  is  still,  save  the  call  of  the 
Bedouin  or  the  roaring  of  the  lion  ! 

The  accounts  of  ancient  Babylon  given  by  Jewish  and  Grecian  writers 
set  before  us  a  picture  of  wealth,  magnificence,  and  pomp,  though  at  the 
same  time  a  less  pleasing  representation  of  luxury  and  licentiousness.  Their 
banquets  were  carried  to  a  disgusting  excess,  and  the  pleasures  of  the  table 
degenerated  into  debauchery ;  nay,  at  the  very  time  when  the  victorious 
Persians  rushed  into  the  city,  the  princes  of  Babylon  were  engaged  in  festivi- 
ties ;  and  Belshazzar  was  given  up  to  intoxication  in  company  with  thou- 
sands of  his  lords  when  the  hand  which  wrote  on  the  wall  of  the  royal 
banqueting  house,  and  predicted  his  approaching  fate,  aroused  him  to  the 
dreadful  reality  of  his  condition.  But  this  total  degeneracy  of  manners  was 
above  all  conspicuous  in  the  other  sex,  amongst  whom  were  no  traces  of  that 
reserve  which  usually  prevails  in  an  eastern  harem.  The  prophet,  there- 
fore, when  he  denounces  the  fall  of  Babylon,  describes  it  under  the  image  of 
a  luxurious  and  lascivious  woman,  who  is  cast  headlong  into  slavery  from 
the  seat  where  she  sits  so  effeminately.  Moreover,  at  these  orgies  the 
women  appeared,  where  they  proceeded  so  far  as  to  lay  aside  their  garments, 
and  with  them  every  feeling  of  shame ;  nay,  there  was  even  a  religious 
enactment,  as  we  are  informed  by  Herodotus,  according  to  which  every 
woman  was  obliged  to  prostitute  herself  to  strangers  in  the  temple  of 
Mylitta  once  in  her  life,  and  was  not  allowed  to  reject  any  person  who  pre- 
sented himself. 

The  principal  cause  of  this  profligacy  of  manners  was  the  riches  and 
luxury  consequent  upon  extended  commerce,  which  Babylon  owed  to  its 
geographical  position.     Climate  and  religion  effected  the  rest. 

I  have  already  had  occasion  to  notice  this  advantageous  situation  of 
Babylonia,  in  which  respect  it  was  probably  superior  to  every  other  country 
in  Asia.  While  this  afforded  admirable  facilities  for  traffic  by  land,  it  was 
equally  convenient  for  maritime  and  river  navigation.  The  two  large  rivers 
which  flowed  on  each  side  of  it  seemed  tlie  natural  channels  of  connnercial 
intercourse  with  the  interior  of  Asia,  and  the  Persian  Gulf  by  no  means 
presented  the  same  difficulties  and  dangers  to  the  navigator  as  that  of 
Arabia. 

If  we  add  to  this  the  accounts  which  ancient  authors  have  given  us  of 
the  industry,  manners,  and  civil  institutions  of  Babylon,  it  will  be  evident 
that  it  owed  its  splendour  and  wealth  to  the  same  causes  which  in  latter 


486  THE  HISTORY   OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

times  have  been  the  occasion  of  an  extensive  commerce  to  the  cities  of 
Baghdad  and  Bassorah.  They  unanimously  describe  the  Babylonians  as  a 
people  fond  of  magnificence,  and  accustomed  to  a  multitude  of  artificial 
wants,  which  they  could  not  have  supplied  except  by  commercial  relations 
with  many  countries,  some  of  them  very  remote.  In  their  private  life, 
especially  in  their  dress,  costliness  appears  to  have  been  more  their  object 
than  either  convenience  or  utility.  Their  public  festivals  and  sacrifices  were 
attended  with  immense  expense,  particularly  in  precious  perfumes,  with 
whieh  they  could  not  have  been  provided  but  from  foreign  countries.  The 
raw  materials,  too,  required  for  their  celebrated  manufactures  —  flax,  cotton, 
and  wool,  and  perhaps  silk  —  were  either  not  the  produce  of  their  soil,  or  cer- 
tainly not  in  Kufiieient  quantities  for  their  consumption.  Lastly,  many  of 
their  civil  institutions  were  of  sucli  a  nature  as  only  to  be  calculated  for  a 
city  into  whicli  there  was  a  continual  influx  of  strangers.  On  this  principle 
alone  can  be  explained,  not  only  their  custom  of  exposing  sick  persons  in 
the  market-place,  that  they  might  meet  with  some  one  competent  to  prescribe 
for  them,  but  also,  and  more  particularly,  the  above-mentioned  law,  which 
obliged  their  women  to  prostitute  themselves  in  the  temple  of  Mylitta,  and 
the  public  auction  of  marriageable  virgins.  It  has  been  already  observed 
that  the  relations  of  the  sexes  are  formed  in  a  peculiar  manner  in  large  com- 
mercial cities,  and  this  will  serve  to  explain  many  remarkable  institutions  of 
several  nations  in  Asia. 

However  certain  may  be  the  evidence  drawn  from  these  principles,  and 
the  accounts  of  antiquity  in  general,  viz.,  that  Babylon  was  the  great  centre 
where  all  nations  assembled,  and  whence  they  dejjarted  to  their  several  des- 
tinations, yet  it  is  diflicult  to  enter  in  detail  on  the  commerce  of  the  Baby- 
lonians, and  to  settle  with  any  degree  of  accuracy  its  nature  and  its  course. 
The  obscure  traces  of  it  which  yet  remain  must  be  laboriously  sought  for  in 
the  works  of  Greek  and  Hebrew  writers  alone  ;  the  labour,  however,  will 
not  l)e  without  its  recompense,  and  the  general  result  of  this  investigation 
will  be  a  picture,  which,  though  not  complete  in  its  subordinate  details,  will 
yet  j)resent  a  generally  faithful  outline. 

As  a  preliminary  step,  however,  let  us  take  a  glance  at  the  products  of 
Babylonian  skill  and  industry,  amongst  which  weaving  of  various  kinds 
deserves  our  first  notice.  The  peculiar  dress  of  the  Babylonians  consisted 
partly  of  woollen,  and  partly  of  linen,  or  probably  cotton  stuffs.  "  They 
wear,"  says  Herodotus,  "a  gown  of  linen  (or  cotton)  flowing  down  to  the 
feet,  over  this,  an  upper  woollen  garment,  and  a  white  (woollen)  tunic  cover- 
ing the  whole."  Tliis  garb,  which  must  have  been  too  much  for  so  warm  a 
climate,  seems  to  have  been  assumed  rather  for  ostentation,  than  to  meet  their 
actual  wants,  and  probably  some  alteration  w^as  made  in  it  as  the  weather 
became  warmer.  Their  woven  stuffs,  however,  were  not  confined  to  domestic 
use,  but  were  exported  into  foreign  countries.  Carpets,  one  of  the  principal 
objects  of  luxury  in  the  East,  the  floors  of  the  rich  being  generally  covered 
with  thom,  were  nowhere  so  finely  woven,  and  in  such  splendid  colours,  as  at 
liabylon.  Particular  representations  were  seen  on  them,  of  those  wonderful 
Indian  animals,  the  griflin  and  others,  with  which  we  have  become  acquainted 
by  the  ruins  of  Persepolis,  wiience  the  knowledge  of  them  was  brought  to 
the  West.  Foreign  nations  made  use  of  these  carpets  in  the  decoration  of 
their  liarems  and  royal  saloons;  indeed,  this  species  of  luxury  appears  no- 
wlierc  to  have  been  carried  farther  than  among  the  Persians.  With  them, 
not  only  the  floors,  but  even  beds  and  sofas  in  the  houses  of  the  nobles  were 
covered  with  two  or  three  of  these  carpets ;  nay,  the  oldest  of  their  sacred 


MANNERS   AND   CUSTOMS   OF   BABYLONIA-ASSYRIA  487 

edifices,  the  tomb  of  Cyrus  at  Pasargada,  was  ornamented  with  a  purple  one 
of  Babylonian  workmanship. 

Babylonian  garments  were  not  less  esteemed ;  those  in  particular  called 
sindones  were  in  very  high  repute.  It  appears  that  they  were  usually  of 
cotton,  and  the  most  costly  were  so  highly  valued  for  their  brilliancy  of  col- 
our and  fineness  of  texture,  as  to  be  compared  to  those  of  Media,  and  set 
apart  for  royal  use  ;  they  were  even  to  be  found  at  the  tomb  of  Cyrus,  which 
was  profusely  decorated  with  every  description  of  furniture  in  use  amongst 
tlie  Persian  kings  during  their  lives.  The  superiority  of  Babylonian  robes 
and  carpets  will  not  be  a  matter  of  surprise,  when  we  consider  how  near 
Babylon  was  to  Carmania  on  the  one  side,  and  to  Arabia  and  Syria  on  the 
other,  and  that  in  these  countries  the  finest  cotton  was  produced. 

Large  weaving  establishments  were  not  confined  to  the  capital,  but 
existed  likewise  in  other  cities  and  inferior  towns  of  Babylonia,  which  Semi- 
ramis  is  said  to  have  built  on  the  banks  of  the  Euphrates  and  Tigris,  and 
which  she  appointed  as  marts  for  those  who  imported  Median  and  Persian 
goods.  These  manufacturing  towns  also  were,  as  will  soon  be  shown  in 
respect  to  Opis,  staples  for  land  traffic.  The  most  famous  of  them  was  Bor- 
sippa,  situated  on  the  Euphrates,  fifteen  miles  below  Babylon,  and  mentioned 
in  history  before  the  time  of  Cyrus.  These  were  the  principal  linen  and 
cotton  manufactories,  and  they  still  existed  in  the  age  of  Strabo. 

Besides  these,  the  Babylonians  appear  to  have  made  all  kinds  of  apparel, 
and  every  article  of  luxury :  such  as  sweet  waters,  which  were  in  common 
use,  and  probably  necessary,  from  the  heat  of  the  climate ;  walking-sticks 
delicately  chased  with  figures  of  animals  and  other  objects,  and  also  elegantly 
engraved  stones,  were  in  general  use  amongst  the  Babylonians. 

These  stones  begin  to  form  a  particular  class,  since  the  curiosities  called 
Babylonian  cylinders  have  become  less  rare.  IMany  of  them  have  undoubt- 
edly served  for  seal  rings ;  for  in  the  East  the  seal  supplies  the  place  of  a 
signature,  or  at  any  rate  makes  it  valid,  as  we  still  see  on  specimens  of  Baby- 
lonian documents.  The  same  may  be  said  of  the  cylinders.  We  have  a 
striking  illustration  of  the  perfection  to  which  the  Babylonians  had  brought 
the  art  of  cutting  precious  stones  in  the  collection  of  M.  Dorow,  which  con- 
tains a  cylinder,  formed  from  a  jasper,  bearing  a  cuneiform  inscription,  and 
an  image  of  a  winged  Ized,  or  Genius,  in  a  flowing  Babylonian  dress,  repre- 
sented in  the  act  of  crushing  with  each  hand  an  ostrich,  the  bird  of  Ahriman. 
These  various  manufactures  and  works  of  art  presuppose  an  extensive  com- 
merce, because  the  necessary  materials  must  have  been  imported  from  foreign 
countries. 

From  what  has  been  already  adduced,  no  doubt  can  be  entertained  tliat 
Babylon  enjoyed  a  lively  commerce  with  the  principal  countries  of  the  Per- 
sian Empire.  Not  only  did  the  Persian  and  IMedian  lords  decorate  their 
houses  with  the  productions  of  Babylonian  skill,  but  the  kings  of  Persia 
spent  a  great  part  of  the  year  in  that  city  with  all  their  numerous  attend- 
ants, added  to  which  the  satraps  exhibited  in  the  same  capital  a  pomp  but 
little  inferior  to  royal  magnificence.  Owing  to  tliis  intimate  connection  be- 
tween the  chief  provinces  of  Persia  and  Babylonia,  the  country  lying  between 
this  and  Susa  became  the  most  populous  and  cultivated  in  Asia;  and  a  higli- 
way  was  made  from  Babylon  to  Susa,  which  Avas  twenty  days"  journey  dis- 
tant, sufficiently  commodious  for  the  baggage  of  an  army  to  be  conveyed  on 
it  without  difTiculty.  The  investigation,  however,  is  involved  in  greater 
difficulties  as  we  proceed  towards  the  east  beyond  I'ersia,  though  a  principal 
country  to  which  they  traded,  that  is  to  say,  Persian  India,  or  the  present 


486 


THE   HISTORY   OF  MESOPOTAMIA 


times  have  been  the  occasion  of  an  extensive  commerce  to  the  cities  of 
Baghdad  and  Bassorah.  They  unanimously  describe  the  Babylonians  as  a 
people  fond  of  magnificence,  and  accustomed  to  a  multitude  of  artificial 
wants,  which  they  could  not  have  supplied  except  by  commercial  relations 
with  many  countries,  some  of  them  very  remote.  In  their  private  life, 
especially  in  their  dress,  costliness  appears  to  have  been  more  their  object 
than  either  convenience  or  utility.  Their  public  festivals  and  sacrifices  were 
attended  with  immense  expense,  particularly  in  precious  perfumes,  with 
which  they  could  not  have  been  provided  but  from  foreign  countries.  The 
raw  materials,  too,  required  for  their  celebrated  manufactures  —  flax,  cotton, 
and  wool,  and  perhaps  silk  —  were  either  not  the  produce  of  their  soil,  or  cer- 
tainly not  in  sullicicnt  quantities  for  their  consumption.  Lastly,  many  of 
their  civil  institutions  were  of  such  a  nature  as  only  to  be  calculated  for  a 
city  into  which  there  was  a  continual  influx  of  strangers.  On  this  principle 
alone  can  be  explained,  not  only  their  custom  of  exposing  sick  persons  in 
the  market-place,  that  they  might  meet  with  some  one  competent  to  prescribe 
for  them,  but  also,  and  more  particularly,  the  above-mentioned  law,  which 
obliged  their  women  to  prostitute  themselves  in  the  temple  of  Mylitta,  and 
the  public  auction  of  marriageable  virgins.  It  has  been  already  observed 
tliat  the  relations  of  the  sexes  are  formed  in  a  peculiar  manner  in  large  com- 
mercial cities,  and  this  will  serve  to  explain  many  remarkable  institutions  of 
several  nations  in  Asia. 

However  certain  may  be  the  evidence  drawn  from  these  principles,  and 
tlie  accounts  of  antiquity  in  general,  viz.,  that  Babylon  was  the  great  centre 
where  all  nations  assembled,  and  whence  they  departed  to  their  several  des- 
tinations, yet  it  is  diflicult  to  enter  in  detail  on  the  commerce  of  the  Baby- 
lonians, and  to  settle  with  any  degree  of  accuracy  its  nature  and  its  course. 
The  obscure  traces  of  it  which  yet  remain  must  be  laboriously  sought  for  in 
the  works  of  Greek  and  Hebrew  writers  alone  ;  the  labour,  however,  will 
not  be  witliout  its  recompense,  and  the  general  result  of  this  investigation 
will  be  a  picture,  which,  though  not  complete  in  its  subordinate  details,  will 
yet  j)resent  a  generally  faithful  outline. 

As  a  preliminary  step,  however,  let  us  take  a  glance  at  the  products  of 
liabylonian  skill  and  industry,  amongst  which  Aveaving  of  various  kinds 
deserves  our  first  notice.  The  peculiar  dress  of  the  Babylonians  consisted 
partly  of  woollen,  and  i)artly  of  linen,  or  probably  cotton  stuffs.  "They 
wear,"  says  Hca-odotus,  "a  gown  of  linen  (or  cotton)  flowing  down  to  the 
feet,  over  this,  an  upptu-  woollen  garment,  and  a  white  (woollen)  tunic  cover- 
ing the  whole."  This  garb,  which  must  have  been  too  much  for  so  warm  a 
climate,  seems  to  liave  been  assumed  rather  for  ostentation,  than  to  meet  their 
actual  wants,  and  pi-obably  some  alteration  w'as  made  in  it  as  the  weather 
became  warmer.  Their  woven  stuffs,  however,  were  not  confined  to  domestic 
use,  but  were  exported  into  foreign  countries.  Carpets,  one  of  the  principal 
objects  of  luxury  in  the  East,  the  floors  of  the  rich  being  generally  covered 
with  them,  were  nowhere  so  finely  woven,  and  in  such  splendid  colours,  as  at 
liabylon.  Particular  representations  were  seen  on  them,  of  those  wonderful 
Indian  animals,  the  griffin  and  others,  with  which  we  have  become  acquainted 
by  the  ruins  of  Persepolis,  wlience  the  knowledge  of  them  was  brought  to 
the  West.  Foreign  nations  made  use  of  these  carpets  in  the  decoration  of 
their  harems  and  royal  saloons;  indeed,  this  species  of  luxury  appears  no- 
where to  have  been  carried  fartlier  than  among  the  Persians.  With  them, 
not  only  the  floors,  but  even  beds  and  sofas  in  the  houses  of  the  nobles  were 
cov.M-.-.l  with  two  or  three  of  these  carpets;  nay,  the  oldest  of  their  sacred 


MANNEES   AND   CUSTOMS   OF   BABYLONIA-ASSYRIA 


487 


edifices,  the  tomb  of  Cyrus  at  Pasargada,  was  ornamented  with  a  purple  one 
of  Babylonian  workmanship. 

Babylonian  garments  were  not  less  esteemed;  those  in  particular  called 
sindones  were  in  very  high  repute.  It  appears  that  they  were  usually  of 
cotton,  and  the  most  costly  were  so  highly  valued  for  their  brilliancy  of  col- 
our and  fineness  of  texture,  as  to  be  compared  to  those  of  Media,  and  set 
apart  for  royal  use  ;  they  were  even  to  be  found  at  tlie  tomb  of  Cyrus,  which 
was  profusely  decorated  with  every  description  of  furniture  in  use  amongst 
the  Persian  kings  during  their  lives.  The  superiority  of  Babylonian  robes 
and  carpets  will  not  be  a  matter  of  surprise,  when  we  consider  how  near 
Babylon  was  to  Carmania  on  the  one  side,  and  to  Arabia  and  Syria  on  the 
other,  and  that  in  these  countries  the  finest  cotton  was  produced. 

Large  weaving  establishments  were  not  confined  to  the  capital,  but 
existed  likewise  in  other  cities  and  inferior  towns  of  Babylonia,  which  Semi- 
ramis  is  said  to  have  built  on  the  banks  of  the  Euphrates  and  Tigris,  and 
which  she  appointed  as  marts  for  those  who  imported  Median  and  Persian 
goods.  These  manufacturing  towns  also  were,  as  will  soon  be  shown  in 
respect  to  Opis,  staples  for  land  traffic.  The  most  famous  of  them  was  Bor- 
sippa,  situated  on  the  Euphrates,  fifteen  miles  below  Babylon,  and  mentioned 
in  history  before  the  time  of  Cyrus.  These  were  the  principal  linen  and 
cotton  manufactories,  and  they  still  existed  in  the  age  of  Strabo. 

Besides  these,  the  Babylonians  appear  to  have  made  all  kinds  of  apparel, 
and  every  article  of  luxury :  such  as  sweet  waters,  which  were  in  common 
use,  and  probably  necessary,  from  the  heat  of  the  climate ;  walking-sticks 
delicately  chased  with  figures  of  animals  and  other  objects,  and  also  elegantly 
engraved  stones,  were  in  general  use  amongst  the  Babylonians. 

These  stones  begin  to  form  a  particular  class,  since  the  curiosities  called 
Babylonian  cylinders  have  become  less  rare.  Many  of  them  have  undoubt- 
edly served  for  seal  rings ;  for  in  the  East  the  seal  supplies  the  place  of  a 
signature,  or  at  any  rate  makes  it  valid,  as  we  still  see  on  specimens  of  Baby- 
lonian documents.  The  same  may  be  said  of  the  cylinders.  We  have  a 
striking  illustration  of  the  perfection  to  which  the  Babylonians  had  brought 
the  art  of  cutting  precious  stones  in  the  collection  of  M.  Dorow,  which  con- 
tains a  cylinder,  formed  from  a  jasper,  bearing  a  cuneiform  inscription,  and 
an  image  of  a  winged  Ized,  or  Genius,  in  a  flowing  Babylonian  dress,  repre- 
sented in  the  act  of  crushing  with  each  hand  an  ostrich,  the  bird  of  Ahriman. 
These  various  manufactures  and  works  of  art  presuppose  an  extensive  com- 
merce, because  the  necessary  materials  must  have  been  imported  from  foreign 
countries. 

From  what  has  been  already  adduced,  no  doubt  can  be  entertained  that 
Babylon  enjoyed  a  lively  commerce  with  the  principal  countries  of  the  Per- 
sian Empire.  Not  only  did  the  Persian  and  Median  lords  decorate  their 
houses  with  the  productions  of  Babylonian  skill,  but  the  kings  of  Persia 
spent  a  great  part  of  the  year  in  that  city  with  all  their  numerous  attend- 
ants, added  to  which  the  satraps  exhibited  in  the  same  capital  a  pomj)  but 
little  inferior  to  royal  magnificence.  Owing  to  this  intimate  connection  be- 
tween the  chief  provinces  of  Persia  and  Babylonia,  the  country  lying  between 
this  and  Susa  became  the  most  populous  and  cultivated  in  Asia ;  and  a  higli- 
way  was  made  from  Babylon  to  Susa,  which  was  twenty  days'  journey  dis- 
tant, sufficiently  commodious  for  the  baggage  of  an  army  to  be  conveyed  on 
it  without  difficulty.  The  investigation,  however,  is  involved  in  greater 
difficulties  as  we  proceed  towards  the  east  beyond  Persia,  though  a  principal 
country  to  which  they  traded,  that  is  to  say,  Persian  India,  or  the  present 


488  THE   HISTORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

Behir-land,  and  with  the  parts  adjacent,  whence  the  Babylonians  imported 
many  of  their  most  highly  prized  commodities,  afford  a  clear  proof  of  the 
direction  and  extent  of  this  commerce. 

The  iirst  article  wliicli  we  may  coniidently  assert  the  Babylonians  to  have 
obtained,  at  least  in  part,  from  these  countries,  were  precious  stones,  the 
use  of  which  for  seal  rings  was  very  general  amongst  them.  Ctesias  says 
expressly,  that  these  stones  came  from  India;  and  that  onyxes,  sardines,  and 
the  other  stones  used  for  seals  were  obtained  in  the  mountains  bordering 
on  the  sandy  desert.  The  testimonies  of  modern  travellers  have  proved  that 
the  account  of  this  author  is  entitled  to  full  credit ;  and  that  even  at  the 
present  time  the  lapis-lazuli  is  found  there  in  its  greatest  perfection ;  and  if 
it  be  added  to  this  that  what  Ctesias  relates  of  India  undoubtedly  refers  for 
the  most  part  to  these  northern  countries,  we  must  consider  it  probable  that 
the  stones  in  question  were  found  in  the  mountains  of  which  we  are  speak- 
ing;  while  with  regard  to  the  sapphire  of  the  ancients,  that  is  to  say,  our 
lapis-lazuli,  I  liave  no  doubt  that  it  is  a  native  of  this  country.  A  decisive 
proof  is  furnished  by  Theophrastus,  a  more  recent  author,  but  worthy  of 
credit.  "Emeralds  and  jaspers,"  says  he,  "  which  are  used  as  objects  of  deco- 
ration, come  from  the  desert  of  Bactria  (of  Gobi).  They  are  sought  for  by 
persons  who  go  thither  on  horseback  at  the  time  of  the  north  wind,  which 
blows  away  the  sand,  and  so  discovers  them."  "The  largest  of  the  emeralds 
called  Bactrian,"  says  he,  in  another  place,  "  is  at  Tyre,  in  the  temple  of 
Hercules.  It  forms  a  tolerably  large  pillar."  The  passage,  however,  of 
Ctesias,  to  which  we  have  referred,  as  a  modern  author  has  justly  remarked, 
contains  some  indications,  which,  relatively  to  onyxes,  appear  to  refer  to  the 
Ghat  Mountains ;  since  he  speaks  of  a  hot  country  not  far  from  the  sea. 

The  circumstance  of  large  quantities  of  onyxes  coming  out  of  these 
mountains  at  the  present  day,  viz.,  the  mountains  near  Cambaya  and 
Beroach,  the  ancient  Barygaza,  must  render  this  opinion  so  much  the  more 
probable,  as  it  was  this  very  part  of  the  Indian  coast  wdth  which  the  ancients 
were  most  acquainted  ;  and  their  navigation  from  the  Persian  Gulf  to  these 
regions,  as  will  be  shown  hereafter,  admits  of  no  doubt.  This  opinion,  how- 
ever, must  not  lead  us  to  conclude,  that  the  commerce  of  Babylon  was 
confined  to  those  countries ;  for  that  they  were  acquainted  with  the  above- 
mentioned  northern  districts  is  equally  certain. 

Hence  also  the  Babylonians  imported  Indian  dogs.  This  breed  is  as- 
serted to  be  the  largest  and  strongest  that  exist,  and  on  that  account  the 
best  suited  for  hunting  wild  beasts,  even  lions,  which  they  wnll  very  readily 
attack.  The  great  fondness  felt  by  the  Persians  for  the  pleasures  of  the 
chase,  by  whom  it  was  regarded  as  a  chivalrous  exercise,  must  have  in- 
creased the  value  and  use  of  these  animals,  which  soon  became  even  an  object 
of  luxury.  The  Persian  nobles  were  obliged  to  keep  a  great  number  of 
them,  as  they  formed  a  necessary  part  of  their  domestic  economy,  and  their 
train;  and  they  were  also  accustomed  to  take  them  with  them  on  their 
journeys  and  military  expeditions.  Thus  Xerxes,  as  we  are  assured  by 
Herodotus,  was  followed  by  an  innumerable  quantity  of  dogs,  when  he 
inarched  against  Greece;  and  an  example  taken  from  the  same  writer 
shows  to  what  a  pitch  the  Persian  lords  and  satraps  had  carried  their  luxury 
in  this  particular.  Tritantsechmes,  satrap  of  Babylon,  devoted  to  the  main- 
tenance of  these  Indian  dogs  no  less  than  four  towns  of  his  government, 
wliich  were  exempted  from  all  other  taxes.  It  is  easy  to  settle  the  extent 
of  tiiis  Ijranch  of  commerce,  admitting,  as  is  reasonable,  that  they  were 
propagated  in  the  country. 


MANNERS   AND   CUSTOMS   OF  BABYLONIA-ASSYEIA  491 

As  to  the  rest,  the  division  into  stations  was  evidently  adopted  for  the 
advantage  of  the  caravans.  According  to  Herodotus,  the  distance  between 
each  station  was  five  parasangs,  a  journey  of  seven  or  eight  hours ;  and  this 
we  learn  from  Tavernier  is  exactly  the  space  which  caravans  consisting  of 
loaded  camels  are  accustomed  to  traverse  in  the  course  of  a  day ;  but  those 
of  horses  travel  much  faster.  As  this  road,  however,  was  perfectly  safe, 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that  single  merchants  and  travellers  performed  the 
journey  alone. 

A  third  branch  of  Babylonian  commerce  in  the  interior  of  Asia  had  a 
northern  direction,  particularly  to  Armenia.  The  Armenians  had  the  advan- 
tage of  the  Euphrates  to  convey  their  wares  to  Babylon,  and  amongst  these 
wine,  which  the  soil  of  Babylonia  did  not  produce,  was  the  principal.  He- 
rodotus has  described  this  navigation ;  and  we  learn  from  him  that  the  ships 
or  floats  of  the  Armenians  were  constructed  similarly  to  those  which  are  at 
present  seen  on  the  Tigris,  under  the  appellation  of  kilets.  The  skeleton 
only  was  of  wood;  this  had  a  covering  of  skins  overlaid  with  reeds ;  and  an 
oval  form  was  given  to  the  whole,  so  that  there  was  no  difference  between 
the  stern  and  prow.  They  were  filled  with  goods,  esi)ecially  large  casks  of 
wine,  and  then  guided  down  the  stream  by  two  oars.  The  size  of  these  barks 
varied  considerably  ;  Herodotus  observed  some  which  were  rated  at  more 
than  five  thousand  talents'  burthen  [i.e.  about  12,000  tons  by  the  least  esti- 
mate] .  On  their  arrival  at  Babylon,  the  conductoi-s  sold  not  only  the  cargo, 
but  also  the  skeleton ;  the  skins,  however,  were  carried  back  by  land  on 
asses,  which  they  brought  with  them  for  the  purpose ;  since,  as  the  historian 
has  remarked,  the  force  of  the  stream  rendered  it  impossible  for  them  to 
return  up  the  river  :  thus,  in  Germany,  the  market  boats  which  go  down  the 
Danube  to  Vienna  never  return,  but  are  sold  with  the  commodities  which 
they  convey. 

We  shall  be  led  to  conclude,  that  the  navigation  of  the  Euphrates  must 
have  been  very  important,  if  we  recollect  the  great  works  which  were  per- 
formed in  order  to  secure  it.  Herodotus  speaks  of  it  as  extraordinary;  and, 
truly,  if  we  believe,  as  there  is  great  probability  for  doing,  that  this  trade 
was  confined  to  the  consumption  of  Babylon,  it  must  necessarily  have  been 
very  considerable,  from  the  immense  population  of  the  city,  and  from  the 
peculiarity  of  its  soil,  which,  as  it  yielded  a  superfluity  of  some  things,  was 
necessarily  quite  deficient  in  others.  Hence  the  Babylonians  were  obliged 
to  import  from  the  northern  regions  those  necessaries  of  life  which  their  own 
soil  failed  to  produce;  and  we  shall  have  more  distinct  notions  respecting  this 
trade  if  we  recollect  that  Herodotus  includes  under  the  name  of  Armenia,  in 
addition  to  the  mountainous  district  which  may  be  termed  Armenia  propei-, 
also  the  whole  of  that  rich  and  fruitful  country,  northern  Mesopotamia. e 

SHIPS   AMONG   THE  ASSYRIANS 

One  does  not  think  of  the  Assyrians  as  a  naval  people,  yet  that  they 
also  went  down  to  the  sea  in  ships,  we  may  learn  from  Layard's  researches. 

Although  the  Assyrians  were  properly  an  inland  people,  yet  their  con- 
quests and  expeditions,  particularly  at  a  later  period,  brought  them  into 
contact  with  maritime  nations.  We  consequently  find,  on  the  monuments 
of  Khorsabad  and  Kuyunjik,  frequent  representations  of  naval  engagements 
and  operations  on  the  seacoast.  In  the  most  ancient  palace  of  Nimrud 
only  bas-reliefs  with  a  river  have  been  discovered  ;  they  furnish  us,  however, 
with  the  forms  of  vessels,  evidently  of  Assyrian  construction  —  all  tliose  in 


492 


THE  HISTORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA 


the  sculptures  of  Khorsabad  and  Kuyunjik  belonging  probably  to  allies  or 
to  the  enemy.  It  may  be  presumed  that  the  rivers  navigated  by  the  early 
Assyrians,  and  represented  in  their  bas-reliefs,  were  the  Tigris,  Euphrates, 
and  Khabur. 

Herodotus  thus  describes  the  Babylonian  vessels  of  a  later  period:  "The 
l)oats  used  by  those  who  come  to  the  city  (Babylon)  are  of  a  circular  form, 
and  made  of  skins.  They  are  constructed  in  Armenia,  in  the  parts  above 
Assyria.  The  ribs  of  the  vessels  are  formed  of  willow  boughs  and  branches, 
and  covered  externally  with  skins.  They  are  round  like  a  shield,  there 
being  no  distinction  between  the  head  and  stern.  Tliey  line  the  bottoms  of 
their  boats  with  reeds  (or  straw),  and,  taking  on  board  merchandise,  princi- 


Bas-rklif.f  of  an  Assyrian  Galley 

pally  palm  wine,  float  down  the  stream.  The  boats  have  two  oars,  one  man 
to  each ;  one  pulls  to  him,  the  other  pushes  from  him.  These  vessels  are  of 
different  dimensions  ;  some  of  them  are  so  large  that  they  bear  freight  to 
the  value  of  five  thousand  talents  [£1,000,000  or  85,000,000].  The  smaller 
have  one  ass  on  board,  the  larger  several.  On  their  arrival  at  Babylon  the 
boatmen  dispose  of  their  goods,  and  also  offer  for  sale  the  ribs  and  the  reeds 
(or  straw).  They  then  load  their  asses  with  the  skins,  and  return  with 
them  to  Armenia,  where  they  construct  new  vessels." 

I  was,  at  one  time,  inclined  to  believe  that  the  description  of  Herodotus 
applied  to  the  rafts  still  constructed  on  the  rivers  of  Mesopotamia,  and  used, 
it  will  be  remembered,  for  the  conveyance  of  the  sculptures  from  Nimrud 
to  Bassorali.  The  materials  of  which  they  are  made  are  precisely  those 
mentioned  by  the  Greek  historian,  and  they  are  still  disposed  of  at  Baghdad 
in  the  same  way  as  they  were  in  his  day  at  Babylon.  But  the  boats  which 
excited  the  wonder  of  Herodotus  seem  to  have  been  more  solidly  built,  and 
were  capable  of  bearing  animals,  to  which  purpose  the  modern  raft  could  not 
be  applied.  They  were  probably  more  like  the  circular  vessels  now  used  at 
Baghdad,  built  of  boughs,  and  sometimes  covered  with  skins,  over  which 
bitumen  is  smeared,  to  render  the  whole  waterproof.  The  boats  commonly 
einployed  for  the  conveyance  of  goods  and  animals,  on  the  lower  part  of  the 
Tigris  and  Euphrates,  and  for  ferries  on  all  parts  of  those  rivers,  are  con- 
structed of  planks  of  poplar  wood,  rudely  joined  together  by  iron  nails  or 
wooden  ])ins,  and  coated  with  bitumen. 

In  a  bas-relief,  from  the  most  ancient  palace  of  Nimrud,  two  kinds  of 
boats  are  introduced.  The  larger  vessel  contains  the  king  in  his  chariot, 
with  his  attendants  and  eunuchs.  It  is  both  impelled  by  oars  and  towed  by 
men.  The  smaller  resembles  that  described  by  Herodotus.  The  head  does 
not  differ  in  form  from  the  stern,  and  two  men  sit  face  to  face  at  the  oars. 


MAKNERS   AND  CUSTOMS   OF   BABYLONIA-ASSYRIA  493 

In  this  bas-relief  are  also  represented  men  supporting  themselves  upon 
inflated  skins  —  a  manner  of  crossing  rivers  still  generally  practised  in 
Mesopotamia. 

The  larger  boats  were  steered  by  a  long  oar,  to  the  end  of  which  was 
attached  a  square  or  oval  board.  This  oar  was  held  in  its  place  b}^  a  rope 
fastened  to  a  wooden  pin  at  the  stern.  By  this  contrivance  the  steersman 
had  considerable  control  over  the  vessel,  and  could  impel  it  or  turn  the  head 
at  pleasure.  This  mode  of  steering  and  propelling  boats  still  prevails  on 
the  Mesopotamian  rivers. 

The  vessels  of  the  Khorsabad  sculptures  show  a  considerable  advance  in 
the  knowledge  of  ship-building.  That  they  did  not  belong  to  the  Assyrians, 
but  to  some  allied  nation,  appears  to  be  indicated  by  the  peculiar  costume  of 
the  figures  in  them.^  The  form  of  the  vessel  is  not  inelegant ;  it  is  that  of 
a  sea  monster,  the  prow  being  in  the  shape  of  the  head  of  a  horse,  and  the 
stern  in  that  of  the  tail  of  a  fish.  Several  men  stand  at  the  oars.  The  mast, 
supported  by  two  ropes,  appears  to  be  surmounted  by  a  box,  or  what  is 
technically  called  a  crow's  nest,  which,  in  the  galleys  of  the  Egyptians, 
frequently  held  an  archer. 

But  it  was  in  the  sculptures  of  Kuyunjik  that  vessels  were  found  repre- 
sented in  the  greatest  perfection.  From  their  position  in  the  bas-reliefs, 
with  reference  to  the  besieging  army,  it  would  seem  that  they  did  not  belong 
to  the  Assyrians  themselves,  but  to  a  people  with  whom  they  were  at  war, 
and  whom  they  appear  to  have  conquered.  The  sea  was  also  here  indicated 
by  the  nature  of  the  fish  and  marine  animals ;  such  as  the  star  or  jell}^  fish 
and  a  kind  of  shark.  A  castle  stood  on  the  shore ;  and  the  inhabitants, 
attacked  on  the  land  side,  were  deserting  the  city  and  taking  refuge  in  their 
vessels. 

The  larger  galleys  of  these  bas-reliefs  were  of  peculiar  form,  and  nuiy,  I 
think,  be  identified  with  the  vessels  used  to  a  comparatively  late  period  by 
the  inhabitants  of  the  great  maritime  cities  of  the  Syrian  coast  —  by  the 
people  of  Tyre  and  Sidon.  Their  height  out  of  the  water,  when  compared 
with  the  depth  of  keel,  was  very  considerable.  The  fore  part  rose  perpen- 
dicularly from  a  low  sharp  prow,  which  resembled  a  ploughshare,  and  was 
probably  of  iron  or  some  other  metal,  being  intended,  like  that  of  the  Roman 
galley,  to  sink  or  disable  the  enemy's  ships.  The  stern  was  curved  from  the 
keel,  and  ended  in  a  point  high  above  the  upper  deck.  There  were  two  tiers 
of  rowers ;  but  whether  they  were  divided  by  a  deck  or  merely  sat  upon 
benches  placed  at  different  elevations  in  the  hold,  does  not  appear  from  the 
sculptures.  Above  the  rowers  was  a  deck,  on  which  stood  the  armed  men. 
These  vessels  had  only  one  mast,  to  the  top  of  which  was  attached  a  very 
long  yard,  held  by  ropes.  In  the  sculptures  the  sails  were  represented  as 
furled.  The  number  of  rowers  in  the  bas-reliefs  was  generall}^  eight  on  a 
side.  Only  the  heads  of  the  upper  tier  of  men  were  visible  ;  the  lower  tier 
was  completely  concealed,  the  oars  passing  through  small  apertures,  or  port- 
holes, in  the  sides  of  the  vessel. 

Besides  the  vessel  I  have  described,  a  smaller  is  rei)resented  in  the  same 
bas-reliefs.  It  has  also  a  double  tier  of  rowers ;  but  the  head  and  stern  are 
differently  constructed  from  those  of  the  larger  galley,  and  both  being  of  the 
same  shape,  are  not  to  be  distinguished  one  from  the  other  except  by  the 
position  of  the  rowers.  They  rise  high  above  the  water,  and  are  flat  at 
the  top,  with  a  beak  projecting  outward.     This  vessel  had  no  mast,  and 

1  Small  boats  similarly  constructed  are,  however,  introduced  into  a  bas-relief,  which  appears 
to  represent  a  scene  on  an  Assyrian  river  or  lake. 


494 


THE   HISTORY   OF   MESOPOTAMIA 


was  impelled  entirely  by  oars.     On  the  upper  deck  are  seen  warriors  armed 
with  spears,  and  women. 

It  is  impossible  to  determine  from  the  sculptures  the  size  of  the  vessels, 
as  the  relative  proportions  between  them  and  the  figures  they  contain  are 
not  preserved.  It  is  most  probable  that  the  four  rowers  in  each  tier  are 
merely  a  conventional  number,  and  we  cannot,  therefore,  conjecture  the 
length  of  the  ship  from  them.  No  representations  of  naval  engagements, 
as  on  the  monuments  of  Egypt,  have  yet  been  found  in  the  Assyrian  edifices. 
It  is  most  probable  that,  not  being  a  maritime  people,  the  Assyrians  —  as 
the  Persians  did  afterwards  —  made  use  of  the  fleets  of  their  allies  in  their 
expeditions  by  sea,  furnishing  warriors  to  man  the  ships.  ^ 


LAWS   OF   THE   BABYLONIANS   AND    ASSYRIANS 

The  sense  of  justice  and  its  administration  play  a  large  part  in  the 
history  of  any  nation ;  and  we  are  so  fortunate  as  to  possess  certain  light 
on  the  courts  and   customs  of   Assyria. 

Asshurbanapal  opened  his  library,  not  only  to  the  documents  emanat- 
ing from  the  kings,  but  also  as  a  depository  for  collections  on  law,  juridicial 
decisions,  and  contracts  between  private  individuals. 

The  Assyrio-Chaldean  legislation  rested  on  laws  and  customs  which  were 
already  in  force  under  the  Sumerian  civilisation.  A  great  number  of  tablets 
written  in  both  languages  give  us  the  primitive  text  of  the  law  and  the 
corresponding  Assyrian  translation.  Others,  written  in  Assyrian,  are  full  of 
citations  from  Sumerian  texts. 

First  of  all,  there  is  a  long  fragment  of  laws  relating  to  the  family, 
written  in  Assyrian  and  Sumerian.     They  read  as  follows: 

"  It  has  thus  been  decided  by  the  sentence  of  the  judge :  '  If  a  son  (is 
authorised)  to  say  to  his  father  :  "  Thou  art  not  my  father,"  he  (the  son)  can 
sell  liim,  treat  him  as  a  forfeit,  and  give  him  in  payment  like  money. 

"  'If  a  son  (is  authorised)  to  say  to  his  mother:  "Thou  art  not  my  mother," 
he  will  cut  her  hair  off,  assemble  the  people,  and  make  her  go  out  of  his 
house. 

"  '  If  a  father  (is  authorised)  to  say  to  his  son:  "Thou  art  not  my  son,"  he 
(the  father)  can  shut  him  up  in  his  dwelling  and  in  the  cellar. 

"  'If  a  mother  (is  authorised)  to  say  to  her  son:  "  Thou  art  not  my  son," 
she  can  shut  him  up  in  her  dwelling  and  in  the  upper  chambers. 

"'If  a  wife  (is  authorised)  to  repudiate  her  husband,  and  to  say  to  him: 
"  Tliou  art  not  my  husband,"  she  can  have  him  thrown  into  the  river. 

"  'If  a  man  (is  authorised)  to  say  to  his  wife  :  "Thou  art  not  my  Avife," 
he  can  have  half  a  mina  of  silver  paid  to  him. 

" '  If  tlie  intendant  lets  a  slave  escape,  if  he  dies  (the  slave),  if  he  becomes 
infirm,  if  in  consequence  of  bad  treatment  he  becomes  ill,  he  (the  intendant) 
shall  pay  half  a  hin  of  corn  a  day  (to  the  master  of  the  slave).' " 

In  these  ancient  records  we  likewise  find  laws  concerning  property.  One 
tablet  seems  to  pertain  to  the  observations  made  by  a  Sumerian  agriculturist, 
which  were  proposed  to  the  Assyrian  agriculturists  of  the  seventh  century 
B.C.  First  of  all  are  indicated  the  best  conditions  of  crop-growing,  the  time 
for  sowing,  the  calculating  of  the  income,  the  tillage,  irrigation,  and  the 
injurious  animals  which  must  be  destroyed. 

It  is  evident  that,  in  spite  of  the  difference  in  property  or  wealth,  the 
interest*  is  always  the  same,  the  calculation  of  interest  on  different  sums  in 
contracts  showing  that  the  figures  bear  a  relation  to  one  another. 


MAJSnSTERS   AND   CUSTOMS   OF   BABYLONIA-ASSYRIA 


495 


;ryl  I- 


Loans  could  be  made  with  or  without  interest ;  they  could  be  made  with 
or  without  security,  and  these  securities  were  of  different  natures : 

"  For  the  interest  of  one's  money.  .  .  .  He  has  given  as  security.  .  .  . 
A  house,  a  field,  an  orchard,  a  female  slave,  a  male  slave." 

Exchanges  were  frequent,  and  from  the  data  on  the  tablets,  the  principal 
things  exchanged  are  known  : 

"•  They  exchanged  a  house  for  money.  They  exchanged  a  field  for  money. 
They  exchanged  an  orchard  for  money.  They  exchanged  a  female  slave  for 
money.     They  exchanged  a  male  slave  for  money." 

Trials  are  inherent  to  human  nature  and  to  all  epochs.  Pleading  took 
place  in  Nineveh,  Assyria,  and  Chaldea.  On  this  subject  the  following 
axiom  used  by  the  judges  and  the  pleaders,  holds  perfectly  to-day: 

"  He  who  listeneth  not  to  his  conscience,  the  judge  will  not  listen  to  his 
right." 

There  must  have  been  a  fairly  complicated  code  of  procedure,  for  traces 
are  found  of  an  appellative  jurisdiction  in  which  the  sovereign  was  the  final 
judge. 

The  Sumerian  laws  likewise  fixed  the  form  of  individual  contracts.  The 
signature,  "qatatu,"  was  the  essential  feature  of  the  contract. 

Signature  took  place  by  affixing  the  seal.  One  fragment  of  these  tablets 
bears  witness  to  this  custom  so  perpetuated  in  the  East  from  remotest  times 
to  the  present.  Herodotus  mentions  the  existence  of  seals  as  a  peculiarity 
of  the  Babylonians. 

"  Every  Babylonian,"  said  he,  "had  his  seal  for  his  personal  use."  The 
Assyrian  ^  kunuk  "  answers,  like  our  word  "  seal,"  both  to  the  instrument  and 
the  mark  it  left  on  the  plastic  earth. 

A  large  number  of  contracts  of  private  business  concerning  all  the  ordi- 
nary transactions  of  life,  between  individuals,  on  which  figures  the  mark  of 
a  seal,  has  been  found :  contracts  of  sale  or  exchange  ;  contracts  of  loan  or 
hire ;  acknowledgments  of  debts,  carrying  the  guaranty  of  a  mortgage  or  of 
chattels.  They  read  like  the  records  of  a  notary's  office.  These  contracts, 
like  all  the  documents  of  the  palace  library,  are  written  on  the  traditional 
bricks.  These  are  easily  distinguished  from  other  documents  by  their  outer 
appearance.  After  a  few  lines  given  up  to  the  names  of  the  contracting 
parties,  we  see  the  imprints  of  their  seals,  or  sometimes  the  imprint  of  three 
finger  nails. 

The  general  drift  of  their  contracts  is  easy  to  understand  ;  the  clauses  are 
worded  in  formal  language  which  proceeds  from  the  nature  of  the  relations  of 
the  two  parties  according  to  the  object  of  their  agreement.  As  a  usual  thing, 
these  contracts  are  very  simply  drawn.  They  i)egin  by  stating  the  names 
and  qualifications  of  the  parties  who  are  going  to  enter  into  agreement  by 
the  affixment  of  their  seal  or  by  the  nail  mark,  its  substitute. 

All  contracting  parties  are  not  called  upon  to  fulfil  this  formality;  it  is 
only  those  who  have  the  title  of  "  dominus  negotii "  the  vendor,  the  lessor, 
the  lender,  those  who  "  hold  the  pen  "  as  the  modern  expression  is. 

A  place  reserved  in  the  text  for  the  fixing  of  seal  or  imprint  reveals  to 
us  that  their  seals  had  different  shapes.  As  many  of  these  jewels  have 
descended  to  us,  and  as  there  are  a  great  number  in  our  public  and  private 
collections,  it  is  not  without  interest  to  describe  them  in  more  detail. 

Generally  they  are  hard  stones,  cut  and  polished  in  different  Avays.  Some 
are  conical  or  like  a  truncated  pyramid,  on  the  base  of  which  the  design  is 
sunk.  Sometimes  the  seal  is  in  the  shape  of  a  spheroid  or  an  ellipsoid.  Many 
are  cylindrical,  the  design  being  engraved  on  the  surface  of  the  cylinder, 


tti 


494  THE  HISTORY   OF   MESOPOTAMIA 

Wiis  impelled  entirely  by  oars.     On  the  upper  deck  are  seen  warriors  armed 
with  spears,  and  women. 

It  is  impossible  to  determine  from  the  sculptures  the  size  of  the  vessels, 
as  the  relative  proportions  between  them  and  the  figures  they  contain  are 
not  preserved.  It  is  most  probable  that  the  four  rowers  in  each  tier  are 
merely  a  conventional  number,  and  we  cannot,  therefore,  conjecture  the 
length  of  the  ship  from  them.  No  representations  of  naval  engagements, 
as  on  the  monuments  of  Egypt,  have  yet  been  found  in  the  Assyrian  edifices. 
It  is  most  probable  that,  not  being  a  maritime  people,  the  Assyrians  —  as 
the  Persians  did  afterwards  —  made  use  of  the  fleets  of  their  allies  in  their 
ex[)editions  by  sea,  furnishing  warriors  to  man  the  ships.  & 

LAWS   OF   THE   BABYLONIANS   AND   ASSYRIANS 

The  sense  of  justice  and  its  administration  play  a  large  part  in  the 
history  of  any  nation ;  and  we  are  so  fortunate  as  to  possess  certain  light 
on  the  courts  and   customs  of   Assyria. 

Asshurbanapal  opened  his  library,  not  only  to  the  documents  emanat- 
ing from  the  kings,  but  also  as  a  depository  for  collections  on  law,  juridicial 
decisions,  and  contracts  between  private  individuals. 

The  Assyrio-Chaldean  legislation  rested  on  laws  and  customs  which  were 
already  in  force  under  the  Sumerian  civilisation.  A  great  number  of  tablets 
written  in  both  languages  give  us  the  primitive  text  of  the  law  and  the 
corresponding  Assyrian  translation.  Others,  written  in  Assyrian,  are  full  of 
citations  from  Sumerian  texts. 

First  of  all,  there  is  a  long  fragment  of  laws  relating  to  the  family, 
written  in  Assyrian  and  Sumerian.     They  read  as  follows: 

"  It  has  thus  been  decided  by  the  sentence  of  the  judge :  '  If  a  son  (is 
authorised)  to  say  to  his  father :  "  Thou  art  not  my  father,"  he  (the  son)  can 
sell  him,  treat  him  as  a  forfeit,  and  give  him  in  payment  like  money. 

'"■If  a  son  (is  authorised)  to  say  to  his  mother:  " Thou  art  not  my  mother," 
he  will  cut  her  hair  off,  assemble  the  people,  and  make  her  go  out  of  his 
house. 

" '  If  a  fatlier  (is  authorised)  to  say  to  his  son:  "Thou  art  not  my  son,"  he 
(the  father)  can  shut  him  up  in  his  dwelling  and  in  the  cellar. 

"'If  a  mother  (is  authorised)  to  say  to  her  son:  "Thou  art  not  my  son," 
she  can  shut  him  up  in  her  dwelling  and  in  the  upper  chambers. 

"'If  a  \vife  (is  authorised)  to  repudiate  her  husband,  and  to  say  to  him: 
"Thou  art  not  my  husband,"  she  can  have  him  thrown  into  the  river. 

'"If  a  man  (is  authorised)  to  say  to  his  wife:  "Thou  art  not  my  wife," 
he  can  have  half  a  mina  of  silver  paid  to  him. 

'"If  the  intendant  lets  a  slave  escape,  if  he  dies  (the  slave),  if  he  becomes 
infirm,  if  in  consequence  of  bad  treatment  he  becomes  ill,  he  (the  intendant) 
sliiill  i)ay  half  a  bin  of  corn  a  day  (to  the  master  of  the  slave).' " 

In  these  ancient  records  we  likewise  find  laws  concerning  property.  One 
tablet  seems  to  pertain  to  the  observations  made  by  a  Sumerian  agriculturist, 
which  were  jiroposed  to  the  Assyrian  agriculturists  of  the  seventh  century 
B.C.  First  of  all  are  indicated  the  best  conditions  of  crop-growing,  the  time 
for  sowing,  the  calculating  of  the  income,  the  tillage,  irrigation,  and  the 
injurious  animals  which  must  be  destroyed. 

It  is  evident  that,  in  spite  of  the  difference  in  property  or  wealth,  the 
interest'  is  always  the  same,  the  calculation  of  interest  on  different  sums  in 
contracts  showing  that  the  figures  bear  a  relation  to  one  another. 


MANNERS   AND  CUSTOMS   OF  BABYLONIA-ASSYRIA  497 

The  vendor  is  the  daughter  of  Nabu-rikhtav-usur ;  his  sons  intervene  in 
their  quality  of  kinsmen  for  the  sale  of  their  slave,  that  is  to  say,  the  servant 
of  their  house.  The  money  is  not  to  be  paid  to  Nitocris  or  direct  descend- 
ants, but  to  third  persons  who  are  also  designated  ;  there  are  the  three  heii-s 
of  one  named  Karmeon,  who  would  be  the  heir  if  he  lived. 

Here  is  another  of  the  same  kind : 


Sale  of  a  Slave 

Seal  of  Khatai  owner  of  the  slave.  Lu-akhi  is  the  slave  offered  up.  And 
Dannai  obtained  him  from  Khatai  for  the  price  of  twenty  drachmas  of  silver. 
The  price  has  been  definitely  fixed,  the  slave  has  been  paid  for  and  delivered ; 
no  annulment  of  the  bargain  can  now  take  place.  Whosoever  in  the  future 
shall  claim  before  me  (the  nullity  of  the  agreement,  shall  pay  the  fine). 
Witnesses :  Shamash,  Khimar,  Zabda,  Kharaman,  Mannuakhi,  Zikkar, 
Shamash. 

In  the  month  of  Ulul  (August)  the  fifth  day  in  the  year  of  Nabu-bel-iddin. 
In  the  presence  of  Zikkar  Shamash,  the  officer. 

Contracts  of  this  nature  are  numerous,  and  they  raise  a  question  on  a 
point  of  the  history  of  ancient  slavery,  which  it  would  be  interesting  to  have 
cleared  up.  What  was  the  origin  of  these  slaves  who  were  at  that  time 
trafficked  in,  and  who  do  not  seem  to  have  had  to  undergo  the  law  of  the 
vanquished,  and  who  were  so  easily  carried  off  after  the  seizure  of  a  town  ? 
We  have  no  information  on  this  subject,  and  we  must  limit  ourselves  to 
register  that  which  is  given  us  in  the  above-mentioned  texts. 

The  proprietor  of  the  slave,  Khatai,  is  a  Syrian,  whilst  the  slave,  Lu-akhe, 
is  an  Assyrian  sold  to  another  Assyrian,  Dannai,  for  a  sum  of  money  equal 
to  ^3  [.$15]. 

Sometimes  the  contract  is  not  so  simple.  Complications  may  arise  as  to 
titles  of  the  projDerty  or  in  its  manner  of  transmission.  It  is  also  interesting 
to  study  the  status  of  the  contracting  parties.  One  fact  seems  to  be  uni- 
versal, it  is  that  the  stranger  —  Phoenician,  Jew,  or  Egyptian  —  had  the  same 
civil  rights  of  contracting,  selling,  or  buying  as  Assyrian  subjects. 

Here  is  a  contract  of  another  kind.  It  concerns  the  sale  of  a  house. 
Instead  of  their  seal  the  parties  affixed  marks  by  pressing  their  thumb-nails 
into  the  clay. 

Sale  of  a  House 

Nail  of  Sharludari,  nail  of  Ahasshuru,  nail  of  the  woman  Amat-Sula, 
wife  of  Belduru  head  of  three  legions,  proprietors  of  the  house  to  be  sold. 
A  house  in  course  of  construction  with  its  beams,  columns,  materials,  situate 
in  the  city  of  Nineveh,  bounded  by  the  house  of  Mannuki-akhe,  bounded  by 
the  house  of  Ankia,  bounded  by  the  market-place.  And  Sil-asshur,  the 
Egyptian  officer,  has  acquired  it  by  means  of  a  mina  of  tlie  king's  money, 
from  Sharladuri,  Ahasshuru,  and  the  woman  Amat-sula,  wife  of  her  husband. 
The  price  has  been  definitely  fixed,  the  house  paid  for  and  bought,  the 
annulment  of  the  contract  cannot  be  allowed. 

No  matter  who,  whoever  he  may  be,  in  days  to  come,  and  no  matter  at 
what  epoch,  even  among  these  persons,  contests  the  riglit  and  contract  of 
Sil-asshur  shall  pay  ten  minas  of  silver.  Witnesses :  Shushankhu,  officer  of 
the  king,  Kharmaza,  head  of  three  legions,  Razu,  cai)tain  of  a  vessel,  Nabu- 
dur,  officer,  Kharmaza,  cajjtain  of  a  vessel,  Sin-shar-usur,  Zidka. 

H.  W.  —  VOL.  I.  2  k 


498  THE   HISTORY   OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

The  sixteenth  duy  of  the  month  Sivan  (May)  of  tlie  year  of  Zaza,  prefect 
of  the  town  of  Arpad  (1692  B.C.). 

Before  Shaniash-ukin-akhe,  Litturu,  Nabu-shum-iddm. 

This  act  is,  above  all,  remarkable  for  the  names  of  the  contracting  parties, 
from  which  we  can  now  recognise  that  people  of  different  nationalities  were 
allowed  to  make  contracts  in  Nineveh  with  the  same  rights  as  the  Assyrians. 
Thus  the  names  of  the  witnesses  Shushankhu  and  Kharmaza  are  Egyptian, 
and  their  original  form  could  easily  be  restituted.  The  name  of  the  woman 
Amat-Sula  is  Pha'uician  and  reveals  the  name  of  an  unknown  divinity;  liter- 
ally it  means  servant  of  Sula../ 

THE   CODE   OF   KHAMMURABI 

We  liave  purposely  approached  the  subject  of  Mesopotamian  law  from 
the  Assyrian  side,  because  the  Assyrian  laws  represent  the  later  forms  of 
elaboration  of  the  old  Babylonian  codes  on  which  they  are  based.  In  conclu- 
sion, however,  we  shall  present  in  its  entirety  the  oldest  known,  and  at  present 
the  most  famous,  of  these  ancient  codes,  that  of  king  Khammurabi,  that  the 
reader  may  judge  for  himself  as  to  the  character  of  the  judicial  and  feudal 
system  that  w^as  in  vogue  in  Babylonia  in  the  third  millennium  before  our 
era.  This  extraordinary  document  will  repay  the  closest  study  on  the  part 
of  anyone  who  takes  the  slightest  interest  in  the  evolution  of  human  society. 
Until  a  comparatively  recent  date  the  name  of  Khammurabi,  the  ruler  who 
first  united  the  states  of  the  Euphrates  valley  under  one  rule,  and  thus 
founded  the  Babylonian  empire,  was  scarcely  known,  whereas  now  we  have  a 
large  mass  of  material  dating  from  his  reign  —  his  inscriptions,  his  letters, 
and  lastly,  most  important  of  all,  his  code  of  laws.  It  is  difficult  to  obtain 
more  than  a  vague  idea  of  a  country  merely  from  its  name,  or  from  the 
lists  of  its  kings  and  their  military  exploits,  which  is  all  that  we  possess 
of  most  Assyrian  and  Babylonian  kings.  The  real  life  of  the  people  wholly 
escapes  us.  This  reason  alone  would  make  this  code  inexpressibly  valuable, 
because,  by  giving  the  laws  which  controlled  the  social  and  commercial  life  of 
the  people,  even  to  minute  details,  it  gives  a  picture  of  the  actual  condition 
of  the  country. 

Aside  from  its  bearing  on  Babylonian  civilisation,  however,  this  code  is 
one  of  the  most  important  monuments  in  the  history  of  the  human  race. 
It  is  the  oldest  know^n  legal  code  in  existence,  antedating  the  Mosaic 
code  by  at  least  a  thousand  years,  and  older  than  the  laws  of  Manu.  It 
formed  the  basis  of  Babylonian  legislation  until  the  fall  of  the  empire,  and 
was  compiled  by  a  king  living  about  2300  B.C.,  whose  rule  extended  from 
the  Tigris  to  the  Mediterranean.  Khammurabi  is  generally  identified  with 
Amraphel,  the  contemporary  of  Abraham ;  and  it  cannot  be  questioned  that 
these  laws  formed  a  part  of  the  traditions  which  the  Hebrews  brought  with 
them  to  their  new  home. 

The  Discovery  of  the   Code 

The  monument  containing  these  laws  was  not  found  at  Babylon,  as  might 
have  been  expected,  but  at  Susa  (Shushan)  in  the  so-called  Acropolis.  The 
discovery  is  due  to  the  French  excavating  expedition  under  M.  de  Morgan, 
and  was  made  in  December  and  January  of  1901-1902.  The  monument  is 
a  block  of  black  diorite  nearly  eight  feet  high.  It  has  been  photographed 
and  published  with  transcription  and  translation  by  Father  V.  Scheil,fl'  the 
Assyriologist  of  the  expedition,  in  the  Memoires  de  la  Delegation  en  Perse, 


MANNERS   AND   CUSTOMS   OF   BABYLONIA-ASSYRIA         499 

tome  IV,  Textes  Elamites  SSmitiques.  The  whole  inscription  has  since  been 
translated  by  Dr.  H.  Winckler^i  in  Der  Alte  Orient,  4  Jahr^ang,  Heft  4, 1902, 
and  the  code  alone  by  Rev.  C.  H.  W.  Johns, »  The  Oldest  Code  of  Laws  in  the 
World,  Edinburgh,  1903. 

The  obverse  of  the  stone  contains  a  representation  in  bas-relief  of  Khara- 
murabi  receiving  the  laws  inscribed  beneath,  from  Shamash,  the  sun-god  and 
god  of  right,  who  is  pictured  seated  on  a  throne.  The  king  stands  in  a 
respectful  attitude  before  him.  The  inscription  several  times  mentions  the 
fact  that  the  laws  were  given  by  Shamash ;  so  the  very  interesting  theory  in 
ITie  Times,  London,  of  April  14th,  1903,  that  the  god  in  the  picture  is  Bel 
has  not  much  foundation.  This  theory  would  connect  the  code  more  closely 
with  the  Biblical  narrative.  To  quote  from  The  TimesJ  "  The  old  Bel  was 
the  god  who  dwelt  on  the  mountain  of  the  world  and  gave  laws  to  men  and 
wore  on  his  breast  the  tablets  of  destiny.  So  here  we  have  a  curious  proof 
of  the  existence  of  the  tradition  of  the  mountain-given  law  long  before  the 
Mosaic  reception  on  Sinai." 

Below  the  bas-relief  on  the  obverse  are  sixteen  columns  of  writing  with 
1,114  lines,  and  on  the  reverse  there  are  twenty-eight  columns  with  2,510  lines. 
Five  columns  of  the  obverse  have  been  erased  and  the  stone  repolished,  prob- 
ably to  make  room  for  an  inscription  of  the  conquering  Elamite  king  who 
carried  the  stone  away  from  Babylon  to  Susa.  Possibly  one  of  the  dire 
calamities  which  Khammurabi,  in  the  inscription,  invokes  the  gods  to  send  on 
anyone  who  should  deface  his  monument,  befell  the  unfortunate  Elamite. 

The  writing  is  in  a  beautifully  clear  archaic  script  often  used  for  royal 
inscriptions,  even  after  the  cursive  writing  came  into  use.  There  are  a  great 
many  tablets  dating  from  the  same  period  written  in  the  cursive,  some  of 
them  bearing  the  impression  of  seals  in  the  archaic.  Some  seven  hundred 
lines  of  the  inscription  are  devoted  to  proclaiming  the  titles  of  the  king,  his 
care  for  his  subjects,  his  reason  for  erecting  the  monument,  his  maledictions 
on  anyone  who  shall  interfere  with  it.  Some  passages  in  it  remind  one  of  the 
majesty  of  portions  of  the  Psalms.     It  begins : 

"  When  Anu  the  supreme,  king  of  the  Anunnaki,  and  Bel,  lord  of  heaven 
and  earth,  who  determines  the  fate  of  the  universe,  to  Marduk  the  eldest  son 
of  Ea,  god  of  right,  earthly  power  had  assigned,  among  the  Igigi  had  made 
him  great,  Babylon  with  his  august  name  had  named,  in  all  the  world  had 
exalted  him,  in  the  heart  (of  that  city)  an  eternal  kingdom,  whose  founda- 
tions are  firm  as  heaven  and  earth,  had  established,  —  then  did  Anu  and 
Bel  call  me  by  name,  Khammurabi,  the  great  prince,  who  fears  god,  to  estab- 
lish justice  in  the  land,  to  destroy  the  wicked  and  base,  so  that  the  strong 
oppress  not  the  weak,  to  go  forth  like  Shamash  (the  sun)  over  the  black 
heads  (i.e.,  men)  to  give  light  to  the  world,  to  promote  the  prosperity  of  the 
people.  ..." 

Immediately  following  the  code  Khammurabi  resumes  :  "The  just  decrees 
which  Khammurabi,  the  wise  king,  has  established  ;  for  the  land  a  sure  law 
and  a  happy  reign  he  has  procured.  Khammurabi,  the  protecting  king,  I  am. 
From  the  black  heads,  which  Bel  gave  me,  to  be  a  shepherd  over  whom  Ahirduk 
appointed  me,  I  have  not  held  aloof,  have  not  rested ;  places  of  peace  I  luive 
provided  for  them ;  I  opened  up  a  way  through  steep  passes  and  sent  them 
aid.  With  the  powerful  arms  which  Zamama  and  Ishtar  endowed  me,  with  the 
clear  glance  that  Ea  granted  me,  with  the  bravery  which  Marduk  gave  me, 
the  enemy  above  and  below  I  have  rooted  out,  the  deeps  I  have  conquered, 
established  the  prosperity  of  the  conntr}^  the  dwellers  in  houses  have  I  made 
to  live  in  safety;  a  cause  for  fear  I  have  not  suffered  to  exist.     The  great 


500  THE   HISTORY   OF   MESOPOTAMIA 

gods  have  chosen  me.  I  am  the  peace-bringing  shepherd  whose  staff  is 
straight  (i.e.,  sceptre  is  just),  the  good  shadow  which  is  spread  over  my  city  ; 
to  my  heart  the  people  of  Sumer  and  Accad  I  have  taken,  under  my  protec- 
tion have  I  caused  tliem  to  live  in  peace,  sheltered  them  in  my  wisdom,  so 
that  the  strong  may  not  oppress  the  weak ;  to  counsel  the  orphan  and  the 
widow,  their  head  have  I  raised  in  Babylon,  the  city  of  Anu  and  Bel  ;  in 
E-sagila,  the  temple  whose  foundations  are  firm  as  heaven  and  earth,  to  speak 
justice  to  the  land,  to  decide  disputed  questions,  to  remedy  evil,  have  I  writ- 
ten my  precious  words  on  my  monument ;  before  my  picture,  as  of  a  king 
of  justice  I  have  placed  them.  ...  At  the  command  of  Shamash,  the  great 
judge  of  heaven  and  earth,  shall  justice  reign  in  the  land  ;  by  the  order  of 
Marduk  my  lord  no  destruction  shall  touch  my  statue.  In  E-sagila,  that  I 
love,  shall  niy  name  be  remembered  forever;  the  oppressed  man  who  has  a 
cause  for  complaint  shall  come  before  my  picture  of  the  king  of  justice,  shall 
read  the  inscription,  shall  apprehend  my  precious  words,  the  writing  shall 
explain  to  him  his  case,  he  shall  see  his  right,  his  heart  shall  become  glad, 
(and  he  shall  say)  '  Khammurabi  is  a  lord  who  is  like  a  father  to  his  subjects, 
he  has  made  the  word  of  JMarduk  to  be  feared.'  .  .  .  Khammurabi,  the  king 
of  righteousness,  to  whom  Shamash  gave  the  law,  I  am." 

The  inscription  contains  also  many  references  to  public  works  and  his- 
torical events  which  make  it  one  of  the  most  important  historical  records 
ever  discovered.  One  reference  to  Asshur  (Assyria)  is  particularly  important. 
It  occurs  in  the  introduction  to  the  code  and  records  the  restoration  of 
''its  protecting  god  to  the  city  of  Asshur."  The  name  Asshur  occurs  again 
in  a  letter  written  by  Khaniniurabi  to  Sin-idinnani,  and  also  in  a  private 
letter  of  the  period,  the  former  published  by  Mr.  L.  W.  King^  in  1901. 

We  now  turn  to  the  code  proper,  and  the  following  points  are  especially 
noticeable  throughout.  The  idea  of  responsibility  is  very  clearly  fixed,  —  a 
man  who  hired  an  animal  was  responsible  for  that  animal,  —  if  a  boat  he  was 
responsible  for  the  boat,  —  if  he  stored  anything  for  another,  or  carried  any- 
thing to  another,  he  was  responsible  so  long  as  the  object  was  in  his  hands. 
Also  of  builders, —  if  a  man  built  a  house  he  was  responsible  for  its  solidity; 
a  physician  was  held  responsible  for  the  life  of  his  patient. 

Secondly,  we  notice  tlie  importance  of  putting  everything  in  writing  — 
a  marriage  without  a  written  contract  was  invalid ;  a  man  who  took  goods 
on  deposit,  an  agent  who  obtained  goods  from  a  merchant,  if  he  had  no 
document  to  show  for  it,  could  claim  no  legal  aid  in  case  of  disagreement. 
We  have  countless  contract  tablets  from  this  period,  containing  the  seals 
and  names  of  witnesses  to  just  such  transactions  as  are  provided  for  in  the 
code,  which  show  how  well  this  principle  was  observed. 

The  law  of  retaliation  or  jus  talionis  is  another  important  feature,  as  it  is 
prominent  also  in  the  Mosaic  code.  This  is  expressed  by  the  familiar  phrase 
"  an  eye  for  an  eye,  and  a  tooth  for  a  tooth."  The  attempt  to  make  the 
punishment  balance  the  crime  exactly  is  carried  to  such  an  extent  that  if 
a  house  fell  and  killed  the  owner,  the  builder  was  to  be  put  to  death,  if  the 
owner's  son  died,  the  builder's  son  was  killed.  In  several  of  the  laws  we 
notice  peculiarly  humane  provisions,  showing  that  the  king  really  had  the 
interests  of  his  subjects  at  heart,  and  that  his  words  on  the  inscription  and  his 
desire  to  be  a  father  to  his  people  were  not  a  vain  boast.  This  is  especially 
noticeable  in  a  regulation  concerning  debtors  (clause  45),  in  the  provisions 
for  inheritance,  and  particularly  in  the  clause  concerning  the  sick  wife  (148). 

It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  all  of  the  laws  found  in  Khammurabi's  code 
date  from  his  reign.     Some  of  them  were  much  older,  as  is  shown  by  a  dif- 


MANNERS  AND   CUSTOMS   OF   BABYLONIA-ASSYRIA  501 

ference  in  the  grades  of  culture  represented.  Some  even  assign  different 
penalties  for  the  same  crime  (see  clauses  6  and  8).  As  Prof .  Jastrow^has 
pointed  out,  the  ordeal  by  water  cannot  have  been  invented  in  the  same 
period  as  the  minute  provisions  for  the  inheritance  of  property. 

The  so-called  Sumerian  domestic  laws  which  are  very  similar  to  those 
before  us  were  known  prior  to  the  discovery  of  Khammurabi's  code,  and  are 
known  to  have  been  already  in  use  at  that  time.  The  code  contains  some- 
thing like  280  clauses,  and  is  arranged  in  comparatively  systematic  order. 
Space  has  not  permitted  the  giving  of  all  the  provisions  in  detail.  The  plan 
has  been  to  deal  with  each  class  of  laws  as  a  whole,  in  some  cases  giving 
merely  the  synopsis  of  a  class.  ^ 

Miscellaneous  Regulations 

1.  If  a  man  weaves  a  spell  about  another  man  (z.e.,  accuses  him),  and 
throws  a  curse  on  him,  and  cannot  prove  it,  the  one  who  wove  the  spell  shall 
be  put  to  death. 

2.  If  a  man  weaves  a  spell  about  another  man,  and  has  not  proved  it,  he 
on  whom  suspicion  was  thrown  shall  go  to  the  river,  shall  plunge  into  the 
river.  If  the  river  seizes  hold  of  him,  he  who  wove  the  spell  shall  take  his 
house.  If  the  river  shows  him  to  be  innocent,  and  he  is  uninjured,  he  who 
threw  suspicion  on  him  shall  be  put  to  death.  He  who  plunged  into  the 
river  shall  take  the  house  of  him  who  wove  the  spell  on  him. 

3.  If  a  man  has  accused  the  witnesses  in  a  lawsuit  of  malice  and  has  not 
proved  what  he  said ;  if  the  suit  was  one  of  life  (and  death),  that  man  shall 
be  put  to  death. 

4.  If  he  has  sent  corn  and  silver  to  the  witnesses,  he  shall  bear  the 
penalty  of  the  suit. 

5.  If  a  judge  has  delivered  a  sentence,  has  made  a  decision  and  fixed  it 
in  writing,  and  if  afterwards  he  has  annulled  his  sentence,  that  judge  for 
having  altered  his  decision  shall  be  brought  to  judgment ;  for  the  penalty 
inflicted  in  his  decision,  twelve-fold  shall  he  pay  it,  and  publicly  shall  they 
remove  him  from  his  judgment  seat.  He  shall  not  come  back  and  shall  not 
sit  in  judgment  with  the  other  judges. 

6.  If  a  man  has  stolen  property  from  the  god  or  palace,  that  man  shall 
be  put  to  death ;  and  he  who  received  the  stolen  goods  from  his  hands 
shall  be  put  to  death. 

7.  If  a  man  has  bought  or  received  in  deposit,  silver,  gold,  a  man  or 
woman  slave,  an  ox,  a  sheep,  an  ass,  or  whatever  it  may  be,  from  the  hands 
of  a  son  of  another  or  a  slave  of  another,  without  witness  or  contract,  that 
man  shall  be  put  to  death  as  a  thief. 

8.  If  anyone  has  stolen  an  ox,  a  sheep,  an  ass,  a  pig,  or  a  boat,  if  it 
belongs  to  the  god  or  to  the  palace,  he  shall  return  it  thirty-fold  ;  if  it  belongs 
to  a  noble  he  shall  return  it  ten-fold ;  if  the  thief  has  nothing  with  which  to 
repay,  he  shall  be  put  to  death. 

9.  If  anyone  who  has  lost  something,  finds  his  something  that  was  lost 
in  the  hand  (possession)  of  another  ;  if  the  man  in  whose  hand  the  lost 
object  was  found  says:  ''A  trader  sold  it  to  me,  before  witnesses  I  paid  for 
it,"  and  if  the  owner  of  the  lost  object  says :  ''Witnesses  who  know  my  lost 
object  I  will  bring,"  then  shall  the  purchaser  bring  tlie  seller  who  sold  it  to 
him,  and  the  witnesses  before  whom  he  bought  it,  and  the  owner  of  the  lost 

[^  The  translation  is  based  on  those  mentioned  in  the  introduction  together  with  a  comparison 
of  the  Babylonian  text  as  given  in  transcription  by  V.  Scheil.t?] 


602  THE  HISTORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

object  shall  bring  witnesses  who  know  his  lost  goods  :  the  judge  shall  con- 
sider their  words,  and  the  witnesses  before  whom  the  purchase  was  made, 
and  the  witnesses  who  know  the  object  shall  bear  testimony  before  God. 
The  seller  is  a  thief  and  shall  be  put  to  death.  The  owner  of  the  lost  object 
shall  receive  the  object ;  the  buyer  shall  get  back  the  money  he  paid  from 
the  house  of  the  seller. 

10.  If  the  buyer  does  not  bring  the  seller  who  sold  it  to  him  and  the  wit- 
nesses before  whom  he  bought  it ;  if  the  owner  of  the  lost  object  brings  the 
witnesses  who  know  his  object,  the  buyer  is  a  thief  and  shall  be  killed;  the 
owner  shall  get  liis  lost  object. 

11.  If  the  owner  of  the  lost  object  does  not  bring  his  expert  witnesses, 
then  lie  is  a  miscreant ;  he  has  accused  falsely,  he  shall  die. 

12.  If  the  seller  has  gone  to  his  fate,  the  buyer  shall  receive  from  the 
liouse  of  the  seller  five  times  the  costs  of  the  suit. 

13.  If  that  man  has  not  his  witnesses  at  hand,  the  judge  shall  give  him 
a  respite  of  six  months.  If  in  six  months  his  witnesses  do  not  come,  that 
man  is  a  miscreant  and  shall  bear  the  costs  of  the  suit. 

14.  If  anyone  steals  the  minor  son  of  a  man,  he  shall  be  put  to  death. 

Regulations  concerning  Slaves 

15.  If  anyone  has  caused  a  male  slave  of  the  palace  or  a  female  slave  of 
the  palace,  the  male  slave  of  a  noble  or  the  female  slave  of  a  noble,  to  go 
out  of  the  gate,  he  shall  be  put  to  death. 

16.  If  anyone  harbours  in  his  house  a  runaway  male  or  female  slave 
from  the  palace  or  the  house  of  a  noble,  and  does  not  bring  them  out  at  the 
command  of  the  majordomo,  the  master  of  the  house  shall  be  put  to  death. 

17.  If  anyone  has  caught  a  runaway  male  or  female  slave  in  the  field, 
and  brings  him  back  to  his  master,  the  master  of  the  slave  shall  give  him 
two  shekels  of  silver. 

18.  If  that  slave  will  not  name  his  owner,  to  the  palace  he  shall  bring 
him ;  his  case  shall  be  investigated ;  to  his  owner  one  shall  bring  him. 

19.  If  he  retains  that  slave  in  his  house,  and  if,  later,  the  slave  is  found 
in  his  hands,  that  man  shall  be  put  to  death. 

20.  If  the  slave  escapes  from  the  house  of  the  one  who  caught  him,  that 
man  shall  swear  to  the  owner  of  the  slave  in  the  name  of  God  and  he  shall 
])(3  quit. 

Provisions  concerning  Rohhery 

21.  If  anyone  has  broken  a  hole  in  a  liouse,  in  front  of  that  hole  one 
shall  kill  him  and  bury  him. 

22.  If  anyone  has  committed  a  robbery  and  is  caught,  he  shall  be 
killed. 

23.  If  the  robber  is  not  caught,  the  man  who  has  been  robbed  shall  make 
claim  before  God  to  everything  stolen  from  him,  and  the  town  and  its  gov- 
ernor within  the  territory  and  limits  of  which  the  robbery  took  place  shall 
give  back  to  liim  everything  he  has  lost. 

24.  If  it  was  a  life,  the  city  and  governor  shall  pay  one  mina  of  silver 
to  his  people. 

25.  If  a  fire  breaks  out  in  the  house  of  a  man,  and  some  one  who  has 
gone  thither  to  pnt  it  out  raise  his  eyes  to  the  goods  of  the  master  of  the 
house,  and  take  the  goods  of  the  master  of  the  house,  that  man  shall  be 
thrown  into  that  fire. 


MANNERS  AND   CUSTOMS   OF  BABYLONIA-ASSYRIA         503 

Concerning  Leases  and  Tillage 

Special  rules  governed  the  estates  of  officers  or  constables  in  the  king's 
employ.  They  seem  to  have  had  land  given  them  by  the  state,  which  was 
inalienable ;  they  might  not  sell  it,  deed  it  to  wife  or  daughter,  or  give  it  in 
return  for  a  debt.  In  the  absence  of  the  proprietor  he  might  give  the  land 
into  the  keeping  of  another  to  manage  it  for  him.  This  was  usually  done  by 
a  son  or  wife.  Three  years'  absence  or  neglect  forfeited  his  claim  to  the 
land.  No  man  could  send  a  substitute  in  his  place  on  pain  of  death  for  both 
himself  and  the  substitute.  The  king's  officers  could  buy  land  in  their  own 
right  which  they  were  free  to  dispose  of  at  pleasure,  and  they  could  also  sell 
the  land  which  was  theirs  by  official  right  to  another  officer. 

42.  If  anyone  has  taken  a  field  to  cultivate,  and  has  not  made  grain  to 
grow  in  the  field,  he  shall  be  charged  with  not  having  done  his  duty  in  tlie 
field ;  he  shall  give  grain  equal  to  that  yielded  by  the  neighbouring  field  to 
the  owner  of  the  field. 

43.  If  he  has  not  tilled  the  field,  has  let  it  lie,  he  shall  give  to  the  owner 
of  the  field  grain  equal  to  the  yield  of  the  neighbouring  field  ;  and  the  field 
which  he  left  untilled,  he  shall  harrow,  sow,  and  return  it  to  its  owner. 

44.  If  anyone  has  hired  an  unreclaimed  field  for  three  years,  to  open 
(cultivate)  it,  but  has  neglected  it,  has  not  opened  the  field,  in  the  fourth 
year  he  shall  harrow  the  field,  hoe  it,  and  plant  it  and  return  it  to  the  owner 
of  the  field,  and  10  gur  of  grain  for  every  10  gan  he  shall  measure  out. 

45.  If  a  man  has  rented  his  field  to  a  cultivator  for  the  produce  and  he 
has  received  his  produce,  and  then  a  storm  has  come  and  destroyed  the  har- 
vest, the  loss  is  the  cultivator's. 

46.  If  he  has  not  received  the  produce  from  his  field,  but  has  given  his 
field  on  a  half  or  a  third  share,  the  grain  which  is  in  the  field  shall  the 
owner  and  cultivator  share  according  to  their  contract. 

47.  If  the  cultivator,  because  in  the  first  year  he  did  not  obtain  his 
living  (?),  had  the  field  cultivated  by  another,  the  owner  of  the  field  shall 
not  blame  this  cultivator,  his  field  has  been  cultivated  ;  at  the  time  of 
harvest  he  shall  receive  grain  according  to  his  contract. 

48.  If  a  man  has  a  debt  and  a  storm  has  devastated  his  field  and  carried 
off  the  harvest,  or  if  the  grain  has  not  grown  on  account  of  a  lack  of  water, 
in  that  year  he  shall  give  no  grain  to  the  creditor ;  he  shall  soak  his  tablet 
(in  water,  i.e.,  alter  it),  and  shall  pay  no  interest  for  that  year. 

49.  If  anyone  has  borrowed  money  from  a  merchant  and  given  a 
ploughed  field  sown  with  grain  or  sesame  to  the  merchant  and  said  to 
him  :  "  Cultivate  the  field,  harvest  and  take  the  grain  or  sesame  which  is 
thereon ; "  when  the  cultivator  has  raised  grain  or  sesame  in  the  field,  at 
the  time  of  harvest  the  owner  of  the  field  shall  take  the  grain  or  sesame 
which  is  in  the  field,  and  shall  give  to  the  merchant  grain  in  return  for  the 
money  with  its  interest,  which  he  took  from  the  merchant,  and  for  the  sup- 
port of  the  cultivator. 

50.  If  he  has  given  him  an  (already)  cultivated  field  (of  grain)  or  a  field 
of  sesame,  the  grain  or  sesame  which  is  in  the  field  shall  the  owner  of  the 
field  receive ;  money  and  interest  to  the  merchant  he  shall  give. 

51.  If  he  has  no  money  with  which  to  pay  him,  he  shall  give  to  the  mer- 
chant sesame  equal  to  the  value  of  the  money  which  he  received  from  tlie 
merchant,  with  interest  according  to  the  king's  tariff. 

52.  If  the  cultivator  has  not  raised  grain  or  sesame  in  the  field,  liis  con- 
tract is  not  altered. 


504  THE   HISTORY  OF  IMESOPOTAMIA 

Concerning  Canals 

The  canals  built  by  Kharamurabi  are  frequently  referred  to  in  his  inscrip- 
tions so  that  we  expect  to  find  them  mentioned  in  his  laws.  Clauses  53-56 
are  in  connection  with  this  subject  : 

63.  If  anyone  is  too  lazy  to  keep  his  dikes  in  order  and  fails  to  do  so, 
and  if  a  breach  is  made  in  his  dike  and  the  fields  have  been  flooded  with 
water,  the  man  in  whose  dike  the  breach  was  opened  shall  replace  the  grain 
which  he  has  destroyed. 

54.  If  lie  is  not  able  to  replace  the  grain,  he  and  his  property  shall 
be  sold,  and  tlie  people  whose  grain  the  water  carried  off  shall  share  (the 
proceeds). 

55.  If  anyone  opens  his  irrigation  canals  to  let  in  water,  but  is  careless 
and  tlie  water  floods  the  field  of  his  neighbour,  he  shall  measure  out  grain  to 
the  latter  in  proportion  to  the  yield  of  the  neighbouring  field. 

50.  If  anyone  lets  in  the  water  and  it  floods  the  growth  of  his  neigh- 
bour's field,  he  shall  measure  out  to  him  10  GUR  of  grain  for  every  10  gan 
(of  land). 

Each  cultivator  had  an  intricate  system  of  small  water-ways  covering  his 
land,  into  which  he  let  water  from  the  main  canal  at  certain  times.  When 
lie  had  watered  his  field  he  dammed  up  the  connection  again,  but  if  he  neg- 
lected to  do  so  the  water  would  keep  on  coming  in  and  eventually  flood  his 
neighbour's  land. 

If  a  shepherd  let  his  flock  pasture  in  a  field  without  permission,  he  was 
compelled  to  return  a  definite  amount  of  grain  to  the  owner.  Anyone  cut- 
ting down  a  tree  without  permission  had  to  pay  one-half  of  a  mina  of  silver. 

About  thirty-five  clauses,  from  Qb  to  100,  have  been  erased.  This  gap  has 
been  partly  filled  in  from  some  old  fragments  of  another  supposed  copy  of 
this  code  in  the  British  Museum.  One  of  these  supplementary  fragments 
speaks  of  house  rent :  if  a  tenant  has  paid  his  rent  for  a  whole  year,  and  the 
landlord  turns  him  out  before  the  end  of  his  term,  the  landlord  shall  pay 
back  to  the  tenant  a  proportionate  amount  of  the  money  which  the  tenant 
gave  him. 

Commerce^  Debt 

The  reverse  of  the  stele  begins  with  a  continuation  of  the  laws  regulating 
commercial  relations,  which  are  extremely  important  as  showing  a  highly 
developed  system.  If  an  agent  found  no  opening  where  he  went,  he  was  to 
return  the  capital  to  the  merchant ;  also  if  any  mishap  befell  him  in  the  place 
to  which  he  went.  If  he  were  robbed  by  the  way,  he  was  to  swear  before 
God  that  the  loss  was  through  no  fault  of  his  and  could  then  go  free.  The 
agent  was  to  make  out  a  written  statement  of  the  goods  received,  and 
received  also  a  receipt  for  the  money  paid  to  the  merchant.  Without  this 
receipt  he  could  lay  no  claim  to  his  money  in  case  of  disagreement. 

Curiously  enough  the  wine  sellers  appear  to  have  been  women.  We  read 
in  clause  109 :  If  a  wine  merchant  when  rebels  meet  in  her  house  does  not 
arrest  them  and  take  them  to  the  palace,  that  wine  merchant  shall  be  put  to 
death.  110.  If  a  votary  wlio  does  not  live  in  the  temple  shall  open  a  tavern 
or  enter  a  tavern  to  drink,  she  shall  be  ])urned. 

Laws  concerning  debt  are  treated  of  in  clauses  113-119.  A  man 
might  be  im^jrisoned  for  debt,  or,  as  in  the  Mosaic  code,  he  might  sell  his 
wife  and  children  into  bondage  for  debt,  but  only  for  three  years.  We  have 
a  peculiarly  doleful  picture  of  a  prison  of  this  period,  in  a  letter  dating  from 


THE   GOD   SHAxMASH   DICTATING   THE   CODE   OF  LAWS  TO   KING   KHAMMURABI 


MANNEES  AND  CUSTOMS  OF  BABYLONIA-ASSYRIA         505 

the  reign  of  Khammurabi.  It  is  written  by  an  imprisoned  man  to  his  master. 
He  describes  his  place  of  confinement  as  a  "house  of  want,"  and  begs  for 
food  and  clothing,  to  keep  him  from  death  and  being  devoured  by  dogs. 
If  the  debtor  died  a  natural  death  in  his  confinement,  the  case  was  at  an  end, 
but: 

116.  If  the  confined  man  has  died  in  the  house  of  his  confinement  as 
a  result  of  blows  or  ill-treatment,  the  owner  of  the  prisoner  shall  call  his 
merchant  to  account.  If  the  man  was  free-born,  his  son  (of  the  merchant) 
one  shall  kill ;  if  he  was  a  slave,  he  shall  pay  one-third  of  a  mina  of  silver, 
and  shall  lose  possession  of  everything  which  he  gave  him. 

117.  If  anyone  has  an  indebtedness,  sells  wife,  son,  or  daughter  for  gold 
or  gives  them  into  bondage,  three  years  in  the  house  of  their  buyer  or  their 
taskmaster  shall  they  labour  ;  in  the  fourth  year  shall  he  let  them  go  free. 

118.  If  he  gives  away  a  man  or  woman  slave  into  servitude,  and  if  the 
merchant  passes  them  on,  sells  them  for  money,  there  is  no  protest. 

119.  If  anyone  has  contracted  a  debt  and  sells  a  slave  who  has  borne 
him  children,  the  money  which  the  merchant  paid,  the  owner  of  the  slave 
shall  pay  back  to  him  and  buy  back  his  slave. 

Clauses  120-126  are  in  regard  to  depositing  grain  and  other  property  in 
another's  keeping.  A  written  document  was  necessary  and  the  person  who 
received  the  deposit  made  responsible  for  what  had  been  intrusted  to  him. 

120.  If  anyone  has  stored  his  grain  in  the  house  of  another  for  keeping, 
and  a  disaster  has  happened  in  the  granary,  or  the  owner  of  the  house  has 
opened  the  granary  and  taken  out  grain,  or  if  he  disputes  as  to  the  whole 
amount  which  was  deposited  with  him,  the  owner  of  the  grain  shall  pursue 
(claim)  his  grain  before  God,  and  the  master  of  the  house  shall  return  undi- 
minished to  its  owner  the  grain  which  he  took. 

Domestic  Legislation^  Divorce^  Inheritance 

The  laws  referring  to  domestic  legislation  are  especially  interesting  as 
showing  the  position  of  woman.  We  know  from  other  documents  of  the 
period  that  they  could  hold  property  in  their  own  name  and  carry  on  business, 
and  we  see  here  that  their  position  was  respected. 

127.  If  anyone  has  caused  a  finger  to  be  pointed  at  a  votary  or  the  wife 
of  a  man  and  has  not  proved  (his  accusation  against)  that  man,  one  shall 
bring  him  before  the  judge  and  brand  his  forehead. 

A  contract  was  necessary  for  legal  marriage  : 

128.  If  anyone  has  married  a  wife  but  has  not  drawn  up  a  contract  with 
her,  that  woman  is  not  a  wife. 

If  a  man  was  taken  captive  and  if,  during  his  absence,  his  wife  married 
some  one  else  while  there  was  means  of  subsistence  in  the  house,  she  was 
drowned.  But  if  she  had  no  means  of  support,  her  action  was  considered 
justifiable.  If,  in  the  latter  case,  the  husband  returned,  his  wife  was  to 
return  to  him  ;  but  the  children  of  her  second  marriage  remained  with  their 
father.  If  the  man  was  a  fugitive  and  had  abandoned  his  native  city,  but 
returned  after  a  time  and  wanted  his  wife  again,  she  was  not  to  return  to  him. 

The  laws  concerning  divorce  were  much  like  those  existing  in  Moham- 
medan countries  to-day.  If  a  woman  were  childless  and  her  husband  wished 
to  divorce  her,  she  received  her  dowry  and  marriage  portion  and  returned  to 
her  father's  house.  If  she  had  borne  children  and  her  husband  still  wanted 
to  divorce  her,  she  received  besides  her  marriage  portion  suHicient  means  to 
bring  up  her  children ;  and  after  they  were  grown,  of  whatever  they  received 


506  THE  HISTORY   OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

they  were  to  give  her  a  son's  share.  She  was  also  free  to  marry  again. 
If  the  woman  were  divorced  through  a  fault  of  her  own,  she  received  nothing. 

141.  If  a  man's  wife,  who  lives  in  his  house,  sets  her  face  to  go  out, 
causes  discord,  wastes  her  house,  neglects  her  husband,  to  justice  one  shall 
bring  her.  If  her  husband  says,  "I  repudiate  her,"  he  shall  let  her  go  her 
wayflie  shall  give  her  nothing  for  her  divorce.  If  her  husband  says,  "I  do 
not  repudiate  her,"  lier  husband  may  take  another  wife ;  that  (first)  wife 
shall  stay  in  the  house  of  her  husband  as  a  slave. 

A  woman  who  wanted  a  divorce,  if  she  could  show  fault  in  her  husband 
for  it,  might  take  her  marriage  portion  and  go  home  ;  but  if  the  fault  were 
hers  she  was  thrown  into  the  water. 

A  peculiarly  humane  provision  is  the  following : 

148.  If  anyone  has  taken  a  wife  and  a  sickness  has  seized  her,  and  if  his 
face  is  set  towards  taking  another  wife,  he  may  take  (her),  but  his  wife 
whom  tlie  sickness  has  seized  he  may  not  repudiate  her,  she  shall  live  in  the 
house  he  has  built,  and  as  long  as  she  lives  he  shall  support  her. 

149.  If  that  woman  does  not  desire  to  live  in  the  house  of  her  husband, 
lie  sliall  give  her  the  marriage  portion  she  brought  from  her  father's  house, 
and  she  skall  go. 

150.  If  anyone  has  given  his  wife,  field,  garden,  house,  or  property,  and 
has  left  her  a  sealed  tablet ;  after  (the  death  of)  her  husband,  her  children 
shall  contest  nothing  with  her.  The  mother  shall  leave  her  inheritance  to 
the  child  whom  she  loves  ;  to  a  brother  she  shall  not  give  it. 

Laws  of  inheritance  are  more  particularly  dealt  with  in  clauses  162-184  : 

162.  If  anyone  has  married  a  wife,  and  she  has  borne  him  children  ;  if 
that  woman  has  gone  to  her  fate,  of  her  marriage  portion  her  father  shall 
claim  nothing  ;  her  marriage  portion  belongs  to  her  children. 

163.  If  anyone  has  married  a  wife  and  she  has  borne  him  no  children  ;  if 
that  woman  has  gone  to  her  fate,  if  the  dowry  which  that  man  took  from 
the  house  of  his  father-in-law  his  father-in-law  has  returned  ;  on  the  mar- 
riage portion  of  that  woman  the  husband  shall  make  no  claim,  it  belongs  to 
the  house  of  her  father. 

164.  If  his  father-in-law  has  not  returned  him  the  dowry,  from  her  mar- 
riage portion  he  shall  deduct  all  her  dowry  ;  and  her  marriage  portion  he 
shall  return  to  the  house  of  her  father. 

165.  If  any  man  to  his  son.  the  first  in  his  eyes,  has  given  a  field,  garden, 
and  house,  and  has  written  a  tablet  for  him  ;  if  afterwards  the  father  has 
gone  to  his  fate,  when  the  brothers  make  a  division,  the  present  which  the 
father  gave  him  he  shall  keep  ;  in  addition,  the  goods  of  their  father's  house 
in  equal  parts  they  shall  share  (with  him). 

166.  If  a  man  has  taken  wives  for  his  sons,  for  his  little  son  a  wife  has 
not  taken,  if  afterwards  the  father  has  gone  to  his  fate,  when  the  brothers 
divide  the  goods  of  their  father's  house,  to  their  little  brother,  who  has  not 
taken  a  wife,  besides  his  portion,  money  for  a  dowry  they  shall  give  him,  and 
a  wife  they  shall  cause  him  to  take. 

167.  If  a  man  has  married  a  woman,  if  she  has  borne  him  children,  if 
that  woman  has  gone  to  her  fate  ;  if  afterwards  he  has  taken  another  wife, 
who  has  borne  him  children,  and  if  afterwards  the  father  has  gone  to  his  fate: 
the  children  shall  not  divide  the  property  according  to  their  mothers  ;  they 
shall  take  the  marriage  portion  of  their  mother ;  their  father's  property  they 
shall  vshare  in  equal  parts. 

168.  If  anyone  has  set  his  face  to  cut  off  his  son  and  says  to  the  judge, 
"  I  cut  off  my  son,"  the  judge  shall  inquire  into  the  matter  ;  and  if  the  son 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS   OF   BABYLONIA-ASSYRIA  507 

has  no  grievous  offence,  which  would  lead  to  being  cut  off  from  sonship,  the 
father  shall  not  cut  off  his  son  from  sonship. 

169.  If  he  has  a  grievous  crime  against  his  father  to  the  extent  of  cuttino- 
him  off  from  sonship,  for  the  first  time  he  (the  father)  shall  turn  away  his 
face  ;  but  if  he  commit  a  grievous  crime  a  second  time,  the  father  shall  cut 
off  his  son  from  sonship. 

170.  If  to  a  man  his  wife  has  borne  children,  and  if  his  servant  has  borne 
him  children  ;  if  the  father  during  his  life  has  said  :  "  You  are  my  children," 
to  the  children  which  his  servant  bore  him,  and  has  counted  them  with  his 
wife's  children  :  afterwards  if  that  father  has  gone  to  his  fate,  the  goods  of 
the  father's  house  shall  the  children  of  the  wife  and  the  children  of  the  ser- 
vant share  on  equal  terms.  In  the  division  the  children  of  the  wife  shall 
choose  (first)  and  take. 

171.  And  if  the  father,  during  his  life  to  the  children  which  his  slave 
bore  him  has  not  said,  "  You  are  my  chileren,"  afterwards  when  the  father 
has  gone  to  his  fate,  the  property  of  the  father's  house  the  children  of 
the  servant  shall  not  share  with  the  children  of  the  wife.  The  freedom  of  the 
servant  and  her  children  shall  be  assured.  The  children  of  the  wife  cannot 
claim  the  children  of  the  servant  for  servitude.  The  wife  shall  take  her 
marriage  portion  and  the  gift  which  her  husband  gave  her  and  wrote  on  a 
tablet  for  her,  and  shall  remain  in  the  house  of  her  husband.  As  long  as 
she  lives  she  shall  keep  them,  and  for  money  shall  not  give  them  ;  after  her 
they  belong  to  her  children. 

172.  If  her  husband  has  not  given  her  a  gift,  her  marriage  portion  she 
shall  receive  entire ;  and  of  the  property  of  her  husband's  house,  a  portion 
like  a  son  she  shall  take.  If  her  children  force  her  to  go  out  of  the  house, 
the  judge  shall  inquire  into  the  matter,  and  if  a  fault  is  imputed  to  the 
children,  that  woman  shall  not  go  out  of  the  house  of  her  husband.  If  that 
woman  has  set  her  face  to  go,  the  gift  which  her  husband  gave  her  she 
shall  leave  to  her  children.  The  marriage  portion  which  came  from  her 
father's  house  she  shall  keep,  and  the  husband  of  her  choice  she  shall  take. 

173.  If  that  woman,  there  where  she  has  entered,  to  her  second  husband 
has  borne  children,  and  if  afterward  that  woman  dies,  her  marriage  portion 
shall  her  earlier  and  her  later  children  divide  between  them. 

174.  If  to  her  second  husband  she  has  borne  no  children,  her  marriage 
portion  shall  the  children  of  her  first  husband  ^ake. 

175.  If  a  free-born  woman  has  married  a  palace  slave  or  the  slave  of  a 
noble,  and  has  borne  children ;  the  owner  of  the  slave  on  the  children  of  tlie 
free-born  woman  shall  make  no  claim  for  servitude. 

176.  And  if  a  free-born  woman  marries  a  slave  of  the  palace  or  the  slave 
of  a  noble,  and  if  when  he  married  her  she  entered  the  house  of  the  palace 
slave  or  of  the  nobleman's  slave  with  a  marriage  portion  from  the  house  of 
her  father,  and  from  the  time  that  they  set  up  their  house  together  have 
acquired  property ;  if  afterward  either  the  slave  of  the  palace  or  the  slave 
of  the  nobleman  has  gone  to  his  fate,  the  free-born  woman  shall  take  her 
marriage  portion,  and  whatever  her  husband  and  she  since  they  began 
housekeeping  have  made,  into  two  parts  they  shall  divide ;  one-lialf  the 
owner  of  the  slave  shall  take,  one-half  the  free-born  woman  shall  take  for 
her  children. 

176  a.  If  the  free-born  woman  had  no  marriage  portion,  cvorytliing 
which  her  husband  and  she  had  acquired  since  they  ke[)t  liouse  together, 
into  two  parts  they  shall  divide.  The  owner  of  the  slave  one-half  shall 
take :  one-half  shall  the  free-born  woman  take  for  her  children. 


508  THE   HISTORY   OF   MESOPOTAMIA 

177.  If  a  widow,  whose  children  are  still  young,  has  set  her  face  to  enter 
the  house  of  another  without  consulting  the  judge,  she  shall  not  enter. 
When  she  enters  another  house  the  judge  shall  inquire  into  that  which  was 
left  from  the  house  of  her  former  husband;  and  the  goods  of  her  former 
husband's  house  to  her  later  husband  and  to  that  woman  (herself)  one  shall 
confide,  and  a  tablet  one  shall  make  them  deliver.  They  shall  keep  the 
house  and  bring  up  the  little  ones ;  no  utensil  shall  they  give  for  money. 
The  buyer  who  shall  buy  a  utensil  belonging  to  the  children  of  the  widow, 
shall  lose  his  money ;  the  property  shall  return  to  its  owner. 

178.  If  a  votary  or  a  vowed  woman  to  whom  her  father  has  given  a 
marriage  portion,  a  tablet  has  written,  and  on  the  tablet  he  wrote  for  her 
did  not  write,  "After  her  she  may  give  to  whom  she  pleases,"  has  not  per- 
mitted her  all  the  wish  of  her  heart;  afterwards  when  the  father  has  gone 
to  his  fate,  her  field  and  garden  shall  her  brothers  take,  and  according  to 
the  value  of  her  portion  they  shall  give  her  grain,  oil,  and  wool,  and  her 
heart  they  shall  content.  If  her  brothers  have  not  given  her  grain,  oil,  and 
wool  according  to  the  value  of  her  portion,  and  have  not  contented  her 
heart,  she  shall  give  her  field  and  garden  to  a  cultivator  who  is  pleasing  to 
her,  and  her  cultivator  shall  sustain  her.  The  field,  garden,  and  whatever 
her  father  gave  her  she  shall  keep  as  long  as  she  lives,  but  for  money  she 
shall  not  give  it,  to  another  she  shall  not  part  with  it ;  her  sonship  (inheri- 
tance) belongs  to  her  brother. 

179.  If  a  votary  or  a  vowed  woman  to  whom  her  father  has  given  a 
marriage  portion,  and  has  written  her  a  tablet,  and  on  the  tablet  which  he 
wrote  her  has  written,  "  property  where  (to  whom)  it  seems  good  to  her  to 
give  (let  her  give),"  has  allowed  her  the  fulness  of  her  heart's  desire  :  after- 
wards when  the  father  has  gone  to  his  fate,  her  property  after  her  death 
to  whomever  it  pleases  her  she  shall  give  ;  her  brothers  shall  not  strive 
with  her. 

180.  If  a  father  to  his  daughter,  a  bride  or  vowed  woman,  a  marriage 
portion  has  not  given ;  after  the  father  has  gone  to  his  fate,  she  shall  receive 
of  the  possession  of  the  father's  house  a  share  like  one  son.  As  long  as 
she  lives  she  shall  keep  it ;  her  property  after  her  death  shall  belong  to  her 
brothers. 

181.  If  a  father  has  vowed  to  God  a  hierodule  or  a  temple  virgin,  and 
has  gone  to  his  fate,  she  shall  have  a  share  in  the  possession  of  the  father's 
house  equal  to  one-third  her  portion  as  one  of  his  children.  As  long  as 
she  lives  she  shall  keep  it.  Her  property  after  her  death  shall  belong  to  her 
Ijrotliers. 

182.  If  a  father  to  his  daughter,  a  votary  of  Marduk  of  Babylon,  has  not 
given  a  marriage  portion,  a  tablet  has  not  written;  after  the  father  has  gone 
to  iiis  fate  she  shall  share  with  her  brothers  in  the  possession  of  her  father's 
house  ;  a  third  of  her  share  as  his  child  (she  shall  receive).  Control  over 
it  shall  not  go  from  her.  The  votary  of  Marduk  shall  give  her  property 
after  her  death  to  whomever  it  pleases  her. 

183.  If  a  father  to  his  daughter  by  a  concubine  has  given-  a  marriage 
portion,  and  has  given  her  to  a  husband  and  has  written  her  a  tablet  ;  after 
the  father  has  gone  to  his  fate,  in  the  goods  of  the  father's  house,  she  shall 
not  share. 

184.  If  a  man  to  his  daughter  by  a  concubine  a  marriage  portion  has  not 
provided,  to  a  husband  has  not  given  her  ;  after  the  father  has  gone  to  his 
fate  her  brothers  shall  provide  her  a  marriage  portion  according  to  the  value 
of  the  father's  house,  and  to  a  husband  they  shall  give  her. 


MANNERS  AND   CUSTOMS   OF  BABYLONIA-ASSYRIA         509 

Laws  concerning  Adoption 

185.  If  a  man  has  taken  a  small  child  as  a  son  in  his  own  name  and  has 
brought  him  up,  that  foster  child  shall  not  be  reclaimed. 

186.  If  a  man  has  taken  a  small  child  for  his  son,  and  if  when  he  took 
him  his  father  and  his  mother  he  offended,  that  foster  child  shall  return  to 
the  house  of  his  father. 

187.  The  son  of  a  familiar  slave  in  the  palace  service,  or  the  son  of  a 
vowed  woman,  cannot  be  reclaimed. 

188.  If  an  artisan  has  taken  a  child  to  bring  up,  and  has  taught  him 
his  handicraft,  no  one  can  make  a  complaint. 

189.  If  he  has  not  taught  him  his  handicraft,  that  foster  child  shall 
return  to  the  house  of  his  father. 

190.  If  a  man,  a  small  child  whom  he  took  for  his  son  and  brought  him 
up,  with  his  own  sons  has  not  counted,  that  foster  son  shall  return  to  his 
father's  house. 

191.  If  a  man  who  has  taken  a  small  child  for  his  son  and  has  brought 
him  up,  has  afterwards  made  a  home  for  himself  and  acquired  children,  if  he 
sets  his  face  to  cut  off  the  foster  child  ;  that  child  shall  not  go  his  way.  His 
adoptive  father  shall  give  him  of  his  goods  one-third  a  son's  share,  and  then 
he  shall  go.     Of  the  field,  garden,  and  house  he  shall  not  give  him. 

192.  If  the  son  of  a  favourite  slave  or  the  son  of  a  vowed  woman  to  the 
father  who  brought  him  up  and  to  the  mother  who  brought  him  up  say,  '^  Thou 
art  not  my  father,  thou  art  not  my  mother,"  one  shall  cut  out  his  tongue. 

193.  If  the  son  of  a  palace  favourite  or  the  son  of  a  vowed  woman  has 
known  the  house  of  his  father  and  has  hated  the  father  who  brought  him  up 
and  the  mother  who  brought  him  up,  and  has  gone  to  the  house  of  his  father, 
one  shall  tear  out  his  eyes. 

194.  If  a  man  has  given  his  son  to  a  nurse  and  if  his  son  has  died  in  the 
hand  of  the  nurse,  and  if  the  nurse,  without  the  consent  of  his  father  or 
mother,  another  child  has  nourished,  she  shall  be  brought  to  account  and 
because  she  nourished  another  child,  without  the  consent  of  the  father  and 
mother,  one  shall  cut  off  her  breasts. 

Laws  of  Recompense 

195.  If  a  son  has  struck  his  father,  one  shall  cut  off  his  hands. 

196.  If  one  destroys  the  eye  of  a  free-born  man,  his  eye  one  shall  destroy. 

197.  If  anyone  breaks  the  limb  of  a  free-born  man,  his  limb  one  shall 
break. 

198.  If  the  eye  of  a  nobleman  he  has  destroyed,  or  the  limb  of  a  noble- 
man he  has  broken,  one  mina  of  silver  he  shall  pay. 

199.  If  he  has  destroyed  the  eye  of  the  slave  of  a  free-born  man  or  has 
broken  the  limb  of  the  slave  of  a  free-born  man,  he  shall  pay  the  half 
of  its  price. 

200.  If  he  knocks  out  the  teeth  of  a  man  who  is  his  equal,  his  teeth  one 
shall  knock  out. 

201.  If  the  teeth  of  a  freedman  he  has  made  to  fall  out,  he  shall  pay  one- 
third  of  a  mina  of  silver. 

202.  If  anyone  has  injured  the  strength  of  a  man  wlio  is  high  above  him, 
he  shall  publicly  be  struck  with  sixty  strokes  of  a  cowhide  whip. 

203.  If  he  has  injured  the  strength  of  a  man  who  is  his  equal,  he  shall 
pay  one  mina  of  silver. 


610  THE  HISTORY   OF   MESOPOTAMIA 

204.  If  be  has  injured  the  strength  of  a  freedman,  one  shall  cut  off  his 
ear. 

'205.  U  the  slave  of  a  man  has  injured  the  strength  of  a  free-born  man, 
one  shall  cut  off  his  ear. 

'20(j.  If  a  man  has  struck  another  in  a  quarrel  and  has  wounded  him,  and 
that  man  shall  swear,  "  I  did  not  strike  bini  wittingly,"  he  shall  pay  the  doctor. 

207.  If  he  dies  of  the  blows,  he  shall  swear  again,  and  if  it  was  a  free- 
born  man,  he  shall  pay  one-half  a  mina  of  silver. 

208.  If  it  was  a  freedman,  he  shall  pay  one-third  a  mina  of  silver. 

209.  If  anyone  has  struck  a  free-born  woman  and  caused  her  to  let  fall 
what  was  in  her  womb,  he  shall  pay  ten  shekels  of  silver  for  what  was  in 
her  womb. 

210.  If  that  woman  dies,  one  shall  put  his  daughter  to  death. 

211.  If  it  was  a  freed  woman  whom  he  caused  to  let  fall  that  which  was  in 
lier  womb,  through  his  blows,  he  shall  pay  five  sliekels  of  silver. 

212.  If  that  woman  dies,  he  shall  pay  one-half  a  mina  of  silver. 

21o.  If  he  has  struck  a  man's  maid-servant  and  caused  her  to  drop  what 
was  in  her  womb,  he  shall  pay  two  shekels  of  silver. 

214.  If  that  maid-servant  dies  he  shall  pay  one-third  a  mina  of  silver. 

Regulations  concerning  Physicians  and   Veterinary  Surgeons 

215.  If  a  doctor  has  treated  a  man  for  a  severe  wound  with  a  lancet  of 
bronze  and  has  cured  the  man,  or  has  opened  a  tumour  with  a  bronze  lancet 
and  has  cured  the  man's  eye  ;  he  shall  receive  ten  shekels  of  silver. 

216.  If  it  was  a  freedman,  he  shall  receive  five  shekels  of  silver. 

217.  If  it  was  a  man's  slave,  the  owner  of  the  slave  shall  give  the  doctor 
two  shekels  of  silver. 

218.  If  a  physician  has  treated  a  free-born  man  for  a  severe  wound  with  a 
lancet  of  bronze  and  has  caused  the  man  to  die,  or  has  opened  a  tumour  of 
the  man  with  a  lancet  of  bronze  and  has  destroyed  his  eye,  his  hands  one 
shall  cut  ofT. 

219.  If  a  doctor  has  treated  the  slave  of  a  freedman  for  a  severe  wound 
with  a  bronze  lancet  and  has  caused  him  to  die,  he  shall  give  back  slave  for 
slave. 

220.  If  he  has  opened  his  tumour  with  a  bronze  lancet  and  has  ruined  his 
eye,  he  shall  pay  the  half  of  his  price  in  money. 

221.  If  a  doctor  has  cured  the  broken  limb  of  a  man,  or  has  healed  his 
sick  body,  the  patient  shall  pay  the  doctor  five  shekels  of  silver. 

222.  If  it  was  a  freedman,  he  shall  give  three  shekels  of  silver. 

228.  If  it  was  a  man's  slave,  the  owner  of  the  slave  shall  give  two  shekels 
of  silver  to  the  doctor. 

224.  If  the  doctor  of  oxen  and  asses  has  treated  an  ox  or  an  ass  for  a 
grave  wound  and  has  cured  it,  the  owner  of  the  ox  or  the  ass  shall  give  to 
the  doctor  as  his  pay  one-sixth  of  a  shekel  of  silver. 

22").  If  he  has  treated  an  ox  or  an  ass  for  a  severe  wound  and  has  caused 
its  death,  he  shall  pay  one-fourth  of  its  price  to  the  owner  of  the  ox  or  the 
ass. 

Illegal  Branding  of  Slaves 

226.  If  a  barber-surgeon,  without  consent  of  the  owner  of  a  slave,  has 
branded  tlie  slave  with  an  indelible  mark,  one  shall  cut  off  the  hands  of  that 
barber. 


MANNERS  AND   CUSTOMS   OF  BABYLONIA-ASSYRIA  511 

227.  If  anyone  deceives  the  barber-surgeon  and  makes  him  brand  a  slave 
with  an  indelible  mark,  one  shall  kill  that  man  and  bury  him  in  his  house. 
The  barber  shall  swear,  "•  I  did  not  mark  him  Avittingly,"  and  he  shall  be 
guiltless. 

Regulations  co7icerning  Builders 

228.  If  a  builder  has  built  a  house  for  some  one  and  has  finished  it, 
for  every  sak  of  house  he  shall  give  him  two  shekels  of  silver  as  his  fee. 

229.  If  a  builder  has  built  a  house  for  some  one  and  has  not  made  his 
work  firm,  and  if  the  house  he  built  has  fallen  and  has  killed  the  owner  of 
the  house,  that  builder  shall  be  put  to  death. 

230.  If  it  has  killed  the  son  of  the  house-owner,  one  shall  kill  the  son 
of  that  builder. 

231.  If  it  has  killed  the  slave  of  the  house-owner,  he  (the  builder)  shall 
give  to  the  owner  of  the  house  slave  for  slave. 

232.  If  it  has  destroyed  property,  he  shall  restore  everything  he 
destroyed  ;  and  because  the  house  he  built  was  not  firm  and  fell  in,  out  of 
his  own  funds  he  shall  rebuild  the  house  that  fell. 

233.  If  a  builder  has  built  a  house  for  some  one  and  has  not  made  its 
foundations  solid,  and  a  wall  falls,  that  builder  out  of  his  own  money  shall 
make  firm  that  wall. 

Regulations  concerning  Shipping 

234.  If  a  boatman  has  caulked  (?)  a  boat  of  60  gue.  for  a  man,  he  shall 
give  him  two  shekels  of  silver  as  his  fee, 

235.  If  a  boatman  has  caulked  a  boat  for  a  man,  and  has  not  made  firm 
his  work  ;  if  in  that  year  that  ship  is  put  into  use  and  it  suffers  an  injury, 
the  boatman  shall  alter  that  boat  and  shall  make  it  firm  out  of  his  own 
funds ;  and  he  shall  give  the  strengthened  boat  to  the  owner  of  the  boat. 

236.  If  a  man  has  given  his  boat  to  a  boatman  on  hire,  if  the  boatman 
has  been  careless,  has  grounded  the  boat  or  destroyed  it,  the  boatman  shall 
give  a  boat  to  the  owner  of  the  boat  in  compensation. 

237.  If  a  man  has  hired  a  boatman  and  a  boat,  and  has  loaded  it  with 
grain,  wool,  oil,  dates,  or  whatever  the  cargo  was  ;  if  that  boatman  has  been 
careless,  has  grounded  the  ship  and  destroyed  all  that  was  in  it,  the  boatman 
shall  make  good  the  ship  which  he  grounded  and  whatever  he  destroyed  of 
what  was  in  it. 

238.  If  a  man  has  grounded  a  boat  and  has  refloated  it,  he  shall  pay  the 
half  of  its  price  in  silver. 

239.  If  a  man  has  hired  a  boatman,  he  shall  give  6  GUR  of  grain  a 
year. 

240.  If  a  freight  boat  has  struck  a  ferry-boat,  and  grounded  it,  the  owner 
of  the  grounded  boat  shall  make  a  statement  before  God  of  everything  that 
was  destroyed  in  the  boat  and  (the  owner  of)  the  freight  boat  which 
grounded  the  ferry-boat  shall  make  good  the  boat  and  whatever  was  destroyed. 

Regulations  concerning  the  Hiring  of  Animals,  Farming^  Wages,  etc. 

241.  If  a  man  has  forced  an  ox  to  too  hard  labour,  he  shall  pay  one-third 
a  mina  of  silver. 

242.  If  a  man  hires  (the  ox)  for  one  year,  he  shall  pay  4  GUR  of  grain 
as  the  hire  of  a  working  ox. 


512  THE  HISTORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

243.  For  the  hire  of  an  ox  to  carry  burdens  (?)  he  shall  give  3  gur 
of  grain  to  its  owner. 

24-i.  If  anyone  has  hired  an  ox  or  an  ass,  and  if  in  the  field  a  lion  has 
killed  it,  the  loss  is  its  master's. 

245.  If  anyone  has  hired  an  ox  and  has  caused  it  to  die  through  ill- 
treatment  or  blows,  he  shall  return  ox  for  ox  to  the  owner  of  the  ox. 

24G.  If  a  man  has  hired  an  ox  and  has  broken  his  leg  or  has  cut  its  nape, 
he  shall  return  ox  for  ox  to  the  owner  of  the  ox. 

247.  If  a  man  has  hired  an  ox  and  has  knocked  out  its  eye,  he  shall  give 
one-half  its  value  in  silver  to  the  owner  of  the  ox. 

248.  If  anyone  has  hired  an  ox  and  has  broken  its  horn,  cut  off  its  tail, 
or  has  injured  its  nostrils,  he  shall  pay  one-fourth  of  its  price  in  silver. 

240.  If  anyone  has  hired  an  ox  and  God  (an  accident)  has  struck  him 
and  he  has  died,  he  who  hired  the  ox  shall  swear  by  the  name  of  God  and  be 
guiltk'ss. 

250.  If  a  furious  ox  in  his  charge  gores  a  man  and  kills  him,  that  case 
cannot  be  brought  to  judgment. 

251.  If  an  ox  has  pushed  a  man  (with  his  horns)  and  in  pushing  showed 
him  his  vice,  and  if  he  has  not  blunted  his  liorns,  has  not  shut  up  his  ox :  if 
that  ox  gores  a  free-born  man  and  kills  him,  he  shall  pay  one-half  a  mina  of 
silver. 

252.  If  it  is  the  slave  of  a  man  he  shall  give  one-third  of  a  mina  of  silver. 

253.  If  a  man  has  hired  a  man  to  live  in  his  held  and  has  furnished  him 
seed  grain  (?)  and  oxen,  and  has  bound  him  to  cultivate  the  tield  ;  if  that 
man  has  stolen  grain  or  plants  and  they  are  seized  in  his  possession,  one  shall 
cut  off  his  hands. 

254.  If  he  has  taken  the  seed  grain  (?),  for  himself  exhausted  the  oxen ; 
he  shall  make  restitution  according  to  the  amount  of  the  grain  which  he  took. 

255.  If  he  has  given  out  the  man's  oxen  on  hire  or  has  stolen  the  grain, 
lias  not  caused  it  to  grow  in  the  held  ;  one  shall  bring  that  man  to  judgment, 
for  100  GAX  of  land  he  shall  measure  out  GO  gur  of  grain. 

250.  If  his  community  (clan)  will  not  take  up  his  cause,  one  shall  leave 
him  in  the  field  among  the  oxen.  (?) 

257.  If  a  man  has  hired  a  harvester,  he  shall  give  him  8  GUR  of  grain  for 
one  year. 

258.  If  a  man  has  hired  an  ox  driver  (?),  he  shall  give  him  6  GUR  of 
grain  for  one  year. 

259.  If  a  man  has  stolen  a  watering  wheel  (Gis-Apin)  from  the  field,  he 
shall  pay  5  shekels  of  silver  to  the  owner  of  the  wheel. 

200.  If  he  has  stolen  a  watering  bucket^  or  a  plough,  he  shall  pay  three 
sliekels  of  silver. 

2G1.  If  a  man  has  hired  a  herdsman  to  pasture  cattle  and  sheep,  he  shall 
pay  him  8  GUR  of  grain  a  year. 

2ti2.    If  a  man,  oxen  or  sheep  .   .   .    [the  stone  is  here  defaced.] 

203.  If  he  has  destroyed  the  oxen  or  sheep  which  were  given  him,  ox  for 
ox  and  sheep  for  sheep  he  shall  restore  to  their  owner. 

2G4.  If  a  lierdsman,  to  whom  oxen  and  sheep  have  been  given  for  pastur- 
ing, has  received  his  wages,  whatever  was  agreed  upon,  and  his  heart  is  con- 
tented ;  if  he  has  diminished  the  oxen  or  the  sheep,  has  lessened  the  offspring, 
he  shall  give  offspring  and  produce  according  to  the  words  of  his  agreement. 

[}  The  Egyptians  call  this  shaduf.  It  is  an  arrangement  to  draw  water  from  the  canal  for  irri- 
gation, and  is  worked  by  hand,  whereas  the  wheel  for  the  same  purpose  {sakieh)  is  turned  by  an 
animal.] 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF   BABYLONIA-ASSYRIA         513 

265.  If  a  herdsman,  to  whom  oxen  and  sheep  have  been  given  for  pastur- 
ing, has  deceived,  has  changed  the  price,  or  has  given  them  for  money ;  he 
shall  be  brought  to  judgment  and  he  shall  return  to  their  owner  oxen  and 
sheep  ten  times  that  which  he  stole. 

266.  If  in  the  fold  a  disaster  is  brought  about  from  God,  or  if  a  lion  has 
killed,  the  herdsman  shall  purge  himself  before  God,  and  the  owner  of  the 
fold  shall  bear  the  disaster  to  the  fold. 

267.  If  the  herdsman  has  been  careless  and  in  the  fold  has  caused  loss, 
the  shepherd  shall  make  good  in  oxen  and  sheep  the  loss  he  caused  in  the 
fold,  and  shall  give  them  to  their  owner  in  good  condition. 

268.  If  a  man  has  hired  an  ox  for  threshing,  20  ka  of  grain  is  its  hire. 

269.  If  he  has  hired  an  ass  for  threshing,  10  ka  of  grain  is  its  hire. 

270.  If  he  has  hired  a  young  animal  for  threshing,  1  ka  of  grain  is  its  hire. 

271.  If  anyone  has  hired  oxen,  a  cart,  and  driver,  he  shall  pay  180  KA  of 
grain  for  one  day. 

272.  If  anyone  has  hired  a  cart  alone,  he  shall  give  40  ka  of  grain  for 
one  day. 

273.  If  anyone  has  hired  a  day  labourer,  from  the  first  of  the  year  to  the 
fifth  month,  he  shall  give  him  6  SHE  of  silver  a  day  ;  from  the  sixth  month 
to  the  end  of  the  year  he  shall  give  him  5  she  of  silver  a  day. 

274.  If  anyone  hires  an  artisan,  —  The  wages  of  a  .  .  .  are  5  she  of 
silver ;  the  wages  of  a  brick  maker  (?),  5  she  of  silver  ;  the  wages  of  a 
tailor,  5  she  of  silver  ;  the  wages  of  a  stone  cutter  (?)  .  .  .  she  of  silver  ; 
the  wages  of  a  ...  .  she  of  silver  ;  the  wages  of  a  ...  .  she  of  silver  ; 
the  wages  of  a  carpenter,  4  she  of  silver  ;  the  wages  of  a  ...  4  she  of 
silver  ;  the  wages  of  .  .  .  she  of  silver  ;  the  wages  of  a  mason  ....  she 
of  silver,  —  a  day  he  shall  give. 

275.  If  anyone  has  hired  a  (ferry-boat  ?)  its  hire  is  3  she  of  silver  a  day. 

276.  If  he  has  hired  a  freight  boat,  he  shall  give  2^  she  of  silver  a  day 
as  its  hire. 

277.  If  anyone  has  hired  a  boat  of  60  GUR  he  shall  give  one-sixth  of  a 
shekel  of  silver  as  its  hire. 

Regulations  concerning  the  Buying  of  Slaves 

278.  If  anyone  has  bought  a  man  or  woman  slave  and  before  the  end  of 
the  month  the  bennu-sickness  has  fallen  upon  him,  he  shall  return  him  to  the 
seller,  and  the  buyer  shall  take  back  the  money  which  he  paid. 

279.  If  anyone  has  bought  a  man  or  woman  slave  and  a  complaint  is  made, 
the  seller  shall  answer  for  the  complaint. 

280.  If  anyone  has  bought  another  man's  man  or  woman  slave  in  a  strange 
land  ;  when  he  has  come  into  the  country  and  the  owner  of  the  man  or  woman 
slave  recognises  his  property ;  if  that  man  or  woman  slave  are  natives  :  without 
money  he  shall  grant  them  their  freedom. 

281.  If  they  are  from  another  country,  the  buyer  shall  declare  before  God 
the  money  which  he  paid  ;  the  owner  of  the  man  or  v/oman  slave  shall  give 
to  the  merchant  the  money  which  he  paid,  and  shall  recover  his  man  or 
woman  slave. 

282.  If  a  slave  has  said  to  his  master,  "  Thou  art  not  my  master,"  one 
shall  bring  him  to  judgment  as  his  slave,  and  his  master  shall  cut  off  his  ear. 

Having  presented  this  remarkable  code  in  its  entirety,  it  is  hardly  neces- 
sary to  comment  upon  it  at  length.     It  will  repay  the  closest  examination 

H.    \V.  —  VOL.  I.  2  L 


514 


THE   HISTORY   OF  MESOPOTAMIA 


on  the  part  of  anyone  who  is  interested  in  the  manners  and  customs  of  this 
remote  period.  Prior  to  the  excavations  in  Mesopotamia,  no  historian  could 
have  dared  hope  that  we  should  ever  have  presented  to  us  so  varied  and  so 
authoritative  an  exposition  of  the  laws  that  governed  society  in  any  part  of 
the  world  in  the  third  millennium  before  our  era.  Thanks  to  the  imperish- 
;il)le  nature  of  the  materials  on  which  the  Babylonians  wrote,  this  seeming 
miracle  has  now  come  to  pass,  and  we  are  in  a  fair  way  to  have  a  much  more 
precise  and  accurate  knowledge  of  the  culture  of  this  ancient  people  than  we 
are  likely  ever  to  possess  regarding  European  nations  of  two  thousand  years 
later.  The  laws  that  governed  the  Greeks  and  Romans  of  the  earlier  period, 
and  the  details  as  to  the  practicalities  of  their  civilisation,  are  for  the  most 
part  preserved  to  us  only  through  traditions  that  utterly  lack  the  authen- 
ticity of  such  an  original  document  as  this  code  of  Khammurabi.  The  sands 
of  Egypt  have  recently  given  up  to  us  a  papyrus  roll  on  which  is  inscribed 
the  famous  treatise  on  the  constitution  of  Athens  by  Aristotle  ;  and  the 
eagerness  with  which  this  document  has  been  scanned  by  students  of  Greek 
history  is  in  itself  an  evidence  of  the  paucity  of  authoritative  documents 
regarding  the  classical  world  during  this  relatively  recent  period.  It  is 
peculiarly  gratifying  then  to  be  able  to  go  back  to  so  much  more  remote  a 
period  and  learn  as  it  were  at  first  hand  such  interesting  details  of  the  laws 
that  governed  the  social  intercourse  of  these  forerunners  of  the  Greeks. 
The  fact  that  the  earliest  European  civilisation  undoubtedly  deferred  in 
many  ways  to  this  remoter  civilisation  of  the  Orient  lends  additional  im- 
[)ortance  to  these  wonderful  documents  from  old  Babylonia. « 


CHAPTER   VIII. 


THE   RELIGION   OF   THE   BABYLONIANS 
AND   ASSYRIANS 


It  is  always  extremely  difficult  for  a  writer  of  any  nationality  to  appre- 
ciate the  peculiar  genius  of  another  nation,  even  as  regards  its  political  and 
social  history.  And  when  we  turn  to  the  question  of  religion,  the  dithculty 
becomes  well  nigh  an  impassable  barrier.  Obviously  the  effort  must  be 
made,  but  we  can  never  feel  too  secure  in  the  results  ;  certainly  not  unless  we 
know  the  particular  bias  of  the  individual  interpreter.  Perhaps  we  cannot 
better  illustrate  the  difficulties  in  question  than  by  making  two  short  quota- 
tions, each  of  which  includes  an  estimate  of  Babylonian  influence  in  general, 
and  of  its  religious  influence  in  particular. 

One  of  these  estimates  runs  thus : 

"  In  spite  of  the  skill  and  knowledge  of  the  Babylonians,  and  their 
wonderful  progress  in  arts  and  sciences,  they  had  a  religion  of  the  lowest 
and  most  degrading  kind.  True  insight  into  natural  phenomena  was  pre- 
vented, and  progress  beyond  the  surface  of  things  stopped  by  a  religion 
which  had  a  multitude  of  gods,  which  were  supposed  to  bring  about  in  an 
irregular  and  capricious  manner  all  the  changes  in  nature  and  all  the  mis- 
fortunes which  happened  to  the  people ;  thus  foresight  and  medicine  were 
neglected,  and  unavailing  prayers  and  useless  sacrifices  offered  to  propitiate 
the  deities,  who  were  imagined  to  hold  the  destiny  of  the  human  race  in 
their  hands." 

The  other  estimate  is  quite  different : 

"  The  history  of  Babylonia  has  an  interest  of  a  wider  kind  than  that  of 
Egypt;  from  its  more  intimate  connection  with  the  general  history  of  the 
human  race,  and  from  the  remarkable-  influence  which  its  religion,  its 
science,  and  its  civilisation  have  had  on  all  subsequent  human  progress. 
Its  religious  traditions,  carried  away  by  the  Israelites  who  came  out  from 
Ur  of  the  Chaldees  (Genesis  xi.  31),  have  through  this  wonderful  people 
become  the  heritage  of  all  mankind,  while  its  science  and  civilisation, 
through  the  medium  of  the  Greeks  and  Romans,  have  become  the  basis  of 
modern  research  and  advancement." 

Now  the  curious  thing  is  that  these  contradictory  estimates  occur  in  the 
same  book,  and  only  separated  from  one  another  by  a  few  pages.  They  were 
probably  not  written  by  the  same  man,  for  the  edition  we  are  quoting  is  one 
published  after  the  author's  death,  and  "  edited  and  brought  up  to  date  "  by 
another  writer.  George  Smith  was  the  author,  A.  H.  Sayce  the  editor,  and 
both  alike  have  the  highest  rank  as  Assyriologists,  and  any  quotation  from 
either  must  be  considered  as  having  a  high  degree  of  authority.  Which, 
then,  is  right?     Had  the  Babylonians  a  "religion  of  the  lowest  and  most 

515 


51G  THE   HISTORY   OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

degrading  kind,"  or  was  it  a  religion  which  has  had  a  "remarkable 
influence  upon  all  subsequent  human  progress "  through  having  been 
adopted  by  the  Hebrews,  and  through  them  becoming  "the  heritage  of 
all  mankind"? 

Or,  again,  are  the  two  citations  less  contradictory  than  they  seem,  each 
l)cing  a  correct  statement  of  a  particular  point  of  view?  Did  the  Baby- 
lonian religion,  which  the  Hebrews  are  said  to  have  borrowed,  really  have 
elements  both  of  greatness  and  of  degradation,  and  was  it,  therefore,  capable 
of  being  interpreted  in  one  way  or  the  other,  according  to  the  particular 
element  for  tlie  moment  considered?  Perhaps  this  is  the  fairer  view. 
Possibly  these  two  phases  might  be  found  to  pertain  to  every  religion 
wliatsoever.  In  any  event,  we  shall  have  occasion  often  to  quote  contra- 
dictory views  in  attempting  to  get  at  the  truth  about  the  religions  of  the 
various  peoples  who  come  before  us.  And  of  a  certainty  we  shall  some- 
times be  left  in  doubt  as  to  the  real  character  of  the  religion  in  question. 
So  long  as  the  sects  of  Christendom  cannot  agree  among  themselves  as 
to  the  correct  interpretation  of  the  particular  records  which  form  their 
common  basis,  we  can  hardly  hope  to  interpret  with  full  justice  the  religious 
contemplations  of  people  of  another  genius. 

The  following  account  of  Assyrian  religion  by  Joachim  Menant  is  based 
upon  a  study  of  documents  from  the  library  of  Asshurbanapal,  and,  as  will 
be  seen,  is  an  exposition  of  certain  details  of  the  subject,  rather  than  an 
attempt  at  a  comprehensive  analysis.  Nevertheless,  its  explicit  depiction  of 
these  details  will  perhaps  give  the  reader  a  clearer  idea  of  the  Assyrian 
religion  than  could  be  gained  from  a  more  general  treatment.  As  already 
pointed  out,  any  interpretation  of  the  mysteries  of  an  oriental  religion 
must  necessarily,  in  the  present  state  of  our  knowledge,  leave  much  to 
be  desired.« 

It  is  rather  difficult  nowadays  to  distinguish  the  link  which  united  science 
to  astrology  and  astrology  to  religion.  The  Assyrio-Chaldean  dogma  is  not 
formnhited  in  a  text  by  which  we  may  grasp  the  whole,  and  thus  we  are 
oliliged  to  seek  traces  of  it  in  fragments  of  different  sources  and  of  different 
times,  without  being  able  to  give  them  the  unity  they  must  have  had  in  their 
complete  form  ;  in  other  words,  we  cannot  reconstruct  the  Assyrian  pantheon 
as  a  whole. 

Tlie  most  superficial  examination  suffices  to  show  that  we  are  in  the  pres- 
ence of  a  very  complicated  polytheism,  but  there  is  no  text  to  explain  the 
liierarcliy  which  must  have  reigned  in  the  celestial  world.  At  the  summit 
of  this  hierarchy  one  can  perceive  a  divinity,  one,  and  at  the  same  time 
divisible.  Dogma  proclaims  this  divinity  in  certain  passages,  but  when  we 
wish  to  learn  its  exact  individuality,  it  eludes  us,  so  that  we  may  only  seize 
the  abstraction.  We  are  led  to  i)elieve  in  a  celestial  hierarchy  of  beings 
inhabiting  a  superior  world  and  subordinated  to  an  all-powerful  God,  who 
governs  gods,  world,  and  men.  He  is  enthroned  in  spaces  inaccessible  to 
us  in  our  condition,  and  appears  only  in  legends;  his  power  intervenes  only 
when  the  order  of  the  universe  is  threatened,  as  we  shall  see  in  the  legend 
of  Ishtar,  when  tlie  goddess  of  the  dwellings  of  the  dead  wishes  to  keep  the 
daughter  of  Sin  in  the  dark  dwelling,  where  she  is  so  boldly  detained. 

This  all-powerful  God  does  not  seem  to  be  accessible  to  human  beings ; 
secondary  divinities  revolve  about  him  and  seem,  like  him,  to  be  pure  spirits. 
In  the  practice  of  the  religion  one  has  a  glimpse  of  an  assembly  of  divinities, 
whose  relations  with  humanity  are  more  tangible.  These  gods  assume  more 
definite  form,  as  a  general  thing  the  human  one  often  joined  with  that  of 


THE   RELIGION   OF  THE   BABYLONIANS  AND  ASSYRIANS     5i; 


various  animals,  fish,  oxen,  or  birds.  The  wings  seem  to  have  but  a  single 
symbolical  signification,  to  denote  beings  of  a  superior  order. 

These  gods  have  a  rather  definite  hierarchy,  twelve  of  them  being  known 
as  "great  gods."  The  one  who  appears  to  be  the  chief  varies  according  to 
locality  and  time.  The  chances  of  political  conquest  seem  to  influence  him, 
and  he  is  changed  according  to  the  fortunes  of  war  that  give  the  upper  hand 
to  such  and  such  locality  where  his  cult  is  followed. 

At  Nineveh,  the  god  which  seems  to  have  been  the  highest  in  the  celestial 
hierarchy,  is  Ilu ;  his  character  is  no  further  defined  and  his  symbol  is  often 
only  the  abstract  representation  of  the  divinity. 


Winged  Bull  discovered  at  Arban 

(Layard) 

In  the  historical  texts  of  the  Assyrian  kings  we  find  an  enumeration  of 
the  great  gods  who  were  invoked  by  the  sovereigns  of  the  earth  ;  their  num- 
ber and  order  is  not  always  constant,  but  such  as  they  are  we  can  mention : 
Ilu  (Ana),  who  is  often  confounded  at  Nineveh  with  Assliur;  then  Bel 
(Baal);  and  lastly  Anu.  These  three  divinities  appear  as  tlie  reflection  of 
the  gods  of  the  superior  world,  which  we  have  already  mentioned,  but  to 
which  we  have  been  unable  to  ascribe  names.  Then  follow  the  gods  more 
particularly  associated  with  the  visible  world :  Sin,  the  god  of  the  moon  ; 
Shamash,  god  of  the  sun ;  Bin  (Ramman  or  Adad),  god  of  the  higher 
regions  of  the  atmosphere,  arbitrator  of  the  heavens  and  earth,  the  god 
who  presides  over  tempests. 

A  series  of  divinities  seems  especially  given  over  to  the  superintendence 
of  the  planets :  Adar  over  Saturn,  Marduk  over  Jupiter,  Nergal  over  Mars, 
Ishtar  over  Venus,  Nabu  over  Mercury. 


518  THE   HISTORY   OF   MESOPOTAMIA 

Ishtar  seems  always  to  have  a  peculiar  and  special  individuality,  notwith- 
standing that  each  of  the  great  gods  has  a  spouse  who  is  often  invoked  with 
him,  and  who  seems  to  coniplete  him.  The  role  of  the  great  spouses  of  the 
great  gods  is  not  well  understood  ;  with  Ishtar  we  can  see  Beltis  figure,  whose 
name  is  transformed  and  often  becomes  like  that  of  Ishtar,  a  collective  appel- 
lation of  all  female  divinities;  those  whose  names  seem  to  have  a  more 
permanent  character  are  Zarpanit,  the  goddess  who  particularly  represents 
the  fertile  principle  of  the  universe,  and  Tasmit,  the  goddess  of  wisdom.  All 
female  divinities  seem  to  have  direct  relations  with  humanity,  but  they  often 
disappear  in  the  higher  and  inaccessible  world,  and  then  only  reveal  them- 
selves through  secondary  influences.  Secondary  gods,  whose  number  is 
infinite,  are  born  of  these  divine  couples;  a  tablet  from  the  Nineveh  library 
gives  us  the  list  of  twelve  sons  of  Ann  with  their  attributes ;  of  these  sons 
other  divinities  are  born,  but  their  descent  we  cannot  follow.  It  is  so  with 
other  great  gods. 

At  Babylon  the  divinities  are  the  same,  but  the  hierarchy  is  different; 
Bel  seems  to  have  replaced  Ilu  (Ana),  and  Marduk  takes  the  place  of  Asshur. 
It  is  easy  to  be  seen  that  these  theogonies  come  from  a  common  source,  which 
is  every  day  becoming  more  accessible  to  us,  but  which  we  have  not  yet 
sufliciently  explored  to  know  its  exact  nature. 

The  artistic  development  at  which  the  Chaldeans  had  arrived  from  the 
remotest  antiquity,  allows  us  easily  to  suppose  that  we  ought  to  discover  in 
the  pictured  monuments  that  which  the  texts  have  not  yet  revealed  to  us. 
Unfortunately  we  cannot  fix  upon  the  meaning  of  the  figures  on  the  engraved 
stones  until  we  shall  have  complete  enlightenment  from  the  texts.  The 
significance  of  a  symbol  cannot  be  guessed  at ;  also  it  is  the  most  we  can  do 
if  from  all  these  representations  we  are  able  to  recognise  the  figures  of  four 
or  five  divinities  —  Ilu,  Nabu,  Marduk,  Ishtar,  and  Zarpanit.  There  is,  more- 
over,' a  special  reason  why  we  should  be  most  cautious  in  our  comparisons ; 
we  know  that  when  the  Assyrians  took  possession  of  a  hostile  town,  they 
carried  away  the  images  of  strange  divinities,  and  restored  them  to  their 
possessors,  after  inscribing  on  these  images  the  names  of  Assyrian  gods. 
Therefore  we  should  not  trust  too  much  to  an  Assyrian  inscription  to  fix 
on  the  identification  of  the  image  of  a  divinity,  as  deeds  of  this  nature  might 
have  been  repeated  in  every  campaign.  It  is  thus,  doubtless,  that  we  may 
exphiin  the  fact  that,  while  in  the  whole  of  Mesopotamia  the  abstract  idea 
of  the  divinity  was  mentioned  by  the  name  Ilu,  it  appears  on  the  monuments 
of  the  Achajmenidffi  as  Ormuzd. 

The  Assyrio-Chaldean  cult  had  a  very  solemn  ritual ;  we  already  have  a 
great  number  of  hymns  addressed  to  the  principal  divinities ;  and  as  every 
iiiDuth  and  every  day  of  the  month  was  under  the  protection  of  a  particular 
divinity,  one  may  understand  that  the  Assyrio-Chaldean  ritual  must  have 
had  a  consideral^le  development.  There  were  hymns  dedicated  to  Nabu, 
Sin,  Shamash,  Anuit,  to  Fire,  and  to  the  Elements.  Here  is  a  hymn  which 
can  give  an  idea  of  the  lyric  poetry  of  which  the  library  of  Nineveh  included 
numerous  fragments : 

"  Lord  Illuminator  of  darkness  who  penetrates  obscurity.  The  Good 
God,  who  uplifts  tliose  who  are  in  abjection,  who  sustains  the  feeble.  The 
great  gods  turn  their  eyes  towards  thy  light.  The  spirits  of  the  abyss 
eagerly  contemplate  thy  face.  The  language  of  praise  is  addressed  to  thee 
as  a  single  word.  The  ...  of  their  heads  seeks  the  light  of  the  Southern 
sun.  Like  a  betrothed  thou  restest  full  of  joy  and  graciousness.  In  thy 
splendour  thou  attainest  the  limits  of  Heaven.     Thou  art  the  Standard  of 


THE  KELIGION   OF   THE   BABYLONIANS   AND   ASSYRIANS    519 

this  wide  World.  O  God,  the  men  who  live  afar  off  contemplate  thee  and 
rejoice." 

Religious  ceremonies  bore  a  relation  to  external  worship;  they  all 
ended  in  invocation  or  sacrifice.  The  cylinder-engraved  scenes  give  us  an 
idea  of  these  ceremonies ;  we  usually  see  the  priest  in  an  attitude  of  adora- 
tion or  prayer,  sometimes  alone,  but  often  before  an  altar,  on  which  reposes 
the  object  of  adoration,  or  that  which  is  going  to  be  sacrificed.  The  most 
usual  victim  is  a  ram  or  a  kid.  The  Assyrian  kings  never  began  an  im- 
portant expedition  without  having  invoked  the  gods  and  held  religious 
ceremonies ;  after  a  victory  they  offered  a  sacrifice  on  the  borders  of  their 
newly  conquered  states.  These  sacrifices  generally  took  place  in  the  open 
air ;  nevertheless,  temples  were  numerous  in  Assyria  and  Chaldea ;  their 
traditional  form  is  that  of  a  step-pyramid  (ziggurat) ;  every  town  had  one 
or  two  temples  of  this  kind  under  the  patronage  of  one  of  the  divinities  of 
the  Assyrian  pantheon. 

A  tablet  from  the  library  gives  us  a  list  of  these  different  sanctuaries, 
where  the  gifts  of  the  faithful  multiplied  and  accumulated  until  the  time 
when  war  came  to  disperse  them. 

Cosmogony  occupies  a  large  place  on  the  tablets  of  Asshurbanapal's 
library.  Amongst  all  these  tablets,  those  which  relate  to  the  creation  of  the 
world,  particularly  to  the  history  of  the  flood,  have  acquired  notoriety. 
These  ancient  traditions  form  a  whole  which  claims  the  closest  attention. 
Whatever  the  philological  explanations  one  may  accept,  there  is  one  domi- 
nating matter  which  gives  an  incontestable  importance  to  these  remains, 
and  this  is  their  relation  to  the  Mosaic  statements.  It  is  certain  that  the 
fall  of  Nineveh  antedated  the  Babylonian  captivity,  and  that  the  Bible  in  its 
present  form  postdates  the  return  from  captivity.  It  is  not  without  interest, 
therefore,  to  compare  the  biblical  accounts  with  a  text,  which  could  not  have 
been  altered  from  the  day  it  was  buried  under  the  ruins  of  an  Assyrian 
palace.  This  is  not  all ;  these  ancient  Assyrian  legends  are  really  the  trans- 
lation of  a  Sumerian  text,  which  Asshurbanapal  had  copied  and  translated 
from  the  libraries  of  lower  Chaldea,  and  we  know  positively  that  these  texts 
antedate  the  reign  of  the  ancient  Sargon,  and  are  therefore  earlier  by  several 
centuries  than  the  time  when  Abraham  must  have  left  Chaldea. 

It  is  doubtless  not  the  place  here  to  give  way  to  a  discussion  on  pure 
philology ;  we  will  simply  say  this :  when  we  make  a  mistake  in  translating 
a  hymn  addressed  to  the  god  Sin,  and  apply  it  to  quite  another  divinity  of 
the  Assyrian  pantheon,  it  is  a  deplorable  mistake ;  but  such  an  error,  were  it 
the  most  gross,  would  have  no  influence  on  our  present  prejudices.  It  is 
otherwise  if  we  refer  to  a  text  which  can  influence  our  intimate  beliefs,  be  it 
to  fortify  them,  combat  them,  or  explain  their  origin.  In  England  and 
other  protestant  countries  the  discoveries  of  George  Smith  acquired  a  tre- 
mendous notoriety,  and  his  translations  are  accepted  with  an  eagerness  and 
confidence  which  a  severe  criticism  has  not  justified.  In  France  these  dis- 
coveries aroused  less  curiosity  from  the  first,  and  Assyriologists  who  study 
legendary  texts  have  done  so  with  a  dispassionateness  which  is  all  the  more 
conducive  to  scientific  and  correct  historic  results. 

Nevertheless,  from  these  sources  and  authorities,  translations  have  passed 
into  elementary  books,  where  it  has  been  sought  to  use  tliem  in  the  support  of 
preconceived  ideas,  often  by  altering  their  true  meaning.  We  cannot  set  our- 
selves too  strongly  against  such  proceedings.  It  is  surely  not  a  new  prin- 
ciple, that  disinterested  science  must  with  perfect  impartiality  scrutinise  all 
books,  legends,  and  documents  which  claim  the  attention  of  the  human  mind. 


520 


THE   HISTORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA 


/ , 


The  history  of  the  creation  comprises  a  collection  of  several  tablets,  of 
which  the  text  was  published  in  1875,  in  the  Transactions  of  the  Society  of 
Biblical  Archaeology.  This  text  includes  six  fragments  forming  part  of  a 
series  of  tablets  designated  in  Assyria  under  the  title  of  "  Enuva  "  (i.e., 
Formerly).* 

THE   ASSYKIAN   STORY    OF   THE   CREATION 

Since  George  Smith  first  published  the  tablets  various  other  fragments 
have  been  discovered,  the  most  important  new  discovery,  perhaps,  being 
made  by  Mr.  L.  W.  King?  of  a  tablet  containing  a  reference  to  the  creation 
of  man.  He  f.Mind  that  the  tablets  belonging  to  the  series  are  seven  in 
number,  and  has  published  all  the  hitherto  known  material  in  his  Seven 
Tablets  of  Creation.     The  following  extracts  are  taken  from  his  translation : 

When  in  the  height  heaven  was  not  named, 

And  the  earth  beneath  did  not  yet  bear  a  name, 

And  the  primeval  Apsu  v7ho  begat  them, 

And  chaos,  Tiaraat,  the  mother  of  them  both,  — 

Their  waters  were  mingled  together, 

And  no  field  was  found,  no  marsh  was  to  be  seen  ; 

When  of  the  gods  none  liad  been  called  into  being. 

And  none  bore  a  name,  and  no  destinies  [were  ordained] 

Then  were  created  the  gods  in  the  midst  of  [heaven] 

Lalihmu  and  Lakhanm  were  called  into  being  [ ] 

Ages  increased  [ ] 

Then  Anshar  and  Kishar  were  created,  and  over  them  [ ] 

Long  were  the  days,  then  there  came  forth  [ ] 

Anu,  their  son, 

Anshar  and  Anu  [ ] 

And  the  god  Anu  [ ] 

Here  follow  three  tablets  telling  of  the  revolt  of  Tiamat  and  her  defeat, 
which  will  be  spoken  of  later  on. 
The  fifth  tablet  begins  : 

He  (Marduk)  made  the  stations  for  the  great  gods  ; 
The  stars,  their  images,  as  the  stars  of  tlie  zodiac  he  fixed. 
He  ordained  the  year  and  into  sections  he  divided  it ; 
For  the  twelve  months  he  fixed  three  stars. 

The  Moon-god  he  caused  to  shine  forth,  the  night  he  intrusted  to  him. 
He  appointed  him,  a  being  of  the  night,  to  determine  the  days. 

The  rest  of  the  tablet  is  rather  badly  mutilated.     Tlie  sixth  begins  : 

When  Marduk  heard  the  words  of  the  gods. 

His  heart  prompted  him  and  he  devised  [a  cunning  plan]. 

He  opene<l  his  mouth  and  unto  Ea  [he  spake]. 

That  which  he  had  conceived  in  his  heart  he  imparted  [unto  him], 

"  My  blood  will  I  take  and  bone  will  I  [fashion], 

I  will  make  man,  that  man  may [ ] 

I  will  create  man  wlio  shall  inhabit  [the  earth] 

That  the  service  of  the  gods  may  be  established  and  that  [their]  shrines  [may  be  built]. 

Hut  I  will  alter  the  ways  of  the  gods,  and  I  will  change  [their  paths]  ; 

Together  shall  they  be  oppressed,  and  unto  evil  shall  [they ]" 

And  Ea  answered  him  and  spake  the  word  : 


I 


The  rest  of  tlie  tablet  is  too  fragmentary  for  translation.  The  seventh 
contains  the  fifty  titles  of  Marduk. 

Besides  these  seven  tablets  there  are  some  which  contain  other  accounts 
of  the  creation.  One  of  these  refers  to  the  creation  of  cattle  and  the 
l)easts  of  the  field. a 


THE   RELIGION   OF   THE   BABYLONIANS   AND  ASSYRIANS    r.L>l 

When  the  gods  in  their  assembly  had  made  [the  world] 
And  had  created  the  heavens  and  had  formed  [the  earthj 

And  had  brought  living  creatures  into  being  [ ] 

And  [had  fashioned]  the  cattle  of  the  field,  and  the  beasts  of  the  field,  and  the  creatures  [of 

the  city],  — 
After  [they  had ]  unto  the  living  creatures  [ y 

The  rest  is  too  mutilated  for  comprehension  of  anything  besides  single 
words. 

THE    BABYLONIAX    RELIGION 

The  fact  that  these  tablets  as  well  as  so  many  others  of  Babylonian 
origin  were  found  in  an  Assyrian  library,  shows  that  the  Assyrians  took 
tlieir  religion  like  the  rest  of  their  culture  from  the  Babylonians.  Indeed 
the  Assyrian  mytlis,  religious  doctrines,  and  observances  are  so  similar  to 
those  of  the  motiier-country  tiiat  in  speaking  of  Babylonian  religion  the 
Assyrian  is  usually  to  be  understood  as  well.  The  Babylonian  religion  in 
turn  was  largely  influenced  by  the  Summerian  which  was  an  astral  religion. 
The  names  of  the  gods  are  found  written  with  the  same  ideograms  altlutugh 
they  were  doubtless  pronounced  dift'erently.  Many  of  the  texts  are  found 
written  in  Summerian  with  interlinear  Assyrian  translations. 

Babylonian  religion  as  we  tirst  see  it  is  in  the  form  of  local  cults.  Each 
city  with  its  surrounding  tlistrict  had  its  own  god,  whose  authority  was 
supreme.  Thus  Ann  was  worshipped  in  Erech,  Bel  in  Ni{)pur,  Ea  in  Eridu, 
Sin  in  Uru,  Shamasii  in  Larsa  and  Sippar.  When  these  cities  began  to  be 
welded  together  into  political  systems,  the  gods  also  were  put  togeliier  into 
an  organised  pantheon  in  which  political  situations  influenced  the  relations 
the  gods  were  made  to  bear  to  each  other.  Thus  when  Babylon  became  the 
capital  of  the  empin;  its  special  god,  Marduk,  became  leader  among  tiie  gods. 

A  second  characteristi(!  feature  of  the  Babylonian  religion  is  tiiat  it  is 
based  on  natural  phenomt^na.  Tiie  myths  are  nature  myths.  The  story  of 
the  original  creation  was  in  a  way  the  prototype  of  what  happened  every 
year.  The  earth  is  covered  with  watiir  from  the  winter  rains  (state  of  chaos). 
The  spring  sun  (Marduk)  flghts  with  and  overcomes  the  water  ('i'iamat)  ;  the 
earth  apj)ears,  green  things  of  all  kinds  and  life  are  produced.  The  story  of 
the  flood  may  iiave  referred  to  tlu'  annual  inundation,  with  perhaps  tlie  added 
element  of  severe  winds  and  a  tidal  wave  from  the  south.  Sm;h  inundations 
liave  occurred  in  historic  tim(\s.  Ishtar's  descent  into  tlu;  lowt-r  world  marks 
tlu;  autumn  when  everytliing  is  dry  and  lias  been  burned  up  by  the  fierce 
sumiiuu-  sun.  Ishtar  goes  to  se«>k  the  wat(!r  of  life,  which  in  tlu;  Babylonian 
world  was  a  most  appropriat(i  metaphor,  bticause  water  actually  was  tiie  life 
of  the  country.  Without  it  the  hiiid  was  arid  and  desolate  as  to-day  ;  with 
it,  its  luxuriant  vegetation  caused  the  region  al)out  Babylon  to  b<'  eaUed  the 
ganhm  of  the  gods  (  Karaduniash). 

The  creation  legend  as  we  have;  it  must  have  been  written  after  the  con- 
solidation of  tlie  empire  with  Bai)ylon  as  its  capital,  because  in  tin;  story 
Marduk,  although  one  of  tluj  youngtir  gods,  is  made  the  champion  and  leader 
of  th(^  others.  The  tabh^ts  on  which  the  legend  is  contained  now  usually 
go  by  the  name  of  enuma  elish,  "when  abovt;,"  from  the  opening  words. 
The  opening  lines  of  the  story  ndating  the  creation  of  the  go<ls,  and  the  lat- 
ter part  telling  of  the  creation  of  animals  and  man,  we  have  already  seen. 
The  version  of  creation  giv«!n  liero  is  practically  the  one  Berosus  gives 
of  the  Baiiylonians,  which  is  found  in  Eusebius  and  whicdi  lie  quotes  from 
Polyhistor  (see  Apfiendix  A). 


520  THE   HISTORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

The  history  of  the  creation  comprises  a  collection  of  several  tablets,  of 
which  the  text  was  published  in  1875,  in  the  Transactions  of  the  Society  of 
Biblical  Archaeology.  This  text  includes  six  fragments  forming  part  of  a 
series  of  tablets  designated  in  Assyria  under  the  title  of  "Enuva"  (i.e.. 
Formerly).^ 

THE   ASSYRIAN   STORY   OF   THE   CREATION 

Since  George  Smith  first  published  the  tablets  various  other  fragments 
have  been  discovered,  the  most  important  new  discovery,  perhaps,  being 
made  by  Mr.  L.  W.  King?  of  a  tablet  containing  a  reference  to  the  creation 
of  man.  He  found  that  the  tablets  belonging  to  the  series  are  seven  in 
number,  and  has  published  all  the  hitherto  known  material  in  his  Seven 
Tablets  of  Creation.     The  following  extracts  are  taken  from  his  translation : 

When  in  the  height  heaven  was  not  named, 

And  the  earth  beneath  did  not  yet  bear  a  name, 

And  tlie  primeval  Apsu  who  begat  them, 

And  chaos,  Tiamat,  the  mother  of  them  both,  — 

Their  waters  were  mingled  together, 

And  no  field  was  found,  no  marsh  was  to  be  seen  ; 

When  of  the  gods  none  had  been  called  into  being, 

And  none  bore  a  name,  and  no  destinies  [were  ordained] 

Then  were  created  the  gods  in  the  midst  of  [heaven] 

Lakhmu  and  Lakhaiim  were  called  into  being  [ ] 

Ages  increased  [ ] 

Then  Anshar  and  Kishar  were  created,  and  over  them  [ ] 

Long  were  the  days,  then  there  came  forth  [ ] 

Ann,  their  son, 

Anshar  and  Anu  [ ] 

And  the  god  Anu  [ ] 

Here  follow  three  tablets  telling  of  the  revolt  of  Tiamat  and  her  defeat, 
which  will  be  spoken  of  later  on. 
The  fifth  tablet  begins  : 

lie  (Marduk)  made  the  stations  for  the  great  gods  ; 
The  stars,  their  images,  as  the  stars  of  tlie  zodiac  he  fixed. 
He  ordained  the  year  and  into  sections  he  divided  it ; 
For  the  twelve  months  he  fixed  three  stars. 

The  Moon-god  he  caused  to  shine  forth,  the  night  he  intrusted  to  him. 
He  appointed  him,  a  being  of  the  night,  to  determine  the  days. 

The  rest  of  the  tablet  is  rather  badly  mutilated.     The  sixth  begins  : 

When  Marduk  heard  the  words  of  the  gods, 

His  heart  prompted  him  and  he  devised  [a  cunning  plan]. 

He  opened  his  mouth  and  unto  Ea  [he  spake], 

That  which  he  had  conceived  in  his  heart  he  imparted  [unto  him], 

"  My  blood  will  I  take  and  bone  will  I  [fashion], 

I  will  make  man,  that  man  may [ ] 

I  will  create  man  who  shall  inhabit  [the  earth] 

That  the  service  of  the  gods  may  be  established  and  that  [their]  shrines  [may  be  built]. 

But  I  will  alter  the  ways  of  the  gods,  and  I  will  change  [their  paths]  ; 

Together  shall  they  be  oppressed,  and  unto  evil  shall  [they ]" 

And  Ea  answered  him  and  spake  the  word  : 

The  rest  of  the  tablet  is  too  fragmentary  for  translation.  The  seventh 
contains  the  fifty  titles  of  Marduk. 

Besides  these  seven  tablets  there  are  some  which  contain  other  accounts 
of  the  creation.  One  of  these  refers  to  the  creation  of  cattle  and  the 
beasts  of  the  field. a 


THE   RELIGION   OF   THE   BABYLONIANS   AND  ASSYRIANS     523 

After  Marduk  had  dealt  with  the  minor  rebels 

He  returned  to  Tiamat,  whom  he  had  conquered 
He  cut  her  in  two  parts  like  a  fish 
He  put  up  one  half  of  her  as  a  cover  for  the  heavens, 
Placed  before  it  a  bolt  and  established  a  watchman  — 
And  commanded  him  not  to  let  her  waters  come  forth. 

The  rest  of  the  legend  deals  with  the  creation  and  has  been  mentioned  else- 
where. Professor  Gunkel*  (in  his  Schopfung  und  Chaos^  in  speaking  of  this 
myth  says  that  Tiamat's  offspring,  the  monsters  of  the  sea,  are  the  stars  in  the 
constellations  of  the  zodiac.  The  stars  are  the  children  of  the  night.  Mar- 
duk is  the  spring  sun,  who  fights  with  the  waters,  finally  subdues  them,  and 
brings  forth  vegetation.  This  story  of  Marduk  and  his  fight  with  the  dragon 
is  sometimes  identified  with  the  Christ  story.  The  Babylonians  also  appear 
to  have  celebrated  a  festival  at  the  new  year,  when  the  sun  turned  back  from 
the  equator  and  left  the  constellation  of  the  water-man.  This  may  be  said 
to  mark  the  birth  of  spring.  Three  months  later  when  the  god  has  grown 
sufficiently  strong  he  fights  with  the  waters  (Tiamat  Sin)  and  conquers. 

The  Babylonians  pictured  the  earth  as  a  cone-shaped  mountain  surrounded 
by  water.  Over  this  was  stretclied  the  dome  of  heaven  behind  which  was 
the  heavenly  ocean  and  the  home  of  the  gods.  In  the  dome  were  two  gates 
through  which  Shamash  the  sun-god  passed  out  in  the  morning  and  entered 
at  night.  The  moon  and  stars  were  within  the  dome,  and  did  not  pass 
through  it  as  did  the  sun.  Underneath  the  thick  crust  of  the  earth's  surface 
the  space  was  all  filled  with  water,  and  within  the  crust  Avas  Arallu,  the 
home  of  the  dead  and  land  of  "no  return."  This  was  supposed  to  be  sur- 
rounded by  seven  walls.  Although  tlie  real  home  of  the  gods  was  beyond 
the  dome  of  heaven,  they  usually  lived  on  the  earth  and  had  their  council- 
chamber  on  the  mountain  of  sunrise,  near  the  gate  through  which  Shamasli 
came  out  in  the  morning. 

The  Babylonian  gods  are  very  human.  They  are  born,  live,  love,  fight, 
and  even  die,  like  the  people  on  the  earth.  The  conception  is  wholly  mate- 
rialistic. Alfred  Jeremias^  says  of  this  religion:  "A  practical  streak  runs 
through  the  religion  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  Euphrates  valley.  Their  gods 
are  gods  of  the  living  ;  they  are  in  active  intercourse  with  them  as  helpers 
in  every  action,  as  rescuers  from  all  evil.  The  whole  religious  interest  cen- 
tres on  the  necessities  of  this  world.  There  is  no  room  for  the  anxious  reflec- 
tion and  philosophising  as  to  the  whence,  and  whither  of  the  soul,  which  is 
so  characteristic  of  the  Egyptians.  With  death  comes  an  end  of  strength 
and  life,  of  hope  and  comfort.  Hence  their  religion  as  such  has  little  to  do 
with  conceptions  of  another  world." 

The  names  of  the  chief  gods  have  been  already  mentioned.  Besides  the 
Hani  rahuti,  the  great  gods,  there  were  a  hosts  of  smaller  ones,  and  a  large 
number  of  good  and  evil  spirits.  Sickness  and  disease  were  supposed  to  be 
brought  by  demons,  the  children  of  the  under-world  wlio  performed  the  bid- 
ding of  Allatu  and  Nergal,  the  rulers  over  hades.  Allatu's  chief  messenger 
was  Naratar,  the  demon  of  pestilence.  The  Annunaki  likewise  did  her 
errands  of  destruction.  The  Babylonians  lived  in  constant  terror  of  offend- 
ing some  of  these  divinities,  and  a  large  part  of  their  literature  was  devoted 
to  magical  formulas  and  prayers  for  aid  and  protection.  Before  undertaking 
any  deed  it  was  customary  to  find  out  whether  or  not  the  omens  were  favour- 
able. Certain  days  were  particularly  unlucky  and  on  them  nothing  could  be 
done.  The  7th,  i4th,  21st,  and  28th  days  of  every  month  were  among  the 
unlucky  ones.     The  later  Jewish  sabbath  is  thus  seen  to  have  been  originally 


524  THE   HISTORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

an  unlucky  day  rather  than  a  holy  day.  Hugo  Winckler  has  suggested  an 
ingenious  theory  for  the  fact  that  thirteen  has  always  been  considered  an 
unlucky  number.  In  order  to  make  the  Babylonian  calendrical  system  of 
lunar  months  agree  with  the  solar  year,  it  was  necessary  to  insert  an  extra 
month.  This  thirteenth  month  was  regarded  as  being  in  the  way  and  dis- 
turbing calculations.  So  thirteen  came  to  be  regarded  as  a  superfluous, 
unluclTy  number.  Another  sign  of  the  zodiac  was  appointed  for  this  ex- 
tra month,  and  this  was  the  sign  of  the  raven. 

A  o-reat  many  of  the  tablets  which  have  been  excavated  contain  omens. 
Omens' were  drawn  from  dreams,  from  the  conjunction  of  stars  and  planets, 
from  earthquakes,  eclipses,  and  in  short  from  all  natural  phenomena.  Con- 
nected with  this  w^as  the  magical  literature,  the  hymns,  and  penitential 
psalms.  If  all  a  man's  precautions  had  been  in  vain  and  disease  had  come 
upon  him,  there  w^ere  magical  formulas  which  might  rescue  him  from  his 
misery,  certain  prayers  or  hymns  he  might  recite.  Every  Babylonian  had 
his  own  protecting  god  and  goddess,  to  whose  care  he  was  perhaps  commit- 
ted at  birth,  but  the  intervention  of  a  priest  was  necessary  to  appease  the 
god.  The  following  prayer,  from  a  tablet  used  as  prayer-book  for  the  use  of 
priest  and  penitent,  is  taken  from  King's c  Bahyloniaii  Religion  and  Mythology: 

O  my  God,  who  art  angry,  accept  my  prayer,  O  my  goddess,  who  art  angry,  receive  my 
supplication.  Receive  ray  supplication  and  let  thy  spirit  be  at  rest.  O  my  goddess,  look  with 
pity  on  me  and  accept  my  supplication.  Let  my  sins  be  forgiven,  let  my  transgressions  be 
blotted  out.  Let  the  ban  be  torn  away,  let  the  bonds  be  loosened.  Let  the  seven  winds  carry 
away  my  sighs.  I  will  send  away  my  wickedness,  let  the  bird  bear  it  to  the  heavens.  Let  the 
fish  carry  off  my  misery,  let  the  river  sweep  it  away.  Let  the  beast  of  the  field  take  it  from  me. 
Let  the  flowing  waters  of  the  river  wash  me  clean. 

To  ascertain  why  the  evil  had  come  upon  the  man,  questions  like  the 
following  were  asked,  some  of  which  show  an  advanced  moral  code : 

Has  he  estranged  the  father  from  his  son  or  the  son  from  his  father?  Has  he  estranged  the 
mother  from  her  daughter  or  the  daughter  from  her  mother?  Has  he  estranged  the  brother  from 
his  brother  or  the  friend  from  his  friend  ?  Has  he  refused  to  set  a  captive  free  ?  Has  he  shut  out 
a  prisoner  from  the  light?  Has  ho  committed  a  sin  against  a  god  or  against  a  goddess?  Has 
he  done  violence  to  one  older  than  himself  ?  Has  he  said  yes  for  no  or  no  for  yes  ?  Has  he  used 
false  scales  ?  Has  he  accepted  a  wrong  account  ?  Has  he  set  up  a  false  landmark  ?  Has  he 
broken  into  his  neighbour's  house  ?  Has  he  come  near  his  neighbour's  wife  ?  Has  he  shed  his 
neighbour's  blood  ? 

On  one  old  tablet  which  has  a  Summerian  interlinear  translation  the 
stricken  man  turns  to  Marduk  as  an  intercessor  : 

An  evil  curse  like  a  demon  has  come  upon  the  man 

Sorrow  and  trouble  have  fallen  upon  him 

Evil  sorrow  has  fallen  upon  him 

An  evil  cur.se,  a  spell,  a  sickness, 

'I'lie  evil  curse  has  .slain  that  man  like  a  lamb. 

His  god  has  departed  from  his  body. 

His  guardian  goddess  has  left  his  side, 

He  is  covered  by  sorrow  and  trouble  as  with  a  garment,  and  he  is  overwhelmed. 

Then  Marduk  saw  him 

He  entered  into  the  house  of  his  father  Ea  and  said  to  him  : 

"  O  my  father,  an  evil  curse  like  a  demon  has  beset  the  man." 

Twice  he  spoke  unto  him  and  said 

''  I  know  not  what  that  man  has  done  nor  whereby  he  may  be  cured." 

Ea  made  answer  to  his  son  Marduk  : 

"  O  my  son,  what  thou  dost  not  know,  what  can  I  tell  thee  ? 

< ),  Marduk,  what  thou  dost  not  know,  what  can  I  tell  thee  ? 

What  I  know,  thou  knowest, 

Go  my  son  Marduk, 

Take  him  to  the  house  of  purification 

Take  away  the  spell  from  him,  remove  the  spell  from  him." 


THE   KELIGION   OF   THE   BABYLONIANS   AND  ASSYRIANS    525 

A  very  pessimistic  view  of  life  is  shown  by  the  following  complaint  of  a 
sick  man  quoted  by  Jeremias:  "The  day  is  sighing,  the  night  a  flood  of 
tears  ;  weeping  is  the  month  and  misery  the  year." 

We  have  already  seen  specimens  of  Babylonian  hymnology.  The  follow- 
ing hymn  to  Sin,  as  translated  from  Shrader's  in  work  on  cuneiform  inscrip- 
tions, shows  real  religious  fervour  : 

Lord,  ruler  among  the  gods,  who  alone  is  great  on  heaven  and  earth, 
Father  Nannar,  Lord,  God  Amar,  ruler  among  the  gods 

Merciful,  gracious  father,  in  whose  hand  the  life  of  the  whole  land  is  held. 

O  Lord,  thy  divinity  is  like  the  distant  heaven,  like  the  wide  sea,  full  of  majesty. 

He  who  has  created  the  land,  founded  the  temple,  called  it  by  name 

Father,  generator  of  gods  and  men,  who  caused  dwellings  to  be  put  up,  established  sacrifice 

Who  calls  to  dominions,  gives  the  sceptre,  decides  fate  for  distant  days. 

Mighty  leader,  whose  depths  no  god  sees  through 

"Valiant  one,  whose  knees  never  grow  tired,  who  opens  the  way  for  the  gods,  his  brothers, 

Who  passes  glorious  from  the  depths  of  heaven  to  its  heights, 

Who  opens  tlae  gate  of  heaven,  makes  light  for  all  men. 

Father,  generator  of  all,  who  looks  upon  living  beings who  thinks  upon 

Lord,  who  utters  judgment  for  heaven  and  earth,  whose  decree  no  one  alters 
Who  holds  fire  and  water,  who  directs  living  beings,  What  god  is  like  to  thee  ? 

In  heaven  who  is  great  ?    Thou  alone  art  great. 
On  earth,  who  is  great  ?     Thou  alone  art  great. 

When  thy  word  resounds  in  heaven,  the  Igigi  throw  themselves  upon  their  faces  ; 
When  thy  word  resounds  on  earth  the  Anunnaki  kiss  the  ground. 
When  thy  word  speeds  above  like  the  storm  wind,  it  causes  food  and  drink  to  flourish, 
When  thy  word  settles  upon  the  east,  the  green  arises. 
Thy  word  makes  stall  and  herd  to  be  fat,  expands  living  beings. 
Thy  word  causes  right  and  justice  to  arise,  so  that  men  speak  justice. 
Thy  word  is  the  distant  heaven,  the  hidden  under-world  which  no  one  sees  through, 
Thy  word,  who  can  understand  it,  who  is  equal  to  it  ? 

O  Lord,  thou  hast  no  rival  in  heaven  in  dominion  nor  on  the  earth  in  power,  among  the  gods  thy 
brothers. 

THE   EPIC    OF    GILGAMISH 

The  close  relation  existing  between  mythology  and  religion  hardly  needs 
to  be  pointed  out.  The  great  epic  of  the  Babylonians  and  Assyrians  —  that 
of  Gilgamish  —  is  of  special  interest  to  us  since  it  contains  the  Babylonian 
story  of  the  flood.  The  hero's  name  was  formerly  read  as  Izdubar,  as  the 
following  quotation  from  Jeremias"  in  his  Izduhar-Nimrod  shows. « 

The  epic,  which  was  preserved  in  the  royal  library  of  Nineveh  in  the 
seventh  century  as  a  precious  national  possession,  gives  us  a  glimpse  into  the 
Babylonian  history  of  a  remote  past.  The  poem  deals  principally  with 
"  kings  who  ruled  the  land  in  by-gone  times,"  and  with  a  city  "  which  was 
old  "  at  the  time  of  the  flood,  and  the  epic  itself  reaches  back  into  very  ancient 
times.  Its  scene  is  laid  among  cities  in  the  Euphrates  district:  Uruk  (Erech), 
Nippur,  the  "city  of  ships,"  Sherippak  and  Babylon.  The  geographical 
horizon  extends  beyond  these  cities  to  the  mountain  Nisir,  east  of  the  Tigris, 
and  southwards,  beyond  the  Mashu  mountain  land,  clear  into  the  Persian 
Gulf.  The  central  point  of  interest  is  the  city  Uruk,  called  Uruk  supuri, 
"  the  well  guarded,"  Among  the  aristocracy  of  this  city  Izdubar  makes 
himself  distinguished,  being  "  perfect  in  power,  like  a  mountain  ox,  excelling 
the  heroes  in  might."  He  overcomes  the  jealousy  of  his  fellow  citizens  and 
establishes  an  indigenous  kingdom,  namely  by  conquering  the  tyrant  Khum- 
baba,  who  is  shown  by  his  name  to  be  of  Elamite  descent.  The  attemi)t  has 
been  made  to  identify  this  historical  background  with  the  national  uprising 
of  Babylonia,  which,  according  to  Berosus,    brought  about  tlie  downfall  of 


526  THE   HISTORY   OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

iin  Elainite  dynasty  ruling  2450-2250  B.C.  That  tlie  tradition  really  did 
reach  back  to  this  age  is  proved  by  Babylonian  seal-cylinders  of  the  oldest 
kings,  which  unquestionably  reproduce  scenes  from  the  epic,  perhaps  also  the 
connection  of  the  epic  with  certain  constellations  of  the  zodiac. 

More  important  than  the  historical  is  the  mythological  background. 
Since  Babylonian  religion  did  not  belong  to  the  "aristocracy  of  book 
relio-ions,"  it  is  difficult  to  form  a  system  from  the  abundance  of  religious 
literature,  the  views "  of  which  have  been  influenced  by  varying  popular 
opinion.  Hence  the  portrayal  of  the  divine  world  as  found  in  a  finished  epic 
is  the  more  important.  As  in  the  inscription  of  King  Nabunaid,  written 
2,000  years  later,  so  here  we  find  the  two  great  divine  triads,  Anu,  Bel,  Ea, 
wlio  represent  three  parts  of  the  world  according  to  Babylonian  ideas 
(heaven,  earth,  ocean),  and  Shamash,  Sin,  Ishtar,  who  represent  the  chief 
heavenly  bodies  (Sun,  Moon,  Venus). 

The  relations  between  gods  and  men  is  pictured  in  a  naive  child-like 
fashion,  as  in  Homer.  Ishtar  tries  to  win  the  love  of  the  hero  Izdubar. 
Shamash  establishes  friendship  between  the  hero  and  Eabani,  the  three  great 
gods  Anu,  Bel,  Ea  whisper  secrets  into  his  ear.  As  Ishtar  at  one  time  mounts 
from  out  the  city  to  the  heaven  of  her  father  Bel,  so  the  gods  out  of  fear  of 
the  rising  flood  "  crouch  down  like  dogs  at  the  portals  of  heaven  "  ;  they 
flock  like  flies  around  the  sacrifice  and  "smell  the  good  smell." 

One  remarkable  feature  of  the  epic  should  be  noticed  here,  namely,  the 
importance  attached  to  dreams.  The  whole  action  is  set  in  motion  by  count- 
less dreams,  by  means  of  which  the  gods  show  men  the  future  and  give  them 
council.  This  view  is  characteristic  of  Babylonian  and  Assyrian  religion. 
The  ancient  Babylonian  king  Gudea  is  shown  the  outline  of  the  temple  build- 
ing in  a  dream.  Asshurbanapal  on  his  coming  to  the  throne  receives  an 
address  of  encouragement  from  the  priestly  class,  which  is  based  on  a  dream 
of  his  grandfather  Sennacherib,  and  in  his  campaigns  inspiring  dreams  are 
sent  to  his  soldiers  from  the  goddess  of  war." 

Nothing  definite  is  known  as  to  the  time  of  the  composition  of  this  epic. 
We  do  not  know  if  the  copy  in  Asshurbanapal's  library  was  made  from  a 
Babylonian  original  or  not.  It  is  not  probable  that  the  whole  was  written 
at  one  time  or  by  one  author. 

Tlie  Gilgamish  epic  comprises  twelve  tablets.  These  are  mutilated  and 
broken  in  places  leaving  gaps  in  the  story,  but  they  are  sufficiently  well  pre- 
served to  permit  us  to  follow  the  main  thread  of  the  argument.  When  the 
scene  opens  the  city  of  Erech  is  suffering  under  the  severe  misfortune  of  a 
protracted  siege.  The  inhabitants  are  in  distress  and  the  gods  do  nothing  to 
help  them.  This  siege  lasts  for  three  years,  during  which  time  the  gates  of 
the  city  remain  closed.  Then  Gilgamish  appears,  whether  as  conqueror  or 
deliverer  the  mutilated  condition  of  the  tablet  leaves  in  doubt.  He  was 
probably  the  former,  since  his  rule  is  very  severe  and  the  people  complain  of 
his  tyrannical  acts.  In  tlieir  distress  they  appeal  to  the  goddess  Aruru,  who 
is  elsewhere  associated  with  Marduk  in  the  creation  of  mankind,  to  make  a 
person  who  shall  rival  Gilgamish  in  strength  and  power.  Aruru  accordingly 
creates  Ea-bani,  a  creature  whose  whole  body  is  covered  with  long  hair  like 
a  woman's.  The  upper  part  of  his  body  is  like  a  man  but  his  legs  are  those 
of  a  beast.  Tliis  strange  being  lives  among  the  beasts  of  the  field,  eating 
and  drinking  with  them. 

Gilgamish  fearing  that  Ea-bani  will  be  sent  by  the  gods  against  him  sends 
out  a  man  called  the  hunter  to  catch  and  bring  him  to  Erech.  The  hunter 
lies  in  wait  for  him  three  days,  but  on  account  of  his  great  strength  is  afraid 


THE   RELIGION   OF   THE   BABYLONIANS   AND  ASSYRIANS    527 

to  attack  him  and  returns  to  the  city.  Gilgamish  then  sends  a  harlot  from 
the  temple  with  the  hunter,  to  tempt  Ea-bani.  This  plan  is  successful. 
Ea-bani  forsakes  his  cattle  out  of  love  for  Achat,  the  harlot,  and  is  persuaded 
by  her  to  return  to  Erech  and  meet  Gilgamish.  One  thinks  involuntarily 
here  of  the  story  of  Adam  and  Eve.  There  also  it  is  a  woman  who  tempts 
man  and  leads  him  to  civilisation. 

Ea-bani  would  like  to  match  his  strength  with  Gilgamish,  but  he  is 
warned  in  a  dream  not  to  do  so.  Gilgamish  is  also  told  in  a  dream  of 
Ea-bani's  coming,  and  the  goddess  to  whom  he  appeals  for  interpretation 
of  his  dream  advises  him  to  make  friends  with  the  approaching  hero.  The 
intervention  of  Shamash,  the  sun-god,  however,  is  necessary  to  persuade 
Ea-bani  to  become  a  companion  and  friend  to  Gilgamish. 

The  two  heroes  then  proceed  against  the  Elamite  tyrant,  Khumbaba. 
The  epic  tells  of  the  long,  hard  road  they  have  to  follow,  of  their  terror, 
and  of  the  wonderful  cedar  grove  in  which  the  fortress  of  Khumbaba  is 
placed.  Gilgamish  has  several  encouraging  dreams  to  cheer  them  on,  and 
they  eventually  succeed  in  killing  the  tyrant.  On  their  return  Gilgamish 
has  the  misfortune  to  incur  Ishtar's  displeasure.  The  goddess  sues  for  his 
love  and  invites  him  to  become  her  husband.  He,  however,  refuses  her 
favour,  even  reproaching  her  for  her  cruel  treatment  of  her  former  lovers, 
Tammuz  among  them,  all  of  whom  she  has  forsaken  and  destroyed.  Ishtar 
in  her  rage  at  being  repulsed  hastens  to  her  father,  Anu,  who  creates  a 
divine  bull  to  attack  Gilgamish.  The  latter,  however,  with  Ea-bani's  help 
succeeds  in  conquering  the  bull.  He  sacrifices  his  magnificent  horns  to 
Shamash  and  proudly  boasts  that  he  will  conquer  Ishtar  as  well  as  the  bull. 
But  here  his  success  is  at  an  end.  Ea-bani  dies,  probably  stricken  by  Ishtar, 
and  Gilgamish  himself  is  afflicted  by  her  with  a  dreadful  disease,  which 
strikes  terror  to  his  heart  at  the  thought  that  he  must  die  like  his  friend. 

Izdubar  wept  for  Ea-bani,  his  friend  ; 

In  sorrow  he  laid  himself  down  in  the  field. 

"  I  will  not  die  like  Ea-bani, 

Grief  has  entered  my  soul. 

I  am  afraid  of  death 

And  lay  me  down  in  the  field." 

Gilgamish  then  determines  to  seek  Sit-napishtim  and  beseech  his  help  to 
rescue  him  from  disease  and  death.  After  various  experiences  he  comes 
to  the  mountain  Mashu,  the  sunset  mountain,  whose  gates  are  guarded  by 
scorpion  men.  They  let  him  enter  and  he  journeys  for  twenty-four  hours 
in  intense  darkness  before  he  emerges  into  the  sunlight  and  })asses  by  a  tree 
and  grove  with  precious  stones  for  fruit.  He  then  comes  to  the  sea  coast, 
ruled  over  by  a  princess  Sabitum.  She  advises  him  to  seek  out  Arad-Ea, 
the  former  pilot  of  Sit-napishtim,  who  may  possibly  carry  him  across  the 
waters.  Arad-Ea  consents,  builds  a  boat  with  the  aid  of  Gilgamish  and  they 
set  out  together.  The  most  difficult  part  of  the  voyage  is  the  journey  across 
the  "waters  of  death."  The  two  finally  reach  the  island  home  of  Sit- 
napishtim  who,  at  Gilgamish's  request,  tells  the  story  of  his  escape  from  the 
flood  (as  translated  from  Jeremias"): 

Sit-napishtim  said  to  him,  to  Gishduba  (Gilgamish), 

"  I  will  reveal  to  thee,  Gishduba,  something  hidden. 

And  a  secret  of  the  fjods  will  I  tell  thee. 

Shurippak,  a  city  which  thou  knowest  —  on  the  banks  of  the  Euphrates  it  is  situated  — 

This  city  is  old.    The  gods  within  it, 

Their  heart  led  the  great  gods  to  bring  up  a  deluge. 


528  THE   HISTORY   OF   ^LESOPOTAMIA 

Their  father  Anu  was  there,  their  counsellor,  the  mighty  Bel, 

Their  herald  Ninib,  their  leader  En-nu-gi.  ,         ,        ^  <^        ,  , 

Ninigiazag  (Ea)  was  with  them  and  related  their  words  to  a  hut  of  reeds,  saying:  "  O  reed  hut, 

O  reed  hut  1     O  wall,  wall  1 
Reed  hut  hear  !  wall  understand  ! 
Thou  man  of  Shurippak,  son  of  Ubaratutu, 
Make  a  house,  build  a  ship,  leave  thy  possessions,  seek  thy  life. 
Abandon  thy  goods,  and  save  thy  life. 
Bring  up  living  seed  of  every  kind  into  the  ship, 
The  ship,  which  thou  shall  build. 
Its  dimensions  must  be  measured  ; 
Its  breadth  and  its  strength  must  suit  each  other. 
Thou  Shalt  place  it  in  the  ocean." 
I  understood  and  said  to  Ea,  my  lord, 
"  See,  my  lord,  what  thou  hast  commanded 
I  shall  heed  and  perform.  .       ,, 

But,  how  shall  I  answer  to  the  city,  to  the  people  and  to  the  elders  ? 
Ea  opened  his  mouth  and  spake,  said  to  me,  his  slave, 
"This  answer  shalt  thou  say  to  them  : 
Because  Bel  hateth  me 

No  longer  will  I  live  in  your  city,  nor  lay  my  head  on  Bel's  earth. 
To  the  deep  will  I  go  down  and  live  with  Ea,  my  lord. 
He  will  then  cause  it  to  rain  upon  ye  abundantly. 
A  large  number  of  birds,  a  crowd  of  fishes, 
A  quantity  of  animals,  abundant  harvest.  .  .  . 

The  lines  here  are  too  mutilated  to  make  much  meaning.  According  to 
some  interpretations  Sit-napishtim  assures  his  fellow-citizens  of  coming  pros- 
perity so  that  they  have  no  misgivings  as  to  his  leaving  them  ;  others,  on  the 
contrary,  indicate  that  Sit-napishtim  made  no  secret  of  the  coming  deluge. 
Sit-napishtim  then  relates  how  he  built  the  ship,  gives  its  dimensions,  and 
tells  what  he  put  into  it.     He  continues  (Jeremias' "  translation) : 

"  I  brought  up  into  the  ship  my  whole  family,  and  my  dependants, 
Cattle  of  the  field,  beasts  of  the  field,  artisans  all  together  I  brought  them  up. 
Shamash  had  appointed  a  signal, 

'  The  lord  of  darkness  will  send  a  heavy  rain  in  the  evening. 
Then  enter  into  the  ship  and  close  the  door.' 
The  appointed  time  came  ; 

The  lord  of  darkness  sent  a  heavy  rain  in  the  evening. 
I  feared  the  beginning  of  the  day  ; 
I  was  afraid  to  look  upon  the  day, 
I  entered  the  ship  and  closed  the  door. 
To  the  pilot  of  the  ship,  to  Puzur-Bel,  the  boatman, 
I  intrusletl  the  .ship  and  what  was  in  it. 
When  the  first  dawn  appeared 
A  black  cloud  arose  from  the  foundation  of  heaven 
Kamman  thundered  within  it. 
Nabu  and  Marduk  preceded  it. 
They  advanced  as  leaders  over  mountain  and  earth. 
Uragal  pulled  up  the  anchor  ; 
Nlnib  went  forth  and  caused  the  storm  to  follow. 
The  Annunaki  raised  their  torches  ; 
They  liglitetl  the  earth  with  their  beams. 
The  thunder  of  Ramnian  mounted  to  heaven  ; 
Everything  light  was  turned  to  darkness." 

Ramman  floods  the  land,  the  tempest  rages  for  a  whole  day,  a  strong  wind 
blows  the  water  like  moimtains  upon  the  people. 

"Brother  did  not  see  his  brother,  men  could  not  be  distinguished  ;  in  heaven 
The  gods  were  afraid  of  the  deluge. 
They  ciualled,  they  mounted  up  to  the  heaven  of  Anu. 
The  gods  crouchod  down  like  dogs,  at  the  borders  of  heaven. 
Ishtar  screamed  like  a  woman  in  travail. 
The  lady  of  the  gods  cried  with  a  loud  voice 
'  Fonner  man  has  been  turned  again  to  clay 
Because  I  counselled  an  evil  thing  in  the  council  of  the  gods.'  " 


THE   RELIGION   OF  THE   BABYLONIANS   AND   ASSYRIANS     529 

Ishtar  complains  that  her  offspring  have  become  like  fish  spawn  and  the 
gods  weep  with  her.  After  six  days,  however,  the  storm  abates,  the  sea 
becomes  quiet.  Sit-napishtim  looks  out  of  the  window  and  weeps  at  the 
sight  that  meets  his  gaze.  Mankind  is  turned  to  clay,  the  world  is  all  sea. 
After  twelve  days  land  appears,  and  the  ship  sticks  fast  on  the  top  of  Mount 
Nisit,  where  it  remains  for  six  days. 

"  When  the  seventh  day  drew  nigh, 
I  sent  out  a  dove  and  let  her  go.    The  dove  flevsr  hither  and  tliither, 
But  as  there  was  no  resting  place  for  her,  she  returned. 

Then  I  sent  out  a  swallov?  and  let  her  go.     The  swallow  flew  hither  and  thither, 
But  as  there  was  no  resting  place  for  her,  she  returned. 
Then  I  sent  out  a  raven  and  let  her  go. 
The  raven  flew  off  and  saw  the  diminishing  of  the  waters, 
She  came  near  and  croaked,  but  did  not  return. 
Then  I  brought  out  (all),  offered  a  sacrifice  to  the  four  winds  ; 
I  made  a  libation  on  the  top  of  the  mountain, 
I  laid  out  the  vessels  seven  by  seven. 
Under  them  I  put  reed,  cedar- wood  and  incense. 
The  gods  smelled  the  smell.     The  gods  smelled  the  good  smell. 
The  gods  gathered  like  flies  about  the  lord  of  the  sacrifice." 

When  Ishtar  arrives  she  bitterly  accuses  Bel  for  having  destroyed  man- 
kind and  refuses  to  let  him  approach  the  sacrifice.  Bel  on  his  part  is  angry 
that  any  man  whatever  has  escaped.  Ea  interposes,  rebukes  Bel  for  his 
deed,  and  tells  him  that  in  the  future  some  otlier  device  shall  be  used  to 
punish  mankind.  Bel  accepts  the  censure  and  himself  leads  Sit-napishtim 
and  his  wife  out  of  the  ship  and  blesses  them.  They  are  then  transported 
to  an  island  at  the  "  mouth  of  the  streams  "  where  they  are  to  live  forever. 

After  listening  to  this  story  Gilgamish  is  cured  of  his  disease  by  Sit- 
napishtim  who  also  tells  him  of  a  plant  which  has  the  power  to  prolong  life. 
Gilgamish  sets  out  with  Arad-Ea  to  find  it,  and  their  search  is  indeed  suc- 
cessful ;  but  later  on  in  the  journey  a  demon  steals  the  plant,  and  Gilgamish 
returns  sorrowfully  home.  Here  he  continues  to  mourn  for  his  lost  friend 
Ea-bani.  In  his  desire  to  see  him  again  he  appeals  in  turn  to  Bel,  Sin,  and  Ea 
to  assist  him,  but  they  are  powerless  to  help  him.  It  is  Nergal,  god  of  the 
dead,  who  grants  his  request  and  "  opened  the  earth,  let  the  spirit  of  Ea-bani 
come  out  of  the  earth  like  a  breath  of  wind."  When  asked  to  describe  the 
under-world  Ea-bani  at  first  answers,  "  I  cannot  tell  you,  my  friend,  I  cannot 
tell  you,"  then  he  bids  him  sit  down  and  weep  while  he  gives  him  a  gloomy 
account  of  the  place,  which  closes  with  the  following  lines  (Jeremias' 
translation) : 

"  On  a  couch  he  lieth,  drinking  pure  water. 
He  who  was  killed  in  battle  —  thou  hast  seen  it,  I  have  seen  it  — 
His  father  and  his  mother  hold  his  head 
And  his  wife  kneels  at  his  side. 

He  whose  corpse  lies  in  the  field  —  thou  hast  seen  it,  I  have  seen  it  — 
His  soul  has  no  rest  in  the  world. 

He  whose  soul  has  no  one  to  care  for  it  —  thou  hast  seen  it,  I  have  seen  it. 
The  dregs  of  the  cup,  the  remnants  of  the  feast  — what  is  thrown  on  the  street,  that  is  his 
food."  h 

This  is  the  end  of  the  epic.  It  has  been  suggested  that  the  whole  forms 
a  solar  myth  and  is  divided  into  twelve  parts  to  correspond  to  the  twelve 
months.  According  to  this  theory  the  sixth  tablet,  relating  to  Ishtar,  and  her 
treatment  of  Tammuz  and  her  other  lovers,  corresponds  to  the  sixth  month. 
It  is  the  month  when  everything  seems  dry  and  dead  after  the  liot  summer 
sun,  and  in  this  month  the  festival  of  Tammuz  was  celebrated,  as  a  charac- 
teristic of  which  was  the  weeping  for  Tammuz  related  in  Ezekiel  viii.  14. 

H.  W.  VOL.   I.  2  m 


530  THE  HISTORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

The  seventh  tablet  speaking  of  Gilgamish's  illness  would  thus  correspond 
to  the  seventh  month,  the  one  following  the  summer  solstice,  when  the 
power  of  nature  seems  to  grow  less,  and  this  was  attributed  to  a  disease  of 
the  sun. 

ishtar's  descent  into  hades 

This  idea  is  brought  out  more  fully  in  the  legend  of  Ishtar's  descent  into 
the  under  world.  It  is  possible  that  the  story  used  to  be  recited  in  connec- 
tion with  the  festival  of  Tammuz  just  mentioned.  Islitar  is  pictured  as 
descending  into  the  lower  realms,  probably  in  search  of  her  young  husband. 
The  picture  it  gives  us  of  the  conception  the  Babylonians  had  of  life  after 
death  is  very  valuable.     The  poem  begins  : 

To  the  land  of  no  return,  to  the  land  .  .  . 

Ishtar  the  dau.uhter  of  Sin  inclined  her  ear. 

To  the  house  of  darkness,  the  dwelling  of  Irkalla 

To  the  house  from  which  none  who  enter  ever  return 

To  the  road  whose  course  does  not  turn  back. 

To  the  house  in  which  he  who  enters  is  deprived  of  light, 

Where  dust  is  their  nurture  and  mud  their  food. 

They  see  not  the  light,  they  dwell  in  darkness. 

They  are  clothed  like  birds  in  a  garment  of  feathers. 

On  the  doors  and  bolts  is  spread  dust. 

When  Ishtar  reached  the  gate  of  the  land  of  no  return 

She  spoke  to  the  porter  at  the  gate 

"  Porter,  open  thy  gate, 

Open  thy  gate,  I  will  enter. 

If  thou  dost  not  open  thy  gate,  and  I  do  not  enter, 

I  will  strike  the  door,  I  will  break  the  bolt, 

I  will  strike  the  threshold  and  break  down  the  door. 

I  will  raise  up  the  dead  to  consume  the  living, 

The  dead  shall  be  more  numerous  than  the  living  1 " 

The  porter  opened  his  mouth  and  spoke, 

Spoke  to  the  powerful  Ishtar : 

"  Stay,  my  lady,  do  not  break  it  down, 

I  will  go  and  announce  thy  name  to  the  queen  Allatu." 

The  porter  then  informs  Allatu  that  her  sister  Ishtar  stands  at  the  door. 
The  goddess  is  displeased  at  the  news  but  bids  the  porter  open  the  door  and 
treat  her  according  to  the  "  ancient  laws."  These  demanded  that  she  should 
lose  some  part  of  her  apparel  at  each  of  the  seven  gates  of  the  under-world 
until  she  stood  naked  before  the  throne  of  its  goddess.  At  the  first  gate  the 
porter  takes  away  her  crown  and  she  asks :  "  Why,  O  porter,  dost  thou  take 
the  great  crown  from  my  head  !  ''  He  answers  :  "  Enter,  O  lady,  for  these 
are  the  commands  of  the  mistress  of  the  world."  At  each  gate  Ishtar 
remonstrates  at  having  her  ornaments  taken  from  her,  and  each  time  the 
porter  returns  the  same  answer. 

When  Ishtar  comes  before  Allatu,  the  latter  commands  her  messenger 
Naratar  to  smite  the  goddess  with  disease  in  all  parts  of  her  body.  But 
Avhile  Ishtar  is  being  detained  in  the  lower  world,  all  life  has  stopped  on  the 
earth's  surface.  The  gods  demand  her  release.  A  being  is  specially  created 
to  bring  her  back.  The  rest  of  the  story  and  the  meaning  of  this  and  the 
Hood  myth  is  told  by  C.  P.  Tiele  o  as  follows  :  a 

The  story  of  Ishtar's  descent  into  hades  is  unmistakably  a  nature  myth, 
which  describes  in  ])icturesque  fashion  her  descent  into  the  under-world  to 
seek  tlie  springs  of  living  water,  probably  the  central  force  of  light  and  heat 
in  the  world.  When  she  is  imprisoned  there  by  Allatu,  the  goddess  of  death 
and  of  the  shadow  world,  and  even  visited  with  all  sorts  of  diseases,  all 
growth  and  generation  stand  still  in  the  world,  so  that  the  gods  take  council 


THE  RELIGION   OF   THE   BABYLONIANS  AND  ASSYRIANS    531 

and  decide  to  demand  her  release.  Ea  accordingly  creates  a  wonderful  being 
a  kind  of  priest,  called  "  his  light  shineth,"  who  is  to  seek  out  the  fountain 
of  life,  and  whom  Allatu  cannot  withstand,  however  much  she  may  scold  and 
curse.  The  goddess  is  set  free,  returns  to  the  upper  world  and  brings  her 
dead  lover  Tammuz  back  to  life  by  sprinkling  him  with  the  water  of  immor- 
tality. This  myth  is  not  cosmological  nor  ethical,  but  has  already  become  a 
pure  anthropomorphic  narration,  the  physical  basis  for  certain  episodes  and 
details  of  which  is  often  not  clear,  and  which  has  a  tendency  to  strengthen 
belief  in  immortality.  The  account  of  the  flood  also,  which  we  have  in  seve- 
ral versions  and  which  was  itself  put  together  out  of  various  parts,  some  of 
them  heterogeneous,  betrays  the  fact  that  it  was  put  together  by  a  polytheist 
and  originated  in  a  nature  myth.  But  the  nature  myths  as  such  lie  already 
so  far  behind  the  author,  there  is  such  a  naive  humour  in  the  way  the  gods 
are  represented,  everything  happens  in  such  a  human  fashion  —  one  needs 
only  to  think  of  Ishtar's  complaint  that  she  has  created  men  but  no  brood  of 
fishes,  of  the  sly  excuse  with  which  Ea  excuses  himself  to  Bel  for  having  res- 
cued his  favourite  from  the  destruction  planned  by  the  latter,  one  needs  only 
to  hear  how  Bel  is  preached  at  by  the  wise  Ea  for  his  unreasonable  and  blind 
passion,  and  how  the  great  Istar  declares  him  to  have  forfeited  his  share  of 
the  sacrifice,  and  then  see  how  he  silently  acknowledges  his  wrong  by  himself 
accompanying  the  man  over  whose  rescue  he  had  become  so  excited,  and 
raising  him  with  his  family  to  a  place  among  the  gods  —  one  needs  only  to 
think  of  all  this  to  see  that  the  narrator  made  use  of  the  mythological  mate- 
rial only  to  describe  the  fall  of  sinful  humanity  and  at  the  same  time  to 
remind  his  hearers  that  the  gods  always  have  means  at  their  command,  such 
as  hunger,  pestilence,  and  wild  beasts,  to  punish  the  evil-doer,  o 

The  Babylonian  view  of  life  after  death  was  particularly  gloomy.  There 
was  no  hope  of  anything  better.  The  highest  state  of  happiness  pictured 
was  to  lie  on  a  couch  and  drink  clear  water  ;  even  for  the  pious  it  was  a 
place  of  gloom.  And  there  was  no  possibility  of  escaping  from  it.  Sit- 
napishtim  tells  Gilgamish  in  this  connection  that  death  must  come  to  all 
(we  translate  again  from  the  version  of  Jeremias  «)  : 

So  long  as  houses  are  built, 

So  long  as  contracts  are  made, 

So  long  as  brothers  quarrel, 

So  long  as  enmity  exists, 

So  long  as  rivers  bear  their  waves  [to  the  sea] 


The  Anunnaki  and  the  great  gods  determine  fate 
And  Mammetum,  the  creator  of  destiny,  with  them. 
They  determine  life  and  death, 
The  days  of  death  are  not  known.'' 


We  have  seen  the  legend  telling  of  a  visit  to  the  lower  world ;  there  are 
two  which  tell  of  visits  to  heaven.  One  is  in  connection  with  Etana.  In 
Asshurbanapal's  library  were  a  series  of  tablets  containing  the  Etana  legend. 
One  portion  of  the  story  tells  how  Shamash  helped  Etana  to  find  a  phiiit 
which  would  help  his  wife  in  child-birth.  Another  narrates  how  Etana 
mounted  to  heaven  on  the  back  of  an  eagle.  They  pause  at  different  stages 
to  look  at  the  earth  beneath  them.  At  the  first  stop:  "The  earth  appears 
like  a  mountain,  the  sea  has  become  a  pool."  They  go  further  and  the 
eagle  again  calls  to  Etana  to  look  at  the  earth.  This  time  the  sea  looks  like 
a  belt  around  the  earth.  The  next  time  he  looks  the  sea  has  become  a  mere 
gardener's  ditch.  After  reaching  the  gate  of  Anu,  Bel,  and  Ea,  the  eagle 
wants  to  go  still  further  and  persuades  Etana  to  accompany  him  to  Ishtar's 


532 


THE   HISTORY   OF   MESOPOTAMIA 


abode.  They  tly  until  the  earth  appears  a  mere  "garden  bed,"  but  here  the 
rash  attempt  of  the  eagle  to  reach  the  highest  regions  appears  to  be  pun- 
ished. The  two  are  hurled  down  from  heaven  upon  the  earth.  Another 
part  of  the  legend  tells  of  a  deceit  practised  upon  the  eagle  by  the  serpent, 
aided  by  Shamash,  in  which  the  eagle  dies  a  miserable  death. 

The  second  story  of  a  visit  to  heaven  is  found  in  the  legend  of  Adapa. 
This  legend  was  on  one  of  the  tablets  found  at  Tel  Amarna.  Adapa  is  a  son 
of  the  god  Ea,  and  is  represented  as  serving  in  his  temple.  One  day  as  he 
is  fishing  in  the  sea  the  south  wind  overturns  his  boat.  Adapa  then  fights 
with  the  south  wind  and  succeeds  in  breaking  its  wings  so  that  it  does  not 
blow  for  seven  days.  At  the  end  of  this  time  Anu,  in  heaven,  becomes 
aware  that  the  south  wind  has  not  been  blowing  and  inquires  the  reason. 
When  told,  he  becomes  very  angry  that  anyone  should  have  had  the  audac- 
ity to  interfere  with  any  of  his  creatures.  He  accordingly  sends  for  Adapa 
to  appear  before  him.  Ea  gives  his  son  advice  as  to  his  conduct,  telling 
him  how  to  secure  the  good  favour  of  the  two  porters  at  the  gate,  one  of 
whom  is  Tammuz.  He  tells  him  further  :  "  When  thou  comest  before  Anu, 
they  will  offer  thee  food  of  death  —  do  not  eat.  Water  of  death  they  will 
offer  thee  —  do  not  drink.  They  will  offer  thee  a  garment  —  put  it  on. 
They  will  offer  thee  oil  —  anoint  thyself."  Adapa  then  reaches  heaven, 
and  everything  happens  as  Ea  has  told  him.  Only  the  food  and  water 
which  are  offered  him  are  of  life  not  of  death,  and  thus  Adapa  loses  his 
chances  of  eternal  life.  Anu  looks  at  him  in  amazement  and  exclaims  :  "  O 
Adapa,  why  didst  thou  not  eat  and  drink?  Now  thou  canst  not  live." 
Here,  as  in  the  case  of  Adam  in  the  biblical  story,  whose  name  by  the  way 
may  possibly  be  identical  with  Adapa,  we  see  that  a  deceit  was  practised  on 
man.  In  each  case  he  is  told  that  the  food  and  water  of  life  will  bring  him 
death,  although  the  Babylonian  story  differs  from  the  biblical  in  that  the 
former  freely  and  gladly  accords  man  knowledge,  as  represented  by  the 
clothing  and  oil  for  anointment,  which  may  be  regarded  as  symbols  of 
civilisation. 

In  the  Euphrates  valley  religion  was  very  closely  associated  with  the 
actual  life  of  the  nation.  The  temples  were  storehouses  and  banking  estab- 
lishments; the  priests  were  lawyers  and  scribes.  Every  historical  inscrip- 
tion contains  a  reference  to  the  gods.  Victory  was  due  to  their  intervention. 
Nothing  was  conceived  without  them.  Their  festivals  were  the  great  events 
of  the  year.  The  German  excavating  society  has  recently  brought  to  light 
the  old  procession  street  between  Babylon  and  Borsippa  over  which  the 
image  of  tlie  god  Nabu  used  to  be  carried  on  his  annual  visit  to  Marduk 
at  Babylon.  This  street  was  decorated  with  glazed,  coloured  tiles,  repre- 
senting a  stately  procession  of  lions  and  other  beasts,  which  show  a  high 
grade  of  artistic  talent. 

The  Babylonian  religion  shows  its  development  plainly.  In  its  earliest 
phase  we  have  the  belief  in  a  great  many  spirits  and  demons,  who  could  be 
controlled  by  magic.  Then  comes  the  period  of  local  cults  followed  by  the 
organised  pantheon,  in  which  we  see  faint  signs  of  a  conception  of  one  god 
manifested  in  many  forms. a 

To  sum  up  in  the  words  of  Tiele :  From  all  that  has  been  said  it  will 
be  seen  that  the  religion  of  the  Babylonians  had  at  an  early  date  attained 
a  comparatively  high  stage  of  development.  It  had  not  yet  crossed  the 
boundary  of  monotheism  but  remained  a  theocratic,  monarchical  polytheism ; 
nevertheless  it  came  very  near  that  boundary.  The  gods  of  mythology  were 
already  treated  with  great  freedom,  and  the  disgust  which  some  of  their 


I 


I 


THE   RELIGION   OF   THE   BABYLONIANS  AND  ASSYRIANS     533 

deeds  called  forth  was  not  disguised.  A  comparatively  pure  and  lofty  con- 
ception of  the  highest  divinity  had  already  been  developed,  even  if  it  was 
called  upon  by  different  names.  However  much  superficiality  and  formality, 
however  many  superstitions  and  magical  customs  may  have  been  connected 
with  the  divine  worship,  it  was  yet  not  lacking  in  deep  religious  feeling  and 
moral  earnestness,  which  is  shown  particularly  in  the  penitential  psalms. o 


H.\a-KELiKF  OF  Workmen  and  Cart 

(After  Laynrd) 


TBI 


A 


532  THE   HISTORY   OF   MESOPOTAMIA 

abode.  Tliey  Hy  until  the  earth  appears  a  mere  "garden  bed,"  but  here  the 
rash  attempt  of  the  eagle  to  reach  the  highest  regions  appears  to  be  pun- 
ished. The  two  are  hurled  down  from  heaven  upon  the  earth.  Another 
part  of  the  legend  tells  of  a  deceit  practised  upon  the  eagle  by  the  serpent, 
aided  by  Sliamash,  in  which  the  eagle  dies  a  miserable  death. 

The  second  story  of  a  visit  to  heaven  is  found  in  the  legend  of  Adapa. 
This  legend  was  on  one  of  the  tablets  found  at  Tel  Amarna.  Adapa  is  a  son 
of  the  god  Ea,  and  is  represented  as  serving  in  his  temple.  One  day  as  he 
is  lishing  in  the  sea  the  south  wind  overturns  his  boat.  Adapa  then  fights 
with  the  south  wind  and  succeeds  in  breaking  its  wings  so  that  it  does  not 
blow  for  seven  days.  At  the  end  of  this  time  Anu,  in  heaven,  becomes 
aware  that  the  south  wind  has  not  been  blowing  and  inquires  the  reason. 
When  told,  he  becomes  very  angry  that  anyone  should  have  had  the  audac- 
ity to  interfere  with  any  of  his  creatures.  He  accordingly  sends  for  Adapa 
to  appear  before  him.  Ea  gives  his  son  advice  as  to  his  conduct,  telling 
him  how  to  secure  the  good  favour  of  the  two  porters  at  the  gate,  one  of 
whom  is  Tammuz.  He  tells  him  further  :  ''  When  thou  comest  before  Anu, 
they  will  offer  thee  food  of  death  —  do  not  eat.  Water  of  death  they  will 
offer  thee  —  do  not  drink.  They  will  offer  thee  a  garment  —  put  it  on. 
They  will  otter  thee  oil — anoint  thyself."  Adapa  then  reaches  heaven, 
and  everything  happens  as  Ea  has  told  him.  Only  the  food  and  water 
which  are  ottered  him  are  of  life  not  of  death,  and  thus  Adapa  loses  his 
chances  of  eternal  life.  Anu  looks  at  him  in  amazement  and  exclaims  :  "  O 
Adapa,  why  didst  thou  not  eat  and  drink?  Now  thou  canst  not  live." 
Here,  as  in  the  case  of  Adam  in  the  biblical  story,  whose  name  by  the  way 
may  possibly  be  identical  with  Adapa,  we  see  that  a  deceit  was  practised  on 
man.  In  each  case  he  is  told  that  the  food  and  water  of  life  will  bring  him 
death,  although  the  Babylonian  story  differs  from  the  biblical  in  that  the 
former  freely  and  gladly  accords  man  knowledge,  as  represented  by  the 
clothing  and  oil  for  anointment,  which  may  be  regarded  as  symbols  of 
civilisation. 

In  the  Euphrates  valley  religion  was  very  closely  associated  with  the 
actual  life  of  the  nation.  The  temples  were  storehouses  and  banking  estab- 
lishments ;  the  priests  were  lawyers  and  scribes.  Every  historical  inscrip- 
tion contains  a  reference  to  the  gods.  Victory  was  due  to  their  intervention. 
Nothing  was  conceived  without  them.  Their  festivals  were  the  great  events 
of  the  year.  The  German  excavating  society  has  recently  brought  to  light 
the  old  procession  street  between  Babylon  and  Borsippa  over  which  the 
image  of  the  god  Nabu  used  to  be  carried  on  his  annual  visit  to  Marduk 
at  Babylon.  This  street  was  decorated  with  glazed,  coloured  tiles,  repre- 
senting a  stately  procession  of  lions  and  other  beasts,  which  show  a  high 
grade  of  artistic  talent. 

The  Babylonian  religion  shows  its  development  plainly.  In  its  earliest 
phase  we  have  the  belief  in  a  great  many  spirits  and  demons,  who  could  be 
controlled  by  magic.  Then  comes  the  period  of  local  cults  followed  by  the 
organised  pantheon,  in  which  we  see  faint  signs  of  a  conception  of  one  god 
manifested  in  many  forms. « 

To  sum  up  in  the  words  of  Tiele :  From  all  that  has  been  said  it  will 
be  seen  that  the  religion  of  the  Babylonians  had  at  an  early  date  attained 
a  comparatively  high  stage  of  development.  It  had  not  yet  crossed  the 
boundary  of  monotheism  but  remained  a  theocratic,  monarchical  polytheism; 
nevertheless  it  came  very  near  that  boundary.  The  gods  of  mythology  were 
already  treated  with  great  freedom,  and  the  disgust  which  some  of  their 


BABYLONIAN   AND  ASSYRIAN   CULTURE  535 

and  fire  in  the  waters,  is  the  god  Ea.  This  god  with  his  circle  is  without 
doubt  indigenous  to  southern  Chaldea.  The  oldest  and  most  important  centre 
of  his  cult  is  Eridu,  situated  close  to  the  sea.  His  son  Marduk,  and  the  god 
connected  with  him  whom  the  Semites  call  Nabu,  is  especially  honoured  on 
the  islands  and  coast  of  the  Persian  Gulf.  Thus  if  legend  traces  the  culture 
of  the  Chaldeans  from  the  instruction  of  this  god,  this  is  the  origin  of  the 
tradition  that  his  worshippers,  who  must  have  been  mariners  and  dwellers  on 
the  sea  coast,  introduced  this  civilisation  into  Chaldea. 

In  agreement  with  this  is  the  fact  that  the  decrees  of  Ea  and  the  magic 
formulae  of  Eridu,  his  chief  city  situated  near  the  sea,  are  repeatedly  desig- 
nated as  being  very  holy  and  powerful,  and  as  very  ancient ;  also  that  the 
oldest  sayings  and  traditions  which  are  known  to  us  in  the  Gisdubas  (Gil- 
gamesh)  epic,  are  located  precisely  in  places  on  the  sea  coast  or  not  far  distant 
from  it.  These  were  also  the  centres  of  powerful  states,  as  also  of  the  king- 
dom of  Ur,  and  the  oldest  monuments  of  Chaldean  civilisation  which  have 
yet  become  known  to  us  were  found  in  southern  Babylonia  at  Telloh. 

However,  wherever  its  origin  may  have  been,  the  great  age  of  Babylonian 
culture,  of  which  the  Assyrian  is  only  a  later  branch,  stands  beyond  doubt. 
The  cylinders  of  Sargon  I  as  well  as  the  statues  found  at  Telloh  show  a  high 
grade  of  development  and  presuppose  an  art  which  already  has  a  long  past 
behind  it.  That  the  Egyptian  culture  is  younger  and  even  derived  from 
the  Babylonian,  and  that  the  latter  is  thus  the  oldest  in  the  world,  and  at  the 
same  time  was  the  mother  of  all  other  civilisations  of  antiquity,  as  has  been 
claimed  (Hommel),  can  naturally  not  be  proved  and  is  still  doubtful ;  but  it 
is  not  impossible.  And  the  most  remarkable  fact  is,  that  at  least  the  plastic 
art  could  never  again  reach  the  heights  it  had  already  attained  in  such  a 
gray  antiquity. 

This  does  not  mean  to  imply  that  the  Babylonians  did  not  further 
develop  the  civilisation,  the  elements  of  which  they  had  received  from  their 
predecessors.  They  assimilated  it  and  developed  it  independently  ;  it  may 
even  be  assumed  that  they  improved  on  it  in  more  than  one  respect,  and 
applied  it  to  higher  ends.  They  also  introduced  into  it  much  that  was 
peculiar  to  them.  How  far  this  was  the^ase  —  what  with  them  was  borrowed 
and  what  original,  cannot  yet  be  determined  in  detail.  At  any  rate  we  are 
not  justified  in  attributing  to  their  non-Semitic  teachers,  as  often  happens, 
everything  barbaric,  cruel,  and  repulsive  that  still  characterises  their  cus- 
toms, nor  all  the  superstitions  still  connected  with  their  religion. 

The  original  inhabitants  excelled  the  Semites  in  artistic  spirit  and 
ability,  perhaps  also  as  traders  and  mariners,  and  the  latter  probably  imitated 
the  former,  but  seldom  reached  them  and  never  surpassed  them.  Tlie  Semites, 
on  the  other  hand,  put  more  depth  and  earnestness  into  their  religious  life; 
energetically  carried  out  the  monarchic  principle  in  this,  as  also  in  the  life  of 
the  state ;  simplified  the  writing ;  enriched  the  literature,  ^yhich  was  thus 
rendered  more  practical,  by  highly  remarkable  epic  narrations,  especially 
with  epic  poems,  and  even  made  an  attempt  to  write  history.  Furthermore, 
by  the  organisation  of  a  capable  army,  by  the  warlike  talents  of  their  kings 
and  generals,  as  also  by  their  unbending  character  and  persevering  will,  they 
established  states  which  endured  the  most  violent  upheavals  and  clnuigcs, 
and  ruled  all  their  neighbours  for  centuries.  If  they  were  behind  their  pre- 
decessors in  some  points,  they  far  surpassed  them  in  others.  The  conception 
that  one  people  takes  on  the  culture  of  another,  quite  as  one  puts  on  a  bor- 
rowed dress,  is  just  as  foolish  as  the  conception  that  a  nation  relinquishes  its 
own  individuality  and  originality  as  soon  as  it  learns  something  from  another. 


636  THE   HISTORY   OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

The  Greeks  of  whom  it  has  now  been  proved  that  they  owed  much  to  oriental 
peoples,  the  Persians  of  whom  everyone  knows  that  they  borrowed  most  of 
their  civilisation  froxx.  Babylon,  prove  the  contrary.  The  people  who  brought 
its  culture  to  the  southern  coasts  of  Babylonia  and  probably  also  to  the  coasts 
of  Elan  and  communicated  it  to  the  still  uncultured  races  living  there,  seems 
to  have  belonged  to  that  peaceful,  commercial  race  which  the  Hebrews  des- 
ignated as  the  "  sons  of  Kush,"  which  was  not  unlike  the  Phoenicians  and 
was  placed  in  the  same  category  ;  a  race  which,  while  jealous  of  its  inde- 
pendence, was  not  aggressive,  although  inclined  to  colonisation  and  to  making 
distant  journeys.  These  dwellers  on  the  coasts,  together  with  the  inland 
tribes,  were  then  conquered  by  the  Semites,  perhaps  after  long  battles.  If, 
however,  tliey  became  in  this  way,  as  always,  the  teachers  of  their  conquer- 
ors, the  culture  which  grew  under  their  influence  was  none  the  less  a 
creation,  and  thus  the  inalienable  property  of  the  Babylonians. 

LITERATURE   AND   SCIENCE 

How  high  a  state  of  civilisation  the  Babylonians  had  reached  is  shown 
by  the  fact  that  the  invention  of  writing  was  a  long-accomplished  fact  with 
them.  The  oldest  inscriptions  known  to  us,  and  which  certainly  date  as  far 
back  as  4000  B.C.,  are  already  written  in  a  species  of  character  which  from 
similarity  to  the  second  Egyptian  style  of  writing  has  been  called  hieratic, 
and  it  has  been  proved  that  this  hieratic  style  of  writing  has  been  evolved 
from  older  hieroglyphics,  long  since  fallen  into  disuse. 

It  is  not  known  whether  any  other  material  than  stone  or  clay  was  used 
to  write  upon,  and  whether  in  such  case  syllabic  writing  was  used  or  not. 
It  has  been  surmised  that  the  Babylonians  and  Assyrians  also  used,  and  per- 
haps exclusively  at  first,  papyrus,  leather,  and  other  soft  materials  to  write 
upon,  and  engraved  upon  stone  or  clay  only  such  matter  as  they  wished  to 
preserve.  Tliis  is  not  improbable,  even  though  we  do  not  possess  any  such 
manuscripts.  For  as  a  matter  of  course  the  first  named  materials  could  not 
withstand  the  Babylonian  climate  as  well  as  the  Egyptian,  and  only  the  last 
named  are  proof  against  fire  and  water.  It  is  a  fact,  however,  that  the  bas- 
reliefs  show  the  scribes  recording  the  number  of  the  slain  on  soft  material, 
probably  leather,  as  well  as  upon  hard  tablets.  Whether  they  also  wrote 
books  or  letters  on  papyrus  or  leather  has  not  been  definitely  established. 

However  much  the  writing  of  the  Babylonians  and  Assyrians  may  have 
been  an  inheritance  from  very  ancient  times,  and  how  much  they  may  be 
indebted  to  the  early  Chaldeans  for  the  single  form  and  the  structure  of 
the  whole  system,  the  cuneiform  writing  in  which  they  represented  their 
language  was  their  own  invention  in  more  than  one  respect,  since  they  did 
not  thoughtlessly  use  what  was  ready  to  hand,  but  modified  and  altered  it 
with  deliberation. 

Writing  was  also  used  by  the  Babylonians  and  Assyrians  for  purely 
literary  purposes.  The  narratives,  legends,  or  poems  were  inscribed  on 
tablets  of  clay,  and  if  in  case  of  a  work  of  greater  size,  the  two  sides  cov- 
ered with  microscopic  characters  did  not  suffice,  a  series  of  such  was  used, 
which  were  clearly  designated  and  numbered,  so  that  they  were  in  fact 
leaves  of  a  book.  Generally  the  title  of  the  whole,  as  usual  with  the 
Hebrews,  the  first  words  and  the  first  words  of  the  following  tablet  were 
inscribed  on  every  tablet.  This  literature  even  if  limited  to  the  produc- 
tions of  the  imagination,  is  comparatively  abundant.  Although  in  this 
respect  it  may  not  equal  the  literature  of  some  races  still  living,  such  as  the 


BABYLONIAN   AND   ASSYKIAN   CULTURE 


537 


Chinese,  Arabian,  Persian,  and  Indian,  nor  that  of  the  ancient  times  of 
Greece  and  India,  which  in  the  last  named  country  grows  as  luxuriantly  as 
its  vegetation,  yet  on  the  other  hand,  it  excels  in  this  respect  that  of  the 
other  Semitic  races,  the  Hebrews  not  excepted.  This  is  proved  not  only 
by  the  writings  so  far  discovered  but  also  by  the  catalogues  of  books  in 
Babylonian  libraries  or  of  similar  works  elsewhere.  However,  enough  has 
been  brought  to  light,  and  in  a  fair  state  of  preservation,  to  enable  us  to 
form  an  opinion  of  the  literary  talent  of  the  Babylonians,  and  to  prove 
to  us  what  great  varieties  of  it  they  cultivated. 

The  Assyrians  stand,  in  a  literary  sense,  in  about  the  same  relation  to 
the  Babylonians  as  the  Romans  to  the  Greeks,  disciples  who  never  equalled 
their  masters,  although  as  far  as  can  be  seen,  even  relatively  considered, 
Roman  literature  stands  higher  in  relation  to  Greek  than  Assyrian  stands 
in  relation  to  Babylonian.     The  tendency  of  the  Assyrians  was  warlike,  and 


Baked  Clay  Cylinder  of  Sabgon  II,  King  of  Assyria,  b.c.  722-705,  inscribed  with  a 
Chronicle  of  his  Expedition 


directed  to  practical  ideas :  to  found  a  mighty  empire,  and  to  maintain  their 
supremacy  was  the  end  for  which  they  strove.  Therefore  they  were  more 
interested  in  history  than  in  creations  of  the  imagination ;  purely  literary 
work  had  little  charm  for  them.  Only  much  later,  a  desire  is  awakened  in 
them  to  become  acquainted  with  the  productions  of  the  Babylonians  in  this 
field,  and  to  acquire  as  much  as  possible  of  it  for  themselves.  And  perhaps 
even  here  interest  in  the  ancient  religions  and  national  traditions  played 
a  greater  role  than  love  for  poetry. 

The  Assyrians  seem  to  have  had  more  taste  for  what  may  be  designated 
the  science  of  the  period,  than  for  literature.  Here  also,  they  were  follow- 
ing the  lead  of  the  Babylonians,  and  accomplished  little  beyond  taking  pos- 
session of  the  treasures  of  the  Babylonian  libraries.  The  prestige  which 
attached  to  the  Babylonians  in  antiquity  as  the  earliest  cultivators  of  science 
is  well  known,  although  some  thought  that  they  had  borrowed  it  from  the 
Egyptians.  Without  doubt  they  reached  the  greatest  eminence  in  antiquity 
in  the  knowledge  of  astronomy.  Kalisthenes  sent  Aristotle  astronomical 
observations  from  Babylon,  which,  according  to  the  most  moderate  state- 


538  THE  HISTORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

ment,  reach  back  to  1903  before  Alexander,  i.e.,  2324  B.C.  ;  and  there  is 
nothing  improbable  in  this.  Tlie  number  of  eclipses  mentioned  on  the 
astronomical  tablets  would  lead  to  a  conclusion  that  there  was  an  even 
longer  period  of  recorded  calculations.  It  may  be  that  the  Ziggurat  of  the 
temples,  which  originally  had  a  religious  significance,  might,  in  Assyria  at 
least,  have  been  used  as  observatories.  It  has  even  been  surmised  that 
the  Babylonians  had  some  sort  of  a  telescope,  and  this  surmise  rests  upon  the 
finding  of  a  lens  in  the  ruins,  and  upon  the  fact  that  they  were  acquainted 
with  the  planet  Saturn,  which  is  invisible  to  the  naked  eye ;  but  this  does 
not  seem  probable.  One  thing  is  certain,  they  gave  names  to  the  constella- 
tions, especially  to  the  signs  of  the  Zodiac,  which  have  in  part  remained 
in  use.  Tliey  were  acquainted  with  five  planets,  and  distinguished  them 
very  exactly  from  the  other  heavenly  bodies.  They  observed,  and  with  great 
accuracy,  the  eclipses  of  the  sun  and  moon,  perhaps  also  the  sun  spots,  the 
comets,  the  orbit  of  Venus,  and  the  position  of  the  Polar  star  ;  but  they  had 
some  very  childish  ideas  about  the  causes  of  eclipses  and  the  character  of 
the  other  heavenly  phenomena.  Naturally  the  Milky  Way  did  not  escape 
their  observation.  They  even  calculated  the  regular  recurrence  of  eclipses 
of  the  moon  as  well  as  its  phases. 

A  few  of  the  mathematical  tablets  extant  prove  that  they  had  made  great 
progress  in  arithmetic  and  higher  mathematics,  so  indispensable  to  the  study 
of  astronomy.  The  prevalent  system  was  the  sexagesimal,  with  the  60  as 
the  unit,  but  the  decimal  system  seems  to  have  been  known  and  used. 
However  in  spite  of  the  recognition  of  the  high  value  of  these  researches, 
they  hardly  deserve  the  name  of  science.  These  researches  were  certainly 
not  undertaken  from  a  love  of  science.  The  prime  object,  no  doubt,  was  to 
discover  the  will  of  the  gods  in  regard  to  the  future.  The  science  of 
mathematics  itself  was  made  subservient  to  the  art  of  divination.  Astronomy 
was  a  secondary  object,  astrology  the  principal  one.  Knowledge  was  sought 
of  what  must  happen  when  there  should  be  a  recurrence  of  certain  phases 
of  stars  and  heavenly  bodies.  All  observations  of  planets,  comets,  and 
other  stars,  of  eclipses  and  other  phenomena,  were  immediately  connected 
with  occurrences  on  earth,  which  at  some  former  time  had  fallen  in  conjunc- 
tion with  them  and  consequently  must  be  expected  again. 

No  more  were  other  branches  of  science  besides  astronomy  cultivated  for 
their  own  sakes.  Their  science  of  medicine  was  based  almost  entirely  upon 
magic,  and  appears  to  have  stood  on  a  lower  plane  than  that  of  the  Egyp- 
tians, at  least  in  so  far  as  the  still  existing  inscriptions  will  permit  us  to 
judge.  They  indeed  used  as  did  the  Vedic  Indians  external  and  internal 
remedies,  but  they  probably  regarded  them  as  charms  ;  whatever  progress 
they  may  have  made  in  the  science  of  medicine,  the  records  of  it  in  the 
ancient  inscriptions  prove  that  it  was  somewhat  less  than  what  we  know 
of  the  Vedic  physicians  and  their  cures.  Thus  it  is  rather  an  exaggeration 
to  speak  of  physical,  geographical,  grammatical,  and  mythological  writings  of 
the  Babylonians  and  Assyrians,  unless  the  myths  and  legends  belonging 
to  literature  already  discussed  are  meant. 

There  are  various  reasons  for  the  supposition  that  each  of  the  Babylonian 
libraries  according  to  the  studies  of  the  several  religious  and  scientific  schools 
had  a  distinctive  character.  The  Assyrian  libraries,  on  the  other  hand,  being 
all  of  later  date,  had  more  general  and  more  varied  contents. 

The  idea  that  these  libraries  were  for  the  use  of  the  general  public,  is  not 
well  founded,  and  rather  improbable.  They  were  probably  designed  in  the 
first  place,  for  the  learned  men  and  scribes  of  the  king,  as  well  as  for  his  own 


BABYLONIAN  AND  ASSYRIAN   CULTURE  539 

use,  for  the  instruction  of  his  sons,  and  future  officials,  as  well  as  for  archives 
of  the  state.  They  do  not  in  the  least  prove  that  culture,  learning,  and  eru- 
dition were  the  property  of  all  classes  in  Assyria. 'i 

Epistolary  Literature 

At  the  same  time  the  large  number  of  written  private  documents  which 
have  been  unearthed  —  the  letters  and  contract  tablets  —  show  that  writing 
was  not  an  unusual  thing  among  the  people  as  a  whole. 

From  one  point  of  view  these  old  letters  are  the  most  interesting  form  of 
Babylonian  literature  because  they  show  better  than  anything  else  the  real 
life  of  the  nation.  At  first  thought  it  may  seem  that  a  correspondence  on 
clay  must  have  been  cumbersome,  but  most  of  these  little  letters  were  not  so 
large  as  an  ordinary  envelope  and  some  of  them  were  only  two  or  three  inches 
long,  and  could  easily  be  carried  in  the  pocket.  Some  of  them  were  enclosed 
in  an  outer  envelope  of  clay  which  frequently  contained  a  copy  of  the  real 
document  within. 

In  connection  with  the  code  of  Khammurabi,  his  correspondence  with 
one  of  his  officials,  Sin-idinnam,  is  particularly  interesting  because  in  these 
letters  we  find  references  to  the  same  subjects  which  are  treated  of  in  the 
laws.  In  them  all,  we  see  Khammurabi  attending  to  the  minutest  affairs  of 
his  kingdom,  taking  a  personal  interest  in  everything.  It  seems  to  have  been 
a  comparatively  easy  matter  to  get  the  king's  ear.  He  received  letters  com- 
plaining of  things  we  should  perhaps  consider  beneath  the  notice  of  a  power- 
ful king,  and  he  seems  to  have  devoted  careful  thought  to  all. 

The  letters  of  Khammurabi  have  been  edited  and  translated  by  Mr.  L. 
W.  King,  of  the  British  Museum.  They  have  been  also  translated  by  Dr.  G. 
Nagel  *  for  a  doctor's  dissertation,  at  Berlin,  and  published  in  the  Beitrdge  zur 
Assyriologie^  vol.  IV.     Some  of  the  latter's  translations  are  given  below. « 

To  Sin-idinnam  say:  Thus  saith  Khammurabi.  Naram-Sin  the  keeper 
of  flocks  hath  said  :  "  To  the  leaders  of  the  troops  have  our  shepherd  lads 
been  given."  Thus  did  he  say.  The  shepherd  lads  of  Apil-Shamash  and  of 
Naram-Sin  must  not  be  given  to  the  troopers.  Now  send  to  Etil-hi-iNIarduk 
and  his  fellows  that  they  give  back  the  shepherd  lads  of  Apil-Shamash  and 
of  Narara-Sin  which  they  have  taken. 

To  Sin-idinnam  say:  Thus  saith  Khammurabi.  The  whole  canal  was 
dug,  but  it  was  not  dug  clear  into  Erecli,  so  that  water  does  not  come  into 
the  city.  Also  ...  on  the  bank  of  the  Duru  canal  has  fallen  in.  This 
labour  is  not  too  much  for  the  people  at  thy  command  to  do  in  three  days. 
Directly  upon  receipt  of  this  writing  dig  the  canal  with  all  the  people  at  thy 
command,  clear  into  the  city  of  Erech,  within  three  days.  As  soon  as  thou 
hast  dug  the  canal,  do  the  work  which  I  have  commanded  thee. 

To  Sin-idinnam  say:  Thus  saith  Khammurabi.  Tummumu  of  Nippur 
has  announced  to  me  as  follows :  "  In  the  place  Unaburu  (?)  I  deposited 
seventy  tons  of  grain  in  a  granary  (?).  Avel-ilu  has  opened  the  granary 
and  taken  the  grain."  Thus  did  he  tell  me.  See,  I  am  sending  Tummumu 
to  thee  with  this.  Let  Avel-ilu  be  brought  before  thee.  Examine  their 
dispute.  The  grain  belonging  to  Tummumu  which  Avel-ilu  took,  he  shall 
give  back  to  Tummumu. 

To  Sin-idinnam  say :  Thus  saith  Khammurabi.  See,  I  have  ordered  and 
sent  Sin-aiaba-iddina,  Guzalu  and  Shatammu  to  the  war.     They  will  reach 


&iO 


THE  HITORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA 


4 


tliee  on  the  12th  day  of  Mauewau.  When  they  have  reached  thee,  do  thou 
proceed  with  them.  The  ows  and  flocks  of  thy  province,  put  into  safe 
keeping.  Also  Nabu-malik.lu-naditum,  Shamash-mushalim,  Sin-usili,  Tari- 
bura,  and  Idin-Ninshah  shalt^o  with  thee  and  take  part  in  the  war. 

To  Sin-idinnam  say :  Thi  saith  Khammurabi.  Immediately  upon  receipt 
of  this  letter,  have  all  the  :eepers  of  thy  temple  and  Ardi-Shamash,  the 
son  of  Eriban,  the  shephei  of  the  Shamash  temple  come  before  thee, 
together  with  their  completaccount.  Send  them  to  Babylon  to  give  their 
account.  Let  them  ride  daTind  night.  Within  two  days  they  should  be  in 
Babylon. » 

We  also  have  examples  othe  private  correspondence  of  the  same  period, 
sho^ving  the  style  of  letter  ob  Babylonian  wrote  to  another.  The  following 
remarks  and  translations  o  lettei-s  are  taken  from  a  dissertation  giving 
letters  from  the  time  of  Kha.murabi.a 

The  insignificant  contentof  some  of  these  letters  show  that  letter  writing 
at  that  time  was  a  general  cstom  and  the  theory  again  and  again  thrusts 
itself  forward  that  a  compaitively  regular  postal  service  was  already  in 
existence.  These  letters  als<5how  how  far  Babylonian  commerce  extended 
in  the  second  half  of  the  thii  century  before  Christ.  Every  letter  throws 
new  light  upon  that  far  distat  past  and  helps  us  to  form  an  ever  surer  pic- 
ture of  the  daily  life  of  the  dd  Babylonian  people.  Following  are  a  few 
examples  to  give  an  idea  of  1 3  epistolary  style. 

To  my  father  %ay :  Thus  i^iaks  Elmeshu.  May  Shamash  and  Marduk  keep 
my  father  alive  forever.  Mamt  thou,  my  father,  be  in  health,  may  est  thou  live. 
May  the  protecting  deity  of  vi  father  lift  up  the  head  of  my  father  in  favour. 
To  greet  my  father  have  I  wHen.  May  the  prosperity  of  my  father  before 
Shamash  and  Marduk  endure  orever.  After  Sin  and  Ramman  had  spoken 
thy  name,  my  father,^  thou,  rv  father,  didst  speak  as  follows :  "  As  soon  as 
I  come  to  Der-Ammizadadug  on  the  Sharku  canal,  I  will  send  thee,  within 
a  short  space,  a  lamb  with  fi^  mina  of  silver."  This  didst  thou  say,  my 
father.  My  father  made  me  xpectant,  but  thou  hast  sent  nothing.  Now 
after  thou,  my  father,  hadst  sirted  out  to  Taribu,  the  queen,  I  sent  a  letter 
to  my  father.  Thou,  my  faier,  hast  never  voluntarily  sent  anyone  who 
brought  (even)  a  silver  sheU.  In  accordance  with  the  ...  of  Sin  and 
Ramman  who  have  blessed  ly  father,  may  my  father  send  me  that  for 
which  I  am  eager,  so  will  myieart  not  be  grieved,  and  I  will  pray  for  my 
father  to  Shamash  and  Mardu. 

To  my  lord,  say  :  Thus  speketh  Belshunu,  thy  slave.  Since  I  have  been 
confined  in  prison  thou,  my  Ird,  hast  kept  me  alive.  What  is  the  reason 
that  for  five  months  my  lord  as  neglected  me  ?  The  house  in  which  I  am 
confined  is  a  house  of  want.  Nw  I  have  sent  the  Mar-abulli  (gate-keeper  [?]) 
to  you  with  a  letter.  I  am  al>  ill.  May  my  lord  have  pity  on  me,  send  me 
corn  and  vegetables  so  that  may  not  die.  Send  me  also  a  dress  to  cover 
my  nakedness.  Either  a  hali^hekel  of  silver  or  two  mina  of  wool  let  him 
CMar-abuUi)  bring,  for  my  serice  let  him  bring  it.  Let  not  Mar-abulli  be 
sent  empty  away.  If  he  comai  empty,  the  dogs  will  devour  me.  As  thou, 
"  '  '  '  of  Sippar  and  Babylon  knows  that  I  am 
e  of  a  bilshu,  I  have  been  imprisoned. 
ind  the  river  to  carry  oil,  but  the  Sutu 

flier  had  been  called  tu  a  high  office.] 


my  lofd,  so  also  every  inhabl 
confi'ied  without  guilt; 
Tho       'IV  lord,  didst  send 


labi^i  of 


probably  means 


A 


BABYLONIA^N 


ASSYRIAN   CULTURE 


541 


people  met  me  and  took  ine  capve.  Speak  a  favourable  word  to  the  ser- 
vant of  the  king's  grand  vizir.  >end,  that  I  die  not  in  the  house  of  need. 
Send  one  ka  of  oil  and  five  ka  o  salt.  What  thou  didst  send  a  short  time 
ago  was  not  delivered.     Whatevc  thou  sendest,  send  it  well  guarded. 

To  my  father  say :  Thus  salt  Zimri-erah.  May  Shamash  and  Marduk 
give  my  father  everlasting  life.  bi-Ninshah  the  younger  brother  of  Nur- 
ilishu  has  fallen  upon  Nabu-atpium  and  beaten  him  ;  he  has  also  spoken 
insults  concerning  me  which  are  ot  to  be  endured.  I  shall  beat  the  young 
man  !     Wherefore  has  he  cursei  me  ?     I  have  as  yet  said  nothing  to  the 


person.     I  thought  to  myself 
decision  about  the  matter,  n- 
have  sent  a  tablet  to  Nairn 
make  a  decision  in  this  niaii 

To  the  secretary  of  the  / 
Ammidatitana.  The  wool 
written  to  the  secretary  ..i 
spun  wool  to  Babylon,  but 
informed  me.  Why  hast  li 
thou  hast  not  feared  to  dw 
tablet  —  thy  spun  wool  ti»  !'>  < 

To  Appa  speak:    TJius  .- 
alive.     I  have  spoken  in  thy 
"Let  him  come  so  that  hr  i 
take  to  examine,  take  tlinii 

To  Etil-Shajnash-iddi na 
and  Ishtar  keep  thee  alive  ;    I 
8|  kat  and  15  she  of  silver. 
he  commands.     I  am  goin- 


will  send  to  my  father,  let  him  send  his 
en  I  will  speak  to  the  person."  Now  I 
in,  for  information  in  this  matter.  Up  ! 
(1  your  judgment,  give  (?)  a  word. 

nts  of  Sippar,  lahruru  speak:  Thus  saith 
has  informed  me  as  follows ;    "  I  have 

lerchants  of  Sippar,  lahruru  to  send  his 

not  sent  his  spun  wool."     Thus  has  he 

sent  thy  spun  wool  to  Babylon  ?     Since 

ling,  so  send  —  as  soon  as  thou  seest  this 
,  1 

rimil- Marduk.  May  Shamash  keep  thee 
1  to  the  person  in  question  and  he  said; 
oak."  And  the  tablets  which  thou  didst 
ing  to  thy  examination  and  come  quickly. 

Thus  saith  Avel-RuJiati.  May  Shamash 
'11.  Humtani  has  given  for  Arati-Shamash 
I  usalimma,  I  will  give  the  money  wherever 
le  service  of  the  king's  daughter.     I  will 


quickly  send  thy  desire.     Send  u  answer  to  my  tablet,  J 


Among  the  large  numbi 
been  possible  to  find  mort.'  i . 
ting  these  together,  to  get  - 
The  letters  of  a  certain  Bel 
allusions  to  historical  event- 
valuable  details  to  these  rat : 
was  a  general  in  the  army  o 
of  these  letters  made  by  i)r 
Assyrians  and  Babylonians  ; 
vol.  XVIII.a 


letters  which  have  been  preserved  it  has 
le  written  by  the  same  person,  and,  by  put- 
lea  of  the  life  and  character  of  the  writer. 
le  prominent  among  these.     They  contain 
I  loned  on  the  monuments,  thus  contributing 
irren  records  of  events.     Bel-Ibni  himself 
airbanapal.     Below  is  a  translation  of  one 
ihnston,*  in  the  Epistolary  literature  of  the 
J  Journal  of  the  American  Oriental  Society, 


To  the  lord  of  kings,  my  lor,  thy  servant  Bel-Ibni!  May  Ashur,  Shamash 
and  Marduk  decree  length  of  das,  health  of  mind  and  body  for  the  lord  of 
kings,  my  lord!  Shuma,  the  m  of  Sham-iddina,  son  of  Gakhal,  son  of 
Tammaritu's  sister,  fleeing  froi  Elam,  reached  the  (country  of  the)  Dakkha. 
I  took  him  under  my  protectio  and  transferred  him  from  Dakkha  (hither). 
He  is  ill.  As  soon  as  he  compitely  recovers  his  health,  I  shall  send  him  to 
the  king,  my  lord. 

A  messenger  has  come  U  him  (with  the  news)  that  Nadan  and  the 
Pukudeans  of  Til  .   .   .  had  a  leeting  with  Nabu-bel-shumate  at  the  city  of 

[^  This  is  a  letter  from  King  Amnutana,  the  king  who  was  third  from  the  end  of  the  first 
Babylonian  dynasty.     It  is  an  examp  of  the  usual  style  of  a  royal  letter.] 


540  THE   HISTORY   OF   MESOPOTAMIA 

thee  on  the  12th  day  of  Marshewan.  When  they  have  reached  thee,  do  thou 
proceed  with  them.  The  cows  and  flocks  of  thy  province,  put  into  safe 
keeping.  Also  Nabu-malik,  Ilu-naditum,  Shamash-mushalira,  Sin-usili,  Tari- 
bum,  and  Idin-Ninshah  shall  go  with  thee  and  take  part  in  the  war. 

To  Sin-idinnam  say :  Thus  saith  Khammurahi.  Immediately  upon  receipt 
of  this  letter,  have  all  the  keepers  of  thy  temple  and  Ardi-Shamash,  the 
son  of  Eriban,  the  shepherd  of  the  Shamash  temple  come  before  thee, 
together  with  their  complete  account.  Send  them  to  Babylon  to  give  their 
account.  Let  them  ride  day  and  night.  Within  two  days  they  should  be  in 
Babylon,  i 

We  also  have  examples  of  the  private  correspondence  of  the  same  period, 
showing  the  style  of  letter  one  Babylonian  wrote  to  another.  The  following 
remarks  and  translations  of  letters  are  taken  from  a  dissertation  giving 
letters  from  the  time  of  Khamnmrabi.« 

The  insignificant  contents  of  some  of  these  letters  show  that  letter  writing 
at  that  time  was  a  general  custom  and  the  theory  again  and  again  thrusts 
itself  forward  that  a  comparatively  regular  postal  service  was  already  in 
existence.  These  letters  also  show  how  far  Babylonian  commerce  extended 
in  the  second  half  of  the  third  century  before  Christ.  Every  letter  throws 
new  light  upon  that  far  distant  past  and  helps  us  to  form  an  ever  surer  pic- 
ture of  the  daily  life  of  the  old  Babylonian  people.  Following  are  a  few 
examples  to  give  an  idea  of  the  epistolary  style. 

To  my  father  say:  Thus  speaks  Elmeshu.  May  Shamash  and  Marduk  keep 
my  father  alive  forever.  May  est  thou,  my  father,  be  in  health,  may  est  thou  live. 
May  the  protectinf^  deity  of  my  father  lift  up  the  head  of  my  father  in  favour. 
To  greet  my  father  have  I  written.  May  the  pj'osperity  of  my  father  before 
Sha7)iash  and  Marduk  endure  forever.  After  Sin  and  Ramman  had  spoken 
thy  name,  my  father,^  thou,  my  father,  didst  speak  as  follows:  "As  soon  as 
I  come  to  Der-Ammizadaduga  on  the  Sharku  canal,  I  will  send  thee,  within 
a  short  space,  a  lamb  with  five  mina  of  silver."  This  didst  thou  say,  my 
father.  My  father  made  me  expectant,  but  thou  hast  sent  nothing.  Now 
after  thou,  my  father,  hadst  started  out  to  Taribu,  the  queen,  I  sent  a  letter 
to  my  father.  Thou,  my  father,  hast  never  voluntarily  sent  anyone  who 
brought  (even)  a  silver  shekel.  In  accordance  witli  the  ...  of  Sin  and 
llamman  who  have  blessed  my  father,  may  my  father  send  me  that  for 
which  I  am  eager,  so  will  my  heart  not  be  grieved,  and  I  will  pray  for  my 
father  to  Shamash  and  Marduk. 

To  my  lord,  say  :  Tlius  speaketh  Belshunu,  thy  slave.  Since  I  have  been 
confined  in  prison  thou,  my  lord,  hast  kept  me  alive.  What  is  the  reason 
that  for  \\\ki  months  my  lord  has  neglected  me  ?  The  house  in  which  I  am 
confined  is  a  house  of  want.  Now  I  have  sent  the  Mar-abulli  (gate-keeper  [?]) 
to  you  with  a  letter.  I  am  also  ill.  May  my  lord  have  pity  on  me,  send  me 
corn  and  vegetables  so  that  I  may  not  die.  Send  me  also  a  dress  to  cover 
my  nakedness.  Either  a  half  shekel  of  silver  or  two  mina  of  wool  let  him 
( Mar-abulli)  bring,  for  my  service  let  him  bring  it.  Let  not  Mar-abulli  be 
sent  empty  away.  If  he  cometh  empty,  the  dogs  will  devour  me.  As  thou, 
my  lord,  so  also  every  inhabitant  of  Sippar  and  Babylon  knows  that  I  am 
confined  without  guilt ;  not  because  of  a  bilshu,  I  have  been  imprisoned. 
Thou,  my  lord,  didst  send  me  beyond  the  river  to  carry  oil,  but  the  Sutu 

['  Tliia  probably  means  thai  the  fatlier  had  been  called  tu  a  high  office.] 


BABYLONIAN  AND  ASSYRIAN   CULTURE  643 

identical  with  the  eponym  of  the  same  name  in  the  year  714.     Dr.  Johnston 
has  translated  a  communication  of  his  to  the  king:« 

To  the  king,  my  lord,  thy  servant  Ishtar-duri!  Greeting  to  the  king,  my 
lord!  I  send  forthwith  to  my  lord,  the  king,  in  company  with  my  messen- 
ger, the  physicians  Nabu-shum-iddina  and  Nabu-erba,  of  whom  I  spoke  to 
the  king,  my  lord.  Let  them  be  admitted  to  the  presence  of  the  king,  my 
lord,  and  let  the  king,  my  lord,  converse  with  them.  I  have  not  disclosed 
(to  them)  tlie  true  facts,  but  have  told  them  nothing.  As  the  king,  my 
lord,  commands,  (so)  has  it  been  done. 

Shamash-bel-ugur  sends  word  from  Der  :  "  We  have  no  inscriptions  to 
place  upon  the  temple  walls."  I  send  therefore  to  the  king,  my  lord,  (to 
ask)  that  one  inscription  be  written  out  and  sent  immediately,  (and  that) 
the  rest  be  speedily  written,  so  that  they  may  place  them  upon  the  temple 
walls. 

There  has  been  a  great  deal  of  rain,  (but)  the  harvest  is  gathered.  May 
the  heart  of  the  king,  my  lord,  be  of  good  cheer !  * 


Art  occupies  too  prominent  a  position  in  the  life  of  the  Babylonians 
and  Assyrians,  and  they  have  produced  too  much  that  is  original  and  pecu- 
liar to  them,  for  this  history  to  23ass  over  the  question  in  silence.  Even  a 
mere  sketch  of  their  culture  would  be  incomplete  without  it.  At  the  same 
time  great  precaution  is  necessary.  In  the  determination  of  the  chronolog- 
ical succession  of  undated  monuments  so  much  depends  on  subjective  valua- 
tion and  sesthetic  judgment  that,  without  a  long  and  conscientious  study  of 
the  history  of  art,  one  is  liable  to  serious  error.  And  the  determination 
of  dates  largely  influences  one's  conception  of  the  progress  of  Babylonian- 
Assyrian  art ;  aesthetic  judgment,  one's  decision  concerning  tlie  character, 
independence,  and  value  of  this  artistic  effort. 

Here  again,  as  in  the  language,  religion,  and  in  the  whole  civilisation  of 
this  people  the  unity  of  the  Babylonian-Assyrian  race  comes  clearly  to  light. 
Whatever  differences  may  exist  between  Babylonian  and  Assyrian  art  in  the 
conception  of  detail,  in  certain  peculiarities  of  technique,  in  the  choice  of 
subjects,  at  bottom  they  are  one.  It  has  ever  been  characterised  as  a 
national  school  in  which  one  and  the  same  character  prevails,  so  that  a  work 
of  art,  be  it  from  Telloh,  Babylon,  Nineveh,  or  Kalali,  at  once  shows  its  con- 
nection with  it.  All  the  differences  are  merely  shades,  changes  caused  by 
time.  This  is  especially  noticeable  when  one  considers  what  material  for 
example  was  used  for  building.  In  Babylonia  it  is  diflicult  to  obtain 
stone  ;  there  are  no  rocks  there.  Consequently  this  material,  which  had  to 
be  brought  from  a  distance,  and  was  therefore  expensive,  was  kept  like 
precious  and  other  metals  for  the  decoration  of  the  whole,  for  pillars,  bas- 
reliefs,  dedicatory  inscriptions,  etc.,  or  for  making  a  firm  foundation,  while 
dried  and  burnt  bricks  were  used  for  the  buildings  themselves.  Among  the 
Assyrians  this  difficulty  did  not  exist.  Excellent  stone,  whicli  was  easily 
worked,  was  found  in  close  proximity,  and  the  Assyrians  understood  liow  to 
hew  and  shape  it.  In  spite  of  this,  they  imitated  the  liabylonian  custom 
and  used  mainly  bricks  for  their  buildings.  They  preferred  continually  to 
repair  these  temples  and  palaces,  which  soon  fell  into  ruin,  or  else  to  replace 
them  by  others,  rather  than  to  depart  from  the  traditional  mode  of  building 
of  their  ancestors. 


544  THE   HISTORY   OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

The  question  has  been  raised  as  to  \\'hether  Babylonian-Assyrian  art  may 
not  perhaps  have  been  a  daughter  of  the  Egyptian.  Without  doubt  Assyrian 
art  was  at  least  influenced  by  it.  All  the  ivory  objects  which  have  yet  been 
found  are  plainly  imitations  of  Egyptian  motives,  although  they  were  cer- 
tainly not  made'  by  Egyptians,  and  some  of  them  date  from  the  time  of 
Asshurnazirpal.  The  lotus  ornament  also,  which  is  so  often  used  as  a  temple 
decoration,  points  to  an  Egyptian  origin.  Perhaps,  however,  the  models  were 
not  borrowed  directly  from  the  Egyptians.  Certain  dishes  and  cups  for 
drink-offering,  which  occur  in  Mesopotamia,  as  well  as  in  western  Asia  and 
southern  Europe,  are  plainly  ornamented  with  Egyptian  cartouches,  hiero- 
glyphics, and  symbols,  but  in  such  a  divergent  form  that  no  Egyptian  could 
have  made  them  ;  and  these  objects  have  the  name  of  the  artificer  in  Aramaic 
characters  on  the  border  or  back.  It  is  thus  plainly  to  be  seen  that  this 
Egyptian  fashion  wandered  into  Assyria  through  the  influence  of  Aramaen 
artists. 

When  it  is  acknowledged,  however,  that  Egyptian  patterns  were  imitated 
by  the  Assyrians  at  a  comparatively  late  date,  and  that  Egyptian  motives 
were  borrowed  from  her  artists,  it  does  not  by  any  means  follow  that  Baby- 
lonian-Assyrian art  as  a  whole  was  of  Egyptian  origin.  This  could  be 
proved  only  from  the  oldest  monuments  to  be  found  in  Babylonia.  It  was 
in  fact  believed,  when  the  art  works  of  Telloh  first  became  known,  that  they 
showed  a  great  similarity  to  the  products  of  Egyptian  art.  They  displayed 
the  same  simplicity  and  naiveness,  the  same  clean-shorn  heads  and  faces,  and 
many  other  coincidences.  The  connoisseurs  of  art,  however,  believe  differ- 
ently. The  similarity  is  great ;  nevertheless  a  careful  examination  shows 
the  independence  of  Babylonian  art  in  respect  to  Egyptian.  Thus  in  the  old- 
est monuments  the  same  peculiarities,  truth  and  strength,  appear,  which  in 
the  later  development  of  art  among  the  Assyrians  were  so  greatly  exaggerated, 
whereas  they  are  wholly  lacking  in  Egyptian  figures. 

A  further  similarity  is  found  between  the  oldest  pyramids  in  the  Nile 
valley  and  the  Babylonian- Assyrian  Ziggurat.  In  the  first  place,  however, 
the  pyramids  had  a  wholly  different  object  from  the  Ziggurat,  and,  in  the 
second  place,  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  the  Babylonian  temple  architecture 
varies  greatly  from  the  Egyptian.  If  there  is  any  dependence  it  is  not  on  the 
side  of  the  Chaldeans ;  they  did  not  borrow  their  art  from  the  Egyptians. 
At  the  same  time  the  similarities  are  so  remarkable,  especially  between  the 
old  Chaldaic  statues  and  the  oldest  productions  of  Egyptian  sculpture,  such 
as  the  statues  of  Shafra,  Chufu,  and  Ra-em-ke,  that  we  are  compelled  here, 
as  in  the  case  of  the  writing,  to  suppose  a  common  stock  out  of  which  both 
branches  grew  independently  and  in  a  way  peculiar  to  each. 

The  important  discoveries  made  by  the  French  consul,  De  Sarsac,  at 
Telloh  have  first  thrown  some  light  on  the  old  Chaldean  art  in  which  the 
whole  Babylonian-Assyrian  art  has  taken  its  origin.  The  question  as  to 
whether  the  works  of  art  found  there  are  Semitic  or  non-Semitic  does  not 
concern  us  here.  It  is  more  probably  the  latter.  At  any  rate  we  are  here 
confronted  with  a  civilisation  preceding  the  flourishing  period  of  the  known 
Semitic  dominion  in  Babylonia. ^  A  temple  was  found  there  53  by  31  metres 
square  which  shows  the  same  fundamental  plan  as  the  later  Chaldean  archi- 
tecture, that  is,  a  structure  of  burnt  on  a  foundation  of  dried  brick,  the 

^  For  a  description  of  these  monuments  and  the  history  of  their  discovery,  as  well  as  for  the 
conclusions  which  are  to  be  drawn  from  them  for  the  history  of  art  in  Mesopotamia,  the  reader 
is  referred  to  De  Sarsac's  album  of  reproductions  [I'Art  Chald^en],  also  to  L.  Heerzey,  Les 
fouilles  de  Chaldee  in  the  Revue  Archceologique,  1881,  new  series,  vol,  xlii,  p.  66  ff.  and  257. 


BABYLONIAN   AND  ASSYRIAN   CULTURE  545 

corners  exactly  facing  the  points  of  the  compass  (not  the  side  as  in  Egypt), 
a  Ziggurat  in  the  centre,  the  whole,  as  is  seen  from  stamps  on  the  stones, 
dating  from  the  time  of  the  priest-prince  Gudra,  who  is  known  from  other 
sources,  and  who  rebuilt  or  founded  this  temple.  Besides,  a  large  number 
of  larger  and  smaller  works  of  art  were  discovered,  cylinders,  reliefs,  bronze 
objects,  especially  statues,  which  had  been  collected  either  by  the  ruler  already 
mentioned  or  by  other  priestly  princes  or  kings. ^ 

Before  building  a  temple  or  palace,  a  religious  ceremony  took  place  cor- 
responding to  what  we  call  to-day  laying  the  corner-stone.  Nabuna'id  relates 
that  in  the  ruins  of  the  oldest  Chaldean  temples  he  looked  for  the  foundation 
stone,  the  temen  which  the  original  kings  had  placed  there,  and  that  he  had 
the  good  fortune  to  find  this  corner-stone,  whereas  several  of  his  prede- 
cessors had  excavated  only  in  vain.  In  our  days  such  cylindrical  tubes  have 
been  found  covered  with  close  writing  difficult  to  decipher,  which  had  been 
placed  in  little  niches  at  the  corners  of  the  foundation  facing  the  four  points 
of  the  compass.  Thus  at  Nimrod,  Rawlinson  caused  excavations  to  be  car- 
ried on  in  one  of  the  corners  of  the  tower,  feeling  sure  that  he  would  find 
objects  similar  to  those  which  had  been  met  with  elsewhere.  He  relates  his 
discovery  as  follows  :  "  At  the  end  of  half  an  hour  a  small  cavity  was  found. 
'  Bring  me,'  "  said  Rawlinson  to  the  man  in  charge  of  the  digging,  "  '  bring 
me  the  dedicatory  cylinder.'  The  workman  put  his  hand  into  the  hole  and 
showed  the  cylinder  ;  those  present  could  not  believe  their  eyes  and  looked 
at  each  other  in  amazement.  The  cylinder,  covered  with  inscriptions,  then 
came  out  of  the  hiding-place  where  it  had  been  placed  probably  by  the  hands 
of  Nebuchadrezzar  himself,  and  where  it  had  lain  for  twenty-nine  centuries." 
In  the  fruitful  excavations  which  he  undertook  at  Telloh,  De  Sarsac  made 
similar  discoveries.  "  I  found,"  said  he,  "  at  a  depth  of  scarcely  thirty  cen- 
timeters under  the  original  soil,  four  cubes  of  masonry  of  large  bricks  and 
bitumen,  measuring  eighty  centimeters  on  each  side.  In  the  centre  of  these 
cubes  was  a  cavity  of  twenty-seven  centimeters  by  twelve  and  by  thirty-five 
of  depth.  This  cavity  filled  with  yellow  sand  enclosed  a  statuette  of  bronze, 
representing  now  a  man  kneeling,  again  a  woman  standing,  sometimes  also  a 
bull.  At  the  foot  of  each  statue,  us"::ally  embedded  in  the  bitumen  which 
lined  the  cavity,  were  found  two  stone  tablets,  one  white,  the  other  black. 
It  was  the  black  one  which  usually  bore  an  inscription  in  cuneiform  charac- 
ters, like  or  almost  like  the  one  carved  on  the  figure  of  bronze."  Moreover 
De  Sarsac  in  place  of  statuettes  found  cones  of  clay  in  the  shape  of  large 
nails  with  hemispherical  heads,  and  having  an  inscription  around  the  stem.w 

It  has  been  believed  that  three  stages  of  development  may  be  detected  in 
this  ancient  art.  To  the  first  belong  the  reliefs,  which  represent  scenes  of 
war  and  burial  which  have  not  yet  been  satisfactorily  explained,  drawn  very 
awkwardly  and  comparatively  rough  and  primitive.  This  stage  represents 
the  infancy  of  art.  To  the  second  stage  are  counted  the  eight  statues  of 
Gudea  and  the  one  of  Ur-ba-'u  which  are  carved  with  great  skill  and  fine 
artistic  feeling  out  of  hard  stone,  as  it  appears  of  diorite. 

The  strength  which  characterises  the  sculptural  efforts  of  the  Babylonians 
and  especially  of  the  Assyrians,  is  already  manifest,  although  without  that 
exaggeration  of  the  muscles  and  joints  which  is  so  pronounced  with  the 
latter.  Hands  and  feet  in  particular  are  most  carefully  executed.  The 
heads  are  totally  different  from  the  hairy  and  bearded  Assyrian,  or  even  early 
Babylonian  heads.  They  are  perfectly  clean  shaven,  but  sometimes  seem- 
ingly decked  with  an  artificial  hair  arrangement  or  something  of  that  sort  ; 
all  just  as  in  Egypt.     In  addition,  an  attempt  to  suggest  the  folds  of  dra- 

H.  W. VOL.   I.  2n 


546  THE  HISTORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

peries  is  seen,  which  we  do  not  find  among  the  Babylonians  and  Assyrians 
nor  the  Egyptians,  but  only  later  among  the  Persians  and  Greeks.  In  the 
third  so-called  classic  period  are  placed  works  of  art  of  most  finished  execu- 
tion, which  show  a  decided  advance,  among  which  are  pictures,  in  which  beard 
and  hair  are  worked  out  with  the  greatest  care. 

It  would  be  exaggerated  scepticism  to  deny  that  these  art  productions 
exceed  in  antiquity,  nearly  everything  found  in  Babylonia  until  now.  The 
only  exception  could  be  tlie  beautiful  cylinder  of  the  time  of  Sargon  I,  if  we 
assume  that  this  monarch  reigned  about  3800  B.C.,  and  that  this  work  of  art 
is  of  his  time.     But  this  is  by  no  means  established  as  a  fact. 

It  can  also  not  be  denied  that  these  creations  of  early  Chaldaic  art, 
although  in  some  instances  only  feeble  attempts,  in  others,  however,  are  of 
such  finished  perfection,  that  in  succeeding  periods  they  were  never  excelled 
and  seldom  equalled. 

We  have  here  a  similar  case  to  one  in  Egypt,  where,  for  instance,  under 
the  kings  of  the  fourth  dynasty,  sculpture  reached  an  eminence,  which 
nothing  of  later  date  ever  approached,  and  where  the  oldest  works  of  art 
have  a  value  which  none  of  the  Egyptian  sculptures  of  the  following  centuries 
can  claim.  In  both  these  countries  therefore  there  is  an  early,  surprisingly 
rapid  development,  followed  by  a  speedy  decline ;  where  even  in  succeeding 
brilliant  epochs  no  successful  attempts  to  equal  the  results  of  the  first  florescence 
were  ever  made.  Such  a  phenomenon  is  all  the  more  striking  when  it  is 
considered  that  these  latei-  epochs,  whether  in  Egypt,  in  Babel,  or  in  Asshur, 
were  by  no  means  periods  of  degeneration,  but  show,  although  with  continual 
fluctuations,  marked  progress  in  literature,  science,  government,  and  general 
culture.  It  seems  probable  that  the  cause  lies  in  the  difference  of  race. 
The  artists  who  carved  the  statues  of  King  Schafra,  were  no  more  Semites 
than,  judging  from  all  appearances  and  from  the  facial  types  of  the  monarchs, 
pictured,  were  the  sculptors  who  immortalised  King  Gudea.  Later  on  the 
Egyptian  population  became  more  and  more  affected  by  Semitic  elements, 
and  under  the  increasing  influence  of  the  Semites,  art  declined. 

Not  until  under  the  Salts,  who  certainly  were  not  descended  from  a  race 
intermixed  with  Semitic  blood,  did  art  rise  again  to  a  height  which  recalled 
the  palmy  days  of  the  ancient  realm.  Thus  early  Chaldaic  art  was  the 
mother  of  that  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria,  and  the  Semites  of  Babylon  and 
Asshur  proved  themselves  diligent  students,  gifted  imitators,  who  gave  to  their 
works  also  the  stamp  of  their  own  genius  ;  but  they  were  never  more  than 
students  and  imitators,  they  never  produced  anything  original  which  might 
stand  in  equality  by  the  side  of  early  Chaldaic  art.  The  Semitic  race  occu- 
pies one  of  the  foremost  positions  in  the  liistory  of  civilisation,  and  is  highly 
talented.  But  in  architecture  and  sculpture  it  has  always  worked  in  close  con- 
nection with  foreign  masters,  and  never  produced  anything  really  great  by 
itself.^  The  further  it  goes  from  the  ancient  centres,  where  the  great 
tradition  of  the  former  so  highly  developed  art  still  lived  on,  the  more  unskil- 
ful become  its  productions  in  this  field.  Assyria  where  the  Semitic  blood 
was  purer  than  in  Babylonia,  and  which  was  certainly  surpassed  in  art  by  the 
latter,  Phoenicia,  Palestine,  and  Arabia,  are  proofs  of  this.  Only  when 
the  Semites  have  handed  down  the  old  tradition  which  they  have  at  least 
preserved,  to  the  Aryans,  the  Persians,  and  Greeks,  is  there  an  independent 
higher  development  of  plastic  art.     Be  that  as  it  may,  considered  as  artists, 

^  Here  of  course  only  architecture  and  sculpture  in  general  are  intended,  without  denying 
that  the  Semites,  also  those  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria  have  accomplished  original  things  in  single 
cases,  in  execution,  and  in  certain  genres,  as,  for  example,  in  the  reproduction  of  animal  forms. 


BABYLONIAN  AND  ASSYRIAN  CULTURE  547 

tlie  Babylonians  and  Assyrians  stand  foremost  among  the  Semites,  but  they 
are  indebted  for  this  to  the  early  Chaldeans. 

The  character  of  the  Babylonian-Assyrian  building  has  remained  in 
general  about  the  same,  from  the  earliest  times,  until  the  destruction  of  the 
nation.  The  architect,  more  than  any  other  artist,  is  dependent  upon 
the  nature  of  the  material  at  his  disposal ;  and  this  in  Babylonia  was  almost 
exclusively  in  the  form  of  tiles  of  clay,  either  dried  in  the  sun,  or  baked  in 
the  fire.  The  former,  which  were  made  most  skilfully  in  Babylonia,  were 
generally  used  for  foundations,  either  by  simply  placing  them  in  layers,  or 
cementing  them  with  wet  clay  or  pitch,  or,  as  in  the  substructures  of  the 
Assyrian  palaces,  by  using  them  while  still  in  a  moist  condition,  in  order  that 
under  the  pressure  of  the  superstructure  they  might  be  united  in  one  solid 
mass.  For  the  covering  of  the  walls,  baked  tiles  were  used.  Enamelled  or 
glazed  bricks  were  used  in  those  parts  of  the  building  which  were  most 
exposed  to  moisture  or  the  changes  of  the  weather.  In  Assyria  where  stone 
was  not  expensive  this  was  also  used  as  the  outer  coating  of  walls.  This, 
however,  is  the  only  important  variation  which  the  Assyrian  architects 
allowed  themselves.  Although  it  would  have  been  easier  for  them  to  erect 
more  beautiful,  more  pleasing,  and  certainly  more  durable  buildings  of  stone, 
they  were  not  able  to  rise  to  the  attempt,  although  they  had  only  to  carry  out 
and  use  in  larger  measure  what  had  already  been  found  in  Chaldea.  A  short 
step  was  indeed  taken  in  this  direction. 

The  Babylonians  already  knew  how  to  make  wooden  pillars  or  columns, 
probably  covered  with  metal,  and  made  use  of  them  in  lighter  architecture, 
as  for  instance  the  Naos^  or  canopy  over  the  figures  of  the  gods.  The  Assy- 
rians not  only  copied  this,  but  built  columns  of  stone,  and  a  certain  origi- 
nality and  gracefulness  in  the  capitals  and  bases  of  their  pillars  is  not  to  be 
denied.  However,  the  column  never  played  the  same  important  role  in  their 
architecture  as  it  does,  for  instance,  in  the  Grueco-Roman  and  even  in  the 
Egyptian.  In  their  great  buildings  they  clung  almost  servilely  to  the  designs 
handed  down  during  centuries.  The  question  as  to  whether  the  buildings 
had  more  than  one  story,  was  formerly  almost  generally  admitted  as  a  fact, 
but  it  is  generally  denied  now,  and  can  really  hardly  be  determined.  The 
ruins  give  no  positive  support  to  either  theory ;  but  a  few  reliefs  give 
representations  of  two-storied  buildings. 

Tile  construction  presents  necessarily  a  certain  monotony  which  is  here 
accentuated  by  the  absence  of  windows.  To  relieve  this  monotony,  glazing, 
colouring,  or  woodwork  were  resorted  to,  in  case  the  use  of  columns  was 
excluded  ;  sometimes  more  artistic  measures  were  used,  such  as  projecting 
pilasters,  which  in  Chaldea  were  somewhat  crude,  but  richly  ornamented  in 
Assyria  ;  also  mosaics  of  conical  form,  or  decorations  of  vases  on  the  walls. 
The  upper  stones  of  the  walls  were  decorated  with  battlements.  The  inner, 
as  well  as  the  outer  walls,  had  a  stone  covering  up  to  a  certain  height,  and 
higher  up  a  polychromatic  layer  of  stucco.  Ivory,  and  particularly  bronze 
decorations,  were  much  employed.  In  spite  of  all  this,  the  impression  given 
by  Babylonian  and  Assyrian  buildings  is  one  of  massiveness,  almost  clumsi- 
ness, and  the  decorations  seem  childish,  paltry,  and  commonplace.  Hence  also 
the  disproportion  of  length  and  breadth,  in  other  words  the  elongated  form 
of  the  rooms,  whose  roof  not  being  supported  by  columns,  had  to  rest  on  the 
side  walls,  and  whose  breadth  depended  on  the  length  of  the  roof  beams. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  almost  exclusive  use  of  tiles  had  this  advantageous 
result,  that  it  was  almost  imperative  to  make  prodigal  use  of  arch  and  vault 
construction.     That  the   Chaldaic  architects  were  the   inventors  of   these 


548  THE   HISTORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

constructions,  with  which  the  Etruscans  were  formerly  erroneously  credited, 
cannot  be  positively  affirmed,  for  they  are  also  found  in  Egypt,  although 
seldom  made  use  of  there.  Without  doubt,  however,  the  Babylonians  and 
Assyrians  developed  them  greatly  and  knew  how  to  make  use  of  them  with 
great  skill.  From  the  false  arch,  which  is  formed  by  allowing  each  succeed- 
ing layer  of  stone  to  project  over  the  foregoing  one,  to  the  finished  arch,  all 
kinds  are  represented  by  them.  Not  only  were  all  underground  canals  and 
sewers,  vaults  of  masonry,  but  all  gateways  ended  in  arches,  and  even  the 
ceilings  of  some  apartments,  particularly  those  in  the  part  of  the  palaces 
which  seems  to  have  been  the  harem  were  wholly  or  partially  vaulted. 

The  Babylonians  and  Assyrians  have  built  extensively  many  and  great 
cities  enclosed  within  mighty  walls,  extended  palaces  and  peculiar  temples. 
They  cannot  be  enumerated  here  or  even  described  in  general  terms. 

A  few  important  points,  however,  may  be  touched  upon.  In  the  first  place 
it  must  be  noticed  that,  while  in  Egypt  the  monumental  buildings  were  tombs 
and  temples,  in  Babylon  and  Asshur  they  were  mainly  palaces.  Although 
no  pains  nor  expense  were  spared  in  the  erection  of  the  temples,  they  were 
smaller  than  the  palaces,  of  which  they  were  in  some  cases  certainly  annexes. 

The  tombs  were  constructed  with  great  care,  in  order  to  guard  against 
the  rapid  decay  of  the  corpses,  yet  the  inhabitants  of  Mesopotamia  never 
reached  the  same  degree  of  perfection  in  the  embalming  of  bodies  as  the 
Egyptians  :  they  were  also  fitted  out  with  everything  that,  according  to 
their  faith,  was  necessary  for  the  dead,  but  they  were  piled  upon  each  other, 
and  thus  excluded  from  view.  Art  was  not  expended  upon  them  ;  on  the 
other  hand,  however,  all  known  means  of  art  were  used  to  decorate  the  resi- 
dences of  the  kings  and  the  earthly  habitations  of  the  gods  in  the  most  splen- 
did and  sumptuous  manner.  Their  size  increased  continually.  The  early 
Chaldaic  palace  discovered  at  Telloh,  had  an  area  of  only  53  meters  long 
by  31  broad;  the  so-called  Wasevas  at  Warka  (Erech)  was  200  meters 
long  by  150  broad;  the  palace  of  Sargon  II  at  Dur-Sharrukin  covered  an  area 
of  about  10  hectares,  and  contained  30  oj)en  courts  and  more  than  200  apart- 
ments. Under  the  Sargonids  the  rooms  also  became  larger.  One  in  the 
palace  of  Sennacherib  was  almost  as  long  as  the  entire  palace  at  Telloh,  i.e., 
46  meters  long  by  12  wide.  Another  in  the  palace  of  Esarhaddon,  which 
was  intended  to  be  15  meters  by  12  meters,  remained  unfinished,  probably 
on  account  of  the  difficulty  of  construction.  The  palace  of  Asshurbanapal 
was  of  somewhat  smaller,  though  still  magnificent  proportions.  The  great 
palace  of  Nebuchadrezzar  II,  consisting  of  the  old  palace  of  his  father  and 
a  new  one  constructed  by  him  and  joined  to  the  old,  has  not  yet  been  suffi- 
ciently explored,  but  according  to  the  descriptions,  must  have  surpassed  in 
splendour,  if  not  in  size,  all  those  of  his  predecessors.  All  palaces  were  con- 
structed on  the  same  plan,  and  contained  separate  living  apartments  for 
the  king  and  his  court,  for  his  wives,  for  the  lower  court  officials,  and, 
as  it  appears,  also  a  temple  with  various  sanctuaries  and  a  tower. 

Too  little  is  as  yet  known  of  the  Babylonian-Assyrian  temples  to  judge 
with  any  certainty  of  their  style  of  architecture.  Here  and  there,  remains 
of  temples  have  been  found,  but  it  has  not  yet  been  proved  that  the  build- 
ings designated  as  temples  were  really  devoted  to  religious  purposes.  Most 
of  the  temples  seem  to  have  been  small,  at  any  rate  not  intended  for  large 
assemblages.  The  altar  stood  outside  and  consequently  the  religious  services 
must  usually  have  taken  place  there. 

Every  large  town  had  many  temples  but  always  only  one  Ziggurat.  This 
constituted  only  one  part  of  the  principal  temple,  albeit  the  most  prominent 


BABYLONIAN  AND  ASSYRIAN   CULTURE  549 

one.  There  were  various  kinds  of  such  towers,  of  three  or  more,  sometimes 
seven  stories,  which  were  attainable  by  a  single  inclined  plane  encircling  the 
whole  building,  or  a  double  one  rising  on  two  sides  of  it.  The  ground  plan 
was  a  perfect  square  in  some,  in  others  a  parallelogram  ;  all  rested,  however, 
on  a  massive  substructure,  and  seem  to  have  been  crowned  with  a  small 
sanctuary. 

Although  these  principal  temples,  including  the  Ziggurat,  were  not  of 
equal  extent  with  the  royal  palaces,  they  were  nevertheless  imposing  build- 
ings, and  the  towers  in  particular  were  erected  with  much  care  and  at 
great  expense.  It  would  be  wrong  to  conclude  from  this  ratio  of  temples 
and  palaces  that  the  Assyrians  were  less  religious  and  more  servile  than  the 
Egyptians,  who,  entirely  dominated  as  they  were  by  the  dogma  of  immor- 
tality, lavished  more  care  on  the  tombs  of  the  dead  kings  than  on  the  habita- 
tions of  the  living  ones.  The  valuable  decorations  and  sculptures  which 
the  Assyrians  and  Babylonians  gave  to  their  gods  prove  their  pious  tendency. 
In  reality  the  whole  palace  was  a  sacred  edifice  in  which  the  representative 
of  the  deity  lived  on  earth  with  and  beside  his  god. 

The  aid  which  architecture  received  from  other  arts  has  already  been 
briefly  mentioned.  There  are  still  a  few  particulars  to  be  noticed  in  regard 
to  this  point.  The  Assyrians  as  well  as  the  Babylonians  were  skilful  workers 
in  bronze.  Proofs  of  this  are  the  bronze  door-sill  li  meters  long,  found  at 
Borsippa,  whose  decorations  of  rosettes  and  squares  are  in  very  good  taste, 
and  particularly  the  bronze  gates  at  Balawat,  belonging  to  the  9th  century 
B.C.,  which  are  masterpieces  of  their  kind,  and  a  great  number  of  other 
remains. 

Painting  was  also  employed  to  decorate  the  exterior  as  well  as  the 
interior  of  walls.  Ornaments  and  figures  were  painted  with  great  skill 
on  stucco,  al  fresco  in  such  a  case,  or  on  tiles  which  were  afterwards  glazed. 
These  tiles  were  sometimes  joined  to  make  one  picture.  In  what  remains 
of  such  work  it  is  shown  that  painting  had  attained  quite  an  eminence  in 
Babylon  and  Asshur.  Drawing  and  grouping  are  often  very  successful,  and 
the  treatment  has  often  a  certain  breadth.  These  paintings  are  also  important 
because  it  is  seen  from  them  how  much  conventionality  prevailed  in  Assyrian 
sculpture.  In  painting  there  is  nothing  of  that  exaggerated  muscularity  nor 
of  the  almost  clumsy  strength  of  the  sculptured  figures.  Beard  and  hair  are 
not  as  stiffly  curled  as  in  the  sculptures,  but  hang  more  loosely  and  naturally. A 
A  beautiful  example  of  glazed  tiling  has  recently  been  excavated  by  the 
Deutsche  Orient  Gesellschaft  at  Babylon.  It  is  in  the  so-called  Procession 
street  leading  from  Babylon  to  Borsippa  ;  on  either  side  of  the  street  were 
walls  faced  with  coloured  tiles  representing  a  stately  procession  of  lions  and 
other  animals,  very  artistically  drawn.* 

Sculpture,  more  than  painting,  was  employed  in  decorating  buildings, 
the  works  of  which  covered  the  greater  part  of  the  palace  walls,  Jind  orna- 
mented the  gateways,  courts,  terraces,  and  apartments.  The  material  which 
the  sculptor  used  in  Chaldea  was  usually  valuable  stone  difficult  to  procure, 
such  as  basalt,  dolorite,  diorite  ;  in  Assyria,  generally  a  commoner,  more 
easily  worked  species,  such  as  alabaster  and  sandstone.  The  difference  of 
material  naturally  influenced  the  work  itself.  Figures  of  cast  bronze  are 
also  often  found. 

The  inscriptions  of  the  Babylonian  kings  often  speak  of  columns  erected 
in  honour  of  the  gods,  of  which  some  were  made  of  solid  gold  or  silver, 
others  only  coated  with  precious  metal,  and  the  Assyrian  kings  also  mention 
such  dedications.    Naturally  the  columns  of  precious  metal  have  not  survived, 


550  THE   HISTORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

but  a  great  number  of  stone  pillars  have  been  found.  It  may  be  chance,  that 
the  greater  number  of  statues  in  the  round  are  from  Babylon,  the  greater 
number  of  bas-reliefs  from  Assyria.  The  objects  of  these  surviving  sculptures 
are  mainly  of  a  religious  or  historical  character.  But  rarely  does  a  represen- 
tation of  the  domestic  life  of  the  monarch  or  other  social  circles  appear. 

Only  once  is  a  banquet  pictured,  that  of  king  Asshurbanapal  and  his 
queen.  Otherwise  no  women,  except  captives,  appear  in  the  reliefs.  On  the 
whole  little  tendency  is  shown  to  represent  female  beauty  and  grace,  as  com- 
pared with  the  Egyptians  and  especially  with  the  Greeks.  The  nude  female 
figure  is  seldom  pictured,  and  if  so,  in  a  repulsively  realistic  form,  as  in  the 
small  figures  of  the  mother  goddess.  Cheerful  or  comic  scenes,  which  are  not 
wanting  even  in  Egyptian  reliefs  and  vignettes,  are  never  found  here.  Hasty 
conclusions,  however,  should  not  be  drawn  from  this,  and  it  should  not  be 
forgotten,  that  most  of  the  surviving  reliefs  are  from  the  palaces,  few  from 
the  temples,  still  fewer  from  the  tombs,  and  none  at  all  from  private  resi- 
dences. This  is  doubtless  one  of  the  reasons  why  representations  of  domestic 
or  private  life  are  so  scarce.  In  fact,  in  a  few  of  the  tombs  reliefs  have  been 
found  whose  subjects  recall  favourite  representations  in  those  of  Egypt.  Most 
prevalent  certainly,  are  those  scenes  relating  to  religious  and  public  life. 

In  the  treatment  of  these  objects,  truth  is  often  sacrificed  to  certain  con- 
ventionalities. Thus  for  instance  the  Lamassi  and  Shedi,  the  man-headed 
lions  and  bulls  have  five  legs,  in  order  that  they  may  always  present  four  to 
the  eye,  whether  viewed  from  the  front  or  the  side ;  the  heads  are  usually 
represented  in  profile  with  the  eyes  in  full  face,  but  sometimes  in  full  face, 
although  the  image  presents  a  side  view  to  the  beholder,  which  was  also 
customary  in  Egypt ;  so  also,  the  stiff  curling  of  the  hair  and  beard  is 
unnatural.  Apparently  no  attempt  had  ever  been  made  in  Egypt  to  make 
portraits  of  historical  personages,  and  the  individual  differences  of  rank  and 
condition  can  only  be  recognised  by  objects  of  secondary  importance.  There 
is,  however,  still  some  doubt  upon  this  point.  There  is  indeed  a  great 
uniformity,  but  an  attempt  at  least  to  differentiate  facial  traits  cannot  be 
overlooked.  Ignoring  all  accessories,  the  features  differ  among  kings  and 
higher  courtiers  on  the  one  hand,  and  lower  men-at-arms  on  the  other, 
among  men  and  eunuchs,  among  adults  and  youths.  Wherever  the  artists 
of  Mesopotamia  were  not  limited  by  conventionality, —  notably  in  the  repre- 
sentation of  animals,  —  they  have  surpassed  in  accuracy,  in  truth  and  strength 
of  representation  all  other  nations  of  antiquity,  the  Greeks  hardly  excepted. 
This  is  particularly  true  of  the  representation  of  native  animals,  yet  foreign 
ones  were  treated  with  great  skill,  although  the  delineation  of  these  betrays 
less  practice.  Even  in  the  picturing  of  therianthropic  deities,  they  remain  as 
true  to  nature  as  possible,  and  with  much  taste  and  tact  allow  the  human 
attributes  of  the  figure  to  predominate.  Wherever  it  is  possible  to  partially 
or  wholly  break  away  from  tradition,  their  talent  is  displayed  in  a  manner 
truly  marvellous.  Their  only  prominent  fault  is  their  exaggerated  realism, 
which  shows  itself  not  only  in  the  monstrous  drawing  of  muscles  and  joints, 
but  also  in  the  disgusting  details  of  the  nude  figures  of  Astarte. 

Too  little  of  the  sculpture  of  the  new  Babylonian  realm  has  been  pre- 
served to  allow  judgment  of  the  state  of  art  during  this  period.  The  well 
known  carving  of  Nebuchadrezzar  II  on  a  cameo  would  force  us  to  have  a 
very  high  opinion  of  it,  if  convincing  reasons  did  not  argue  that,  although 
genuine,  it  is  the  work  of  a  foreign,  probably  a  Cyprian,  artist. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  the  art  of  music  was  cultivated  among  the  Baby- 
lonians and  Assyrians,  since  the  reliefs  show  musicians  very  frequently,  at 


BABYLONIAN   AND  ASSYRIAN   CULTURE  551 

religious  festivals,  at  triumphal  greetings  of  the  victorious  king  and  at  fes- 
tivities. They  play  singly  or  in  concert,  and  also  accompany  singing.  The 
musical  instruments  are  of  various  kinds,  and  the  musicians,  who  are  some- 
times very  daintily  attired,  are  not  always  eunuchs,  and  are  of  different 
ages. 

On  the  whole  it  must  be  conceded,  that  the  Assyrio-Babylonian  nation 
was  artistically  inclined  and  that  it  cultivated  various  branches  of  art  with 
talent  and  success.  If  they,  the  Assyrians  in  particular,  had  been  able  to  free 
themselves  from  tradition,  they  might  have  surpassed  their  predecessors  and 
teachers.  They  practised  art,  however,  not  for  itself  alone,  but  as  a  means 
of  glorifying  the  gods  or  the  kings,  and  the  historical  reliefs  at  least,  are  for 
the  greater  part  nothing  more  than  illustrations  to  the  inscriptions,  a  sort  of 
war-report  in  pictures.  They  were  not  an  artistic  people  like  the  Greeks. 
Still  they  have  produced  more  and  better  results  in  this  respect,  than  all 
other  nations  of  their  race  put  together.  And  although  in  some  special 
instances  they  may  have  been  excelled  by  the  Egyptians,  in  others  they  are 
far  in  advance  of  them.  The  Assyrians,  following  the  example  of  the  Baby- 
lonians, showed  their  artistic  talents  also  in  the  productions  of  their  indus- 
tries ;  art  and  industry  were  with  them  closely  related. 

Among  the  productions  to  be  considered  here  are  primarily  the  hundreds 
of  seals,  which  are  still  in  preservation,  and  whose  number  will  not  seem  so 
surprising  when  it  is  remembered  that  every  Babylonian  and  Assyrian  of 
quality  had  his  private  seal.  In  early  times  these  were  always,  and  in  later 
times  generally,  cylinders,  pierced  through  the  centre,  to  be  worn  around 
the  neck  suspended  from  a  cord.  The  impression  was  made  by  rolling  them 
over  moist  clay.  After  the  eighth  century  conical  and  half-spherical  seals 
appear.  These  cylinders  are  made  of  many  different  materials,  at  first,  of 
easily  carved,  later  of  harder,  material,  such  as  porphyry,  basalt,  ferruginous 
marble,  serpentine,  syenite  and  hematite.  After  that,  semi-precious  stones 
were  used,  jasper,  agate,  onyx,  chalcedony,  rock-crystal,  garnet,  etc.  In  the 
oldest  stones  the  pictured  objects  were  rather  suggested  by  indentations  and 
strokes,  than  actually  executed  and  carved ;  but  gradually  a  great  skilful- 
ness  was  attained,  and  there  are  beautiful  cuttings  in  the  hard  stones  also. 
The  execution  varied  greatly  of  course,  not  only  in  proportion  to  the  talent 
of  the  artist,  but  also  according  to  the  rank  and  wealth  of  the  person  who 
gave  the  commission.  The  subjects  chosen  are  mostly  of  a  religious  nature, 
the  adoration  of  a  goddess,  an  offering  of  sacrifice,  various  emblems  such  as 
winged  animals,  sun,  moon,  and  stars,  and  very  frequently  the  tree  of  life, 
in  whose  shadow  stand  two  persons,  or  which  is  guarded  by  two  genii. 
Under  the  new  Babylonian  dominion  and  under  the  Achamenides,  glyptics 
as  an  art  declined  rapidly. 

Ceramic  art  seems  not  to  have  occupied  a  very  lofty  position  in  Babylonia 
at  first.  Clay  vases  and  utensils,  during  a  long  period  made  by  hand,  are 
crude  and  inartistic  in  earliest  times.  Gradually  with  the  introduction  of 
the  potter's  wheel,  however,  they  become  more  graceful  in  form,  and  towards 
the  end  of  the  Assyrian  period  are  enamelled  and  decorated  with  patterns 
painted  in  colours.  However,  Babylonian  ceramic  art  cannot  compete  with 
that  of  Greece,  although  it  surpasses  that  of  Egypt.  Glass  lias  not  been 
found  in  large  quantities,  to  be  sure,  but  quite  advanced  progress  had 
been  made  in  its  manufacture.  The  Assyrians  and  Babylonians  showed  par- 
ticular skill  in  the  working  of  metals.  Bronze,  a  mixture  of  copper  and  tin, 
was  known  to  them  in  the  earliest  times.  They  had  a  knowledge  of  iron 
earlier  than  the  Egyptians,  and  certainly  made  much  greater  use  of  it.     Gold 


THE   HISTORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA 


f 


objects  are  commoner  than  those  of  silver,  and  lead  is  seldom  used.  Orna- 
ments, such  as  bracelets,  earrings,  and  necklaces  are  usually  cast  of  precious 
metal  and  often  inlaid  with  pearls.  It  may  be  taken  as  a  proof  of  highly 
advanced  culture  that  they  used  not  only  spoons,  but  forks,  a  luxury  in- 
troduced into  Europe  only  at  the  close  of  the  Middle  Ages,  and  that  toilet 
articles,  such  as  combs,  pins,  etc.,  were  ornamented  with  the  greatest  care 
and  skill. 

The  Assyrians  were  also  more  skilled  in  mechanics  than  the  Egyptians  and 
were  not  inferior  to  them  in  agriculture.  Two  reliefs,  one  Assyrian,  the  other 
Egyptian,  give  us  an  opportunity  to  compare  how  each  nation  overcame  the 
dithculties  atteniling  the  moving  and  putting  in  place  of  their  enormous  col- 
lossi  of  stone.  It  is  shown 
that  the  Assyrians  knew  the 
use  of  the  lever,  which  the 
Egyptians  did  not,  and  that 
they  took  much  greater  pre- 
cautions against  upsetting 
the  coUossi.  How  the  Baby- 
lonians and  Assyrians,  like 
the  Egyptians  and  Chinese, 
made  use  of  irrigation  is 
well  known.  On 
the  same  tablets 
with  the  records  of   ^^^iClS^Zi 


^^^l^^^^'^^'^^^^^y^^S^r^ 


Bas-relief  of  Wild  Sow  and  Young  among  Reeds 


their  deeds  of  war, 

the     rulers     often  (Layard) 

spoke  of  the  laying 

out  of  canals,  the  regulating  and  deepening  of  the  river  beds  "enduring 
waters  for  the  enduring  use  of  town  and  country,"  and  associated  their 
own  names  with  them.  On  account  of  the  higher  altitude  of  their  country 
than  that  of  their  southern  brethren,  the  Assyrians  had  to  surmount  greater 
difficulties  in  achieving  such  works,  but  this  did  not  deter  them  from  rivalry 
with  them.  One  canal  leading  from  the  Upper  Zab  and  one  of  its  tributa- 
ries, irrigated  the  region  between  this  river  and  the  Tigris,  and  also  supplied 
the  capital,  Kalah,  with  drinking  water. 

Sennacherib  did  something  similar  for  Nineveh,  which  together  with  its 
environs  was  completely  dependent  upon  rain.  He  had  a  network  of  canals 
constructed,  which  were  fed,  partly  by  the  Khushur,  and  partly  by  the 
small  mountain  brooks  of  the  Accad  and  Tash  mountains.  Here  also  two 
objects  were  attained,  to  furnish  Nineveh  with  good  drinking  water,  and 
to  make  the  surrounding  country  fruitful ;  for  the  king  had  it  all  planted 
with  many  kinds  of  plants,  among  which  was  the  vine.  Floriculture  was 
also  much  encouraged  by  the  kings  of  Babylon  and  Asshur.  They  admired 
beautiful  parks  in  which  strange  foreign  animals  were  bred  and  nurtured. 
Marduk-bel-iddin,  king  of  Bit-Yakin,  apparently  the  same  who  at  one  time 
overcame  Babylon,  owned  sixty-seven  vegetable  gardens  and  six  parks  of 
which  a  catalogue  still  exists,  although  he  was  constantly  at  war  or  guarding 
against  the  vengeance  of  the  Assyrians.'^ 


ASSYRIAN    ART 


But  the  world-historic  relations  of  Mesopotamian  art  are  best  brought  out 
by  a  study  of  the  later  and  more  perfectly  preserved  examples  of  Assyrian 


BABYLONIAN  AND  ASSYRIAN  CULTURE 


553 


craftsmanship.  It  was  the  Assyrian  who  borrowed  more  directly  from  the 
Egyptian  in  developing  his  art,  and  who  passed  on  artistic  impulses  to  the 
Persians  on  the  one  hand,  and  to  the  Greeks  on  the  other.  The  question  to 
what  extent  the  Assyrians  were  themselves  influenced  by  the  Myceneean  art 
of  early  Greece  is  one  regarding  which  students  of  the  subject  are  not  agreed, 
and  which  we  need  not  enter  upon  here.« 

It  is  impossible  to  examine  the  monuments  of  Assyria  without  being 
convinced  that  the  people  who  raised  them  had  acquired  a  skill  in  sculpture 
and  painting,  and  a  knowledge  of  design  and  even  composition,  indicating 
an  advanced  state  of  civilisation.  It  is  very  remarkable  that  the  most 
ancient  ruins  show  this  knowledge  in  the  greatest  perfection  attained  by  the 
Assyrians.  The  bas-relief  representing  the  lion  hunt,  now  in  the  British 
Museum,  is  a  good  illustration  of  the  earliest  school  of  Assyrian  art  yet 
known.  It  far  exceeds  the  sculptures  of  Khorsabad,  Kuyunjik,  or  the  later 
palaces  of  Nimrud,  in  the  vigour  of  the  treatment,  the  elegance  of  the 
forms,  and  in  what  the  French  aptly  term  mouvement.  At  the  same  time  it 
is  eminently  distinguished  from  them  by  the  evident  attempt  at  composition 
—  by  the  artistical  arrangement  of  the  groups.  The  sculptors  who  worked 
at  Khorsabad  and  .Kuyunjik  had  perhaps  acquired  more  skill  in  handling 
their  tools.  Their  work  is  frequently  superior  to  that  of  the  earlier  artists  in 
delicacy  of  execution  —  in  the  details  of  the  features,  for  instance  —  and  in 
the  boldness  of  the  relief;  but  the  slightest  acquaintance  with  Assyrian 
monuments  will  show  that  they  were  greatly  inferior  to  their  ancestors  in 
the  higher  branches  of  art  —  in  the  treatment  of  a  subject  and  in  beauty  and 
variety  of  form.  This  decline  of  art,  after  suddenly  attaining  its  greatest 
perfection  in  its  earliest  stage,  is  a  fact  presented  by  almost  every  people, 
ancient  and  modern,  with  which  we  are  acquainted.  In  Egypt  the  most 
ancient  monuments  display  the  purest  forms  and  the  most  elegant  decora- 
tions. A  rapid  retrogression,  after  a  certain  period,  is  apparent,  and  the 
state  of  art  serves  to  indicate  api)roximately  the  epoch  of  most  of  her  remains. 
In  the  history  of  Greek  and  Roman  art  this  sudden  rise  and  rapid  fall  are 
equally  well  known.  Even  changes  in  royal  dynasties  have  had  an  influence 
upon  art,  as  a  glance  at  monuments  of  that  part  of  the  East  of  which  we 
are  specially  treating  will  show.  Thus  the  sculpture  of  Persia,  as  that  of 
Assyria,  was  in  its  best  state  at  the  time  of  the  earliest  monarchs,  and  gradu- 
ally declined  until  the  fall  of  the  empire.  After  the  Greek  invasion  it 
revived  under  the  first  kings  of  the  Arsacid  branch,  Greek  taste  still  exer- 
cising an  influence  over  the  Iranian  provinces.  How  rapidly  art  degenerated 
to  the  most  barbarous  forms,  the  medals  and  monuments  of  the  later  Arsacids 
abundantly  prove.  When  the  Sassanians  restored  the  old  Persian  monarchy 
and  introduced  the  ancient  religion  an'd  sacred  ceremonies  of  the  empire,  art 
again  appears  to  have  received  a  momentary  impulse.  The  coins,  gems,  and 
rock  sculi)tures  of  the  first  kings  of  this  dynasty  are  distinguished  by  con- 
siderable elegance,  and  spirit  of  design,  and  beauty  of  form.  But  the  decay 
was  as  rapid  under  them  as  it  had  been  under  their  predecessors.  I^ven 
before  the  Chosroes  raised  the  glory  and  power  of  the  empire  to  its  highest 
pitch,  art  was  fast  degenerating.  By  the  time  of  Yezdigird  it  had  become 
even  more  rude  and  barbarous  than  in  the  last  days  of  the  Arsacids. 

This  decline  in  art  may  be  accounted  for  by  supposing  that,  in  the  infancy 
of  a  people,  or  after  the  occurrence  of  any  great  event  having  a  very  decided 
influence  upon  their  manners,  their  religion,  or  their  political  state,  nature 
was  the  chief,  if  not  the  oidy,  object  of  study.  When  a  certain  i>roficiency 
had  been  attained,  and  no  violent  changes  took  place  to  shake  tlie  established 


552 


THE   HISTORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA 


objects  are  commoner  than  those  of  silver,  and  lead  is  seldom  used.  Orna- 
ments, such  as  bracelets,  earrings,  and  necklaces  are  usually  cast  of  precious 
metal  and  often  inlaid  with  pearls.  It  may  be  taken  as  a  proof  of  highly 
advanced  culture  that  they  used  not  only  spoons,  but  forks,  a  luxury  in- 
troduced into  Europe  only  at  the  close  of  the  Middle  Ages,  and  that  toilet 
articles,  such  as  combs,  pins,  etc.,  were  ornamented  with  the  greatest  care 
and  skill. 

The  Assyrians  were  also  more  skilled  in  mechanics  than  the  Egyptians  and 
were  not  inferior  to  them  in  agriculture.  Two  reliefs,  one  Assyrian,  the  other 
Egyptian,  give  us  an  opportunity  to  compare  how  each  nation  overcame  the 
difficulties  attending  the  moving  and  putting  in  place  of  their  enormous  col- 
lossi  of  stone.  It  is  shown 
that  the  Assyrians  knew  the 
use  of  the  lever,  which  the 
Egyptians  did  not,  and  that 
they  took  much  greater  pre- 
cautions against  upsetting 
the  collossi.  How  the  Baby- 
lonians and  Assyrians,  like 
the  Egyptians  and  Chinese, 
made  use  of  irrigation  is 
well  known.  On 
the  same  tablets 
with  the  records  of 
their  deeds  of  war, 
the  rulers  often 
spoke  of  the  laying 

out  of  canals,  the  regulating  and  deepening  of  the  river  beds  "enduring 
waters  for  the  enduring  use  of  town  and  country,"  and  associated  their 
own  names  with  them.  On  account  of  the  higher  altitude  of  their  country 
than  that  of  their  southern  brethren,  the  Assj^rians  had  to  surmount  greater 
difficulties  in  achieving  such  works,  but  this  did  not  deter  them  from  rivalry 
with  them.  One  canal  leading  from  the  Upper  Zab  and  one  of  its  tributa- 
ries, irrigated  the  region  between  this  river  and  the  Tigris,  and  also  supplied 
the  capital,  Kalah,  with  drinking  water. 

Sennacherib  did  something  similar  for  Nineveh,  which  together  with  its 
environs  was  completely  dependent  upon  rain.  He  had  a  network  of  canals 
constructed,  which  were  fed,  partly  by  the  Khushur,  and  partly  by  the 
small  mountain  brooks  of  the  Accad  and  Tash  mountains.  Here  also  two 
objects  were  attained,  to  furnish  Nineveh  with  good  drinking  water,  and 
to  make  the  surrounding  country  fruitful ;  for  the  king  had  it  all  planted 
with  many  kinds  of  plants,  among  which  was  the  vine.  Floriculture  was 
also  much  encouraged  by  the  kings  of  Babylon  and  Asshur.  They  admired 
beautiful  parks  in  which  strange  foreign  animals  were  bred  and  nurtured. 
Marduk-bel-iddin,  king  of  Bit-Yakin,  apparently  the  same  who  at  one  time 
overcame  Babylon,  owned  sixty-seven  vegetable  gardens  and  six  parks  of 
which  a  catalogue  still  exists,  although  he  was  constantly  at  war  or  guarding 
against  the  vengeance  of  the  Assyrians.^ 


Bas-relief  of  Wild  Sow  and  Young  among  Reeds 
(Layard) 


ASSYRIAN    ART 


But  the  world-historic  relations  of  Mesopotamian  art  are  best  brought  out 
by  a  study  of  the  later  and  more  perfectly  preserved  examples  of  Assyrian 


BABYLONIAN  AND  ASSYRIAN   CULTURE  655 

than  in  the  other.  The  angular  mode  of  treatment,  so  conspicuous  in 
Egyptian  monuments,  even  in  the  delineation  of  every  object,  is  not  per- 
ceivable in  those  of  Assyria.  Had  the  arts  of  the  two  countries  been  derived 
from  the  same  source  —  or  had  one  been  imitated  from  the  other  —  they 
would  both  surely  have  displayed  the  same  striking  peculiarity.  The  Assyr- 
ians, less  fettered,  sought  to  imitate  nature  more  closely,  however  rude  and 
unsuccessful  their  attempts  may  have  been  ;  and  this  is  proved  by  the  con- 
stant endeavour  to  show  the  muscles,  veins,  and  anatomical  proportions  of 
the  human  figure. 

We  must  not  lose  sight  of  the  assertion  of  Moses  of  Chorene  —  derived 
no  doubt  from  ancient  traditions,  if  not  from  direct  historical  evidence  — 
that  when  Ninus  founded  the  Assyrian  Empire,  a  people  far  advanced  in  civ- 
ilisation and  in  the  knowledge  of  the  arts  and  sciences,  whose  works  the  con- 
querors endeavoured  to  destroy,  were  already  in  possession  of  the  country. 
Who  that  people  may  have  been,  we  cannot  now  even  conjecture.  The  same 
mystery  hangs  over  the  origin  of  the  arts  in  Egypt  and  in  Assyria.  They 
may  have  been  derived,  before  the  introduction  of  any  conventional  forms, 
from  a  common  source  —  from  a  people  whose  very  name,  and  the  proofs  of 
whose  former  existence,  may  have  perished  even  before  tradition  begins. 

The  monuments  of  Assyria  furnish  us  with  very  important  data,  as  to  the 
origin  of  many  branches  of  art,  subsequently  brought  to  the  highest  perfec- 
tion in  Asia  Minor  and  Greece.  I  conceive  the  Assyrian  influence  on  Asia 
Minor  to  have  been  twofold.  In  the  first  place,  direct,  during  the  time  of  the 
greatest  prosperity  of  the  Assyrian  monarchy  or  empire,  when,  as  it  has  been 
shown,  the  power  of  its  kings  extended  over  that  country ;  in  the  second,  indi- 
rect, through  Persia,  after  the  destruction  of  Nineveh.  Of  the  influence 
exercised  upon  the  arts  of  western  Asia,  during  the  early  occupation  of  the 
Assyrians,  few  traces  have  hitherto  been  discovered,  unless  the  remarkable 
monuments  on  the  site  of  ancient  Pteria,  or  Pterium,  belong  to  this  period. 
The  evident  connection  between  the  divinities  and  sacred  emblems  worshipped 
in  various  parts  of  Asia  Minor,  and  those  of  Assyria  will  be  hereafter  particu- 
larly pointed  out.  The  Assyrian  origin  of  these  monuments,  and  of  these 
religious  symbols,  once  admitted,  we  shall  have  no  difficulty  in  recognising  the 
influence  of  Assyria  on  the  arts  and  customs  of  Asia  Minor.  The  antiquities 
of  that  country,  jjrior  to  a  well-known  period,  the  Persian  occupation,  have  been 
but  little  investigated.  Few  remains  of  an  earlier  epoch  have  yet  been  dis- 
covered. That  such  remains  do  exist,  perhaps  buried  under  ground,  I  have 
little  doubt.  It  is  most  probable  that,  as  we  have  additional  materials  for 
inquiry,  we  shall  be  still  more  convinced  of  this  Assyrian  influence,  pointed 
out  by  Herodotus,  when  he  declares  the  founder  of  the  kingdom  of  Lydia  to 
have  been  a  descendant  of  Ninus,  and  by  other  authors,  who  mention  the 
Syrian,  or  Assyrian,  descent  of  many  nations  of  Asia  Minor. 

But  the  second,  or  indirect,  period  of  this  influence  is  very  fully  and 
completely  illustrated  by  the  monuments  of  Asia  Minor,  of  the  time  of  the 
Persian  domination.  The  known  connection  between  these  monuments  and 
the  archaic  forms  of  Greek  art  renders  this  part  of  the  inquiry  both  impor- 
tant and  interesting.  The  Xanthian  marbles,  acquired  for  England  by  Sir 
Charles  Fellows,  and  now  in  the  British  Museum,  are  remarkable  illustrations 
of  the  threefold  connection  between  Assyria  and  Persia,  Persia  and  Asia 
Minor,  and  Asia  Minor  and  Greece.  Were  those  marbles  properly  arranged, 
and  placed  in  chronological  order,  they  would  afford  a  most  useful  lesson,  and 
would  enable  even  a  superficial  observer  to  trace  the  gradual  progress  of  art 
from  its  primitive  rudeness  to  the  most  classic  conceptions  of  the  Greek 


556 


THE   HISTORY   OF   MESOPOTAMIA 


sculptor.  Not  that  he  would  find  either  style,  the  pure  Assyrian  or  the 
Greek,  in  its  greatest  perfection ;  but  he  would  be  able  to  see  how  a  closer 
imitation  of  nature,  a  gradual  refinement  of  taste  and  additional  study, 
had  converted  the  hard  and  rigid  lines  of  the  Assyrians  into  the  flowing 
draperies  and  classic  forms  of  the  highest  order  of  art. 

I  have  termed  this  second  period  that  of  indirect  influence,  because  the 
arts  did  not  then  penetrate  directly  into  Asia  Minor  from  Assyria,  but  were 
conveved  thither  through  the  Persians.  The  Assyrian  Empire  had  already 
existed  for  centuries,  and  had  exercised  the  supreme  power  over  Asia,  before 
it  was  disputed  by  the  kingdoms  of  Persia  and  Media,  united  under  one 
monarch.  The  Persians  were  probably  a  rude  people,  possessing  neither  a 
literature  nor  arts  of  their  own,  but  deriving  what  they  had  from  their  civil- 
ised neighbours.  We  have  no  earlier  specimen  of  Persian  writing  than  the 
inscription  containing  the  name  of  Cyrus,  on  the  ruins  supposed  to  be  those 
of  his  tomb,  at  Murghaub  [Pasargarda];  nor  any  earlier  remains  of  Persian 
art  than  the  buildings  and  sculptures  of  Persepolis,  and  other  monuments  to 
be  attributed  beyond  a  question  to  the  kings  of  the  Achsemenian  dynasty. 
It  has  already  been  shown  that  the  writing  of  the  Persians  was  imitated  from 
the  Assyrians,  and  it  can  as  easily  be  proved  that  their  sculptures  were 
derived  from  the  same  source.  The  monuments  of  Persepolis  establish  this 
beyond  a  doubt.  They  exhibit  precisely  the  same  mode  of  treatment,  the 
same  forms,  the  same  peculiarities  in  the  arrangement  of  the  bas-reliefs 
against  the  walls,  the  same  entrances  formed  by  gigantic  winged  animals 
witli  human  heads,  and,  finally,  the  same  religious  emblems.  Had  this 
identity  been  displayed  in  one  instance  alone,  we  might  have  attributed  it 
to  chance,  or  to  mere  casual  intercourse ;  but  when  it  pervades  the  whole 
system,  we  can  scarcely  doubt  that  one  was  a  close  copy,  an  imitation,  of  the 
other.  That  the  peculiar  characteristics  of  the  Persepolitan  sculptures  were 
derived  from  the  monuments  of  the  second  Assyrian  dynasty  —  that  is,  from 
those  of  the  latest  Assyrian  period  —  can  be  proved  by  the  similarity  of 
shape  in  the  ornaments  and  in  the  costume  of  many  of  the  figures.  Thus, 
the  head-dress  of  the  winged  monsters  forming  the  portals  is  lofty,  squared, 
and  richly  ornamented  at  the  top,  resembling  those  of  Khorsabad  and 
Kuyunjik,  and  differing  from  the  round,  unornamented  cap  of  the  older 
figures  at  Nimrud. 

The  processions  of  warriors,  captives,  and  tribute-bearers  at  Persepolis 
are  in  every  respect  similar  to  those  on  the  walls  of  Nimrud  and  Khorsabad ; 
we  have  the  same  mode  of  treatment  in  the  figures,  the  same  way  of  por- 
traying the  eyes  and  hair.  The  Persian  artist  introduced  folds  into  the 
draperies ;  but,  with  this  exception,  he  certainly  did  not  improve  upon  his 
Assyrian  model.  On  the  contrary,  his  work  is  greatly  inferior  to  it  in  the 
general  arrangement  of  the  groups  and  in  the  elegance  of  the  details. 

From  whence  the  Persians  obtained  the  column  and  other  architectural 
ornaments  used  at  Persepolis,  it  may  be  more  difficult  to  determine.  We  have 
seen  that  the  column  was  not  unknown  to  the  later  Assyrians,  although  it 
does  not  appear  to  have  been  employed  in  the  construction  of  their  palaces. 
The  Persians,  therefore,  may  have  partly  derived  their  knowledge  from  them ; 
and  partly,  perhaps  principally,  from  the  Egyptians,  whom,  before  the  foun- 
dation of  Persepolis,  they  had  already  conquered.  It  will  be  observed  that  the 
capitals  of  their  columns  frequently  assume  the  shape  of  Assyrian  religious 
types,  the  bull  for  instance ;  whilst  other  portions  of  them  nearly  resemble 
in  the  form  of  their  ornaments,  though  not  in  their  proportions,  those  of 

'\?yi>t. 


BABYLONIAN  AND  ASSYRIAN  CULTURE 


557 


ifliie 


I 


I 


The  Persians  introduced  into  Asia  Minor  the  arts  and  religion  which 
they  received  from  the  Assyrians.  Thus  the  Harpy  Tomb  and  tlie  monu- 
ment usually  attributed  to  Harpagus  at  Xanthus,  and  other  still  earlier 
remains,  show  all  the  peculiarities  of  the  sculpture  of  Persepolis,  and  at  the 
same  time  that  gradual  progress  in  the  mode  of  treatment  —  the  introduction 
of  action  and  sentiment,  and  a  knowledge  of  anatomy  —  which  marks  the 
distinction  between  Asiatic  and  Greek  art.  Whilst  there  was  a  manifest 
improvement  in  the  disposition  of  the  draperies  and  in  the  delineation  of 
the  human  form,  we  still  remark,  even  in  the  latest  works  of  the  Persian 
period  in  Asia  Minor,  the  absence  of  all  attempt  to  impart  sentiment  to  the 
features,  or  even  to  give  more  than  the  side  view  of  the  human  face. 

Many  architectural  ornaments,  known  to  the  Assyrians,  passed  from  them, 
directly  or  indirectly,  into  Greece.  The  Ionic  column  is  an  instance.  We 
have,  moreover,  in  the  earliest  monu- 
ments of  Nineveh  that  graceful 
ornament,  commonly  called  the  honey- 
suckle, which  was  so  extensively  used 
in  Greece,  and  is  to  this  day  more  gen- 
erally employed  than  any  other  mould- 
ing. In  Assyria,  as  I  have  pointed 
out,  it  was  invested  with  sacred  prop- 
erties, and  was  either  a  symbol  or  an 
object  of  worship.  That  the  similarity 
between  the  Assyrian  and  Greek  orna- 
ment is  not  accidental,  seems  to  be 
proved,  beyond  a  question,  by  the 
alternation  of  the  lotus  or  tulip,  which- 
ever this  flower  may  be,  with  the 
honeysuckle,  by  the  number  of  leaves 
or  petals  of  the  flower,  and  by  their 
proceeding  in  both  from  a  semicircle, 
supported  by  two  tendrils  or  scrolls. 
The  same  ornament  occurs,  even  in 
India,  on  a  lath  erected  by  Asoka  at 
Allahabad  (about  B.C.  250);  but 
whether  introduced  by  the  Greeks  — 
which,  from  the  date  of  the  erection 
of  the  monument,  shortly  after  the 
Macedonian  invasion,  is  not  improb- 
able —  or  whether  derived  directly 
from  another  source,  I  cannot  venture  to  decide. 

That  the  Assyrians  possessed  a  highly  refined  taste  can  hardly  be  ques- 
tioned when  we  find  them  inventing  an  ornament  which  the  Greeks  after- 
wards, with  few  additions  and  improvements,  so  generally  adopted  in  their 
most  classic  monuments.  Others,  no  less  beautiful,  continually  occur  in  the 
most  ancient  bas-reliefs  of  Nimrud.  The  sacred  bull,  with  expanded  wings, 
and  the  wild  goat  are  introduced,  kneeling  before  the  mystic  flower  which  is 
the  principal  feature  in  the  border  just  described.  The  same  animals  are 
occasionally  represented  supporting  disks,  or  flowers,  and  rosettes.  A  bird, 
or  human  figure,  frequently  takes  the  place  of  the  bull  and  goat ;  and  the 
simple  flower  becomes  a  tree,  bearing  many  flowers  of  the  same  shape.  This 
tree,  evidently  a  sacred  symbol,  is  elaborately  and  tastefully  formed ;  and  is 
one  of  the  most  conspicuous  ornaments  of  Assyrian  sculpture. 


Assyrian  IIauness 


^1 


556  THE   HISTORY  OF   MESOPOTAMIA 

sculptor.  Not  tluit  he  would  find  either  style,  the  pure  Assyrian  or  the 
Greek,  in  its  greatest  perfection ;  but  he  would  be  able  to  see  how  a  closer 
imitation  of  nature,  a  gradual  refinement  of  taste  and  additional  study, 
had  converted  the  hard  and  rigid  lines  of  the  Assyrians  into  the  flowing 
draperies  and  classic  forms  of  the  highest  order  of  art. 

1  have  termed  this  second  period  that  of  indirect  influence,  because  the 
arts  did  not  then  penetrate  directly  into  Asia  Minor  from  Assyria,  but  were 
conveyed  tliither  through  the  Persians.  The  Assyrian  Empire  had  already 
existed  for  centuries,  and  had  exercised  the  supreme  power  over  Asia,  before 
it  was  disputed  by  the  kingdoms  of  Persia  and  Media,  united  under  one 
monarch.  The  Persians  were  probably  a  rude  people,  possessing  neither  a 
literature  nor  arts  of  their  own,  but  deriving  what  they  had  from  their  civil- 
ised neighbours.  We  have  no  earlier  specimen  of  Persian  writing  than  the 
inscription  containing  the  name  of  Cyrus,  on  the  ruins  supposed  to  be  those 
of  his  tomb,  at  Murghaub  [Pasargarda];  nor  any  earlier  remains  of  Persian 
art  than  tlie  buildings  and  sculptures  of  Persepolis,  and  other  monuments  to 
be  attributed  beyond  a  question  to  the  kings  of  the  Achsemenian  dynasty. 
It  has  already  been  shown  that  the  writing  of  the  Persians  was  imitated  from 
the  Assyrians,  and  it  can  as  easily  be  proved  that  their  sculptures  were 
derived  from  the  same  source.  The  monuments  of  Persepolis  establish  this 
beyond  a  doubt.  They  exhibit  precisely  the  same  mode  of  treatment,  the 
same  forms,  the  same  peculiarities  in  the  arrangement  of  the  bas-reliefs 
against  the  walls,  the  same  entrances  formed  by  gigantic  winged  animals 
witli  human  heads,  and,  finally,  the  same  religious  emblems.  Had  this 
identity  been  displayed  in  one  instance  alone,  we  might  have  attributed  it 
to  chance,  or  to  mere  casual  intercourse ;  but  when  it  pervades  the  whole 
system,  we  can  scarcely  doubt  that  one  was  a  close  copy,  an  imitation,  of  the 
other.  That  the  peculiar  characteristics  of  the  Persepolitan  sculptures  were 
derived  from  the  monuments  of  the  second  Assyrian  dynasty  —  that  is,  from 
those  of  the  latest  Assyrian  period  —  can  be  proved  by  the  similarity  of 
shape  in  the  ornaments  and  in  the  costume  of  many  of  the  figures.  Thus, 
the  head-dress  of  the  winged  monsters  forming  the  portals  is  lofty,  squared, 
and  richly  ornamented  at  the  top,  resembling  those  of  Khorsabad  and 
Kuyunjik,  and  differing  from  the  round,  uuornamented  cap  of  the  older 
figures  at  Nimrud. 

The  processions  of  warriors,  captives,  and  tribute-bearers  at  Persepolis 
are  in  every  respect  similar  to  those  on  the  walls  of  Nimrud  and  Khorsabad ; 
we  have  the  same  mode  of  treatment  in  the  figures,  the  same  way  of  por- 
traying the  eyes  and  hair.  The  Persian  artist  introduced  folds  into  the 
draperies;  but,  with  this  exception,  he  certainly  did  not  improve  upon  his 
Assyrian  model.  On  the  contrary,  his  work  is  greatly  inferior  to  it  in  the 
general  arrangement  of  the  groups  and  in  the  elegance  of  the  details. 

From  wlience  the  Persians  obtained  the  column  and  other  architectural 
ornaments  used  at  Persepolis,  it  may  be  more  difficult  to  determine.  We  have 
seen  that  the  column  was  not  unknown  to  the  later  Assyrians,  although  it 
does  not  appear  to  have  been  employed  in  the  construction  of  their  palaces. 
The  Persians,  tlierefore,  may  have  partly  derived  their  knowledge  from  them ; 
and  partly,  perliaps  principally,  from  tlie  Egyptians,  whom,  before  the  foun- 
dation of  Persepolis,  tliey  had  already  conquered.  It  will  be  observed  that  the 
capitals  of  tlieir  columns  frequently  assume  the  shape  of  Assyrian  religious 
types,  the  l)ull  for  instance;  whilst  other  portions  of  them  nearly  resemble 
in  the  form  of  their  ornaments,  though  not  in  their  proportions,  those  of 


BABYLONIAN  AND  ASSYRIAN   CULTURE 


659 


Assyrian  books,  the  walls  are  flanked  everywhere  with  bas-reliefs  that  come 
from  some  buried  palace  that  once  stored  the  literary  treasures. 

It  appears  that  the  kings  of  that  far-off  time  and  land  were  connoisseurs 
of  art  as  well  as  patrons  of  literature  ;  and  the  art  treasures  of  their  palaces 
certainly  form  the  most  striking,  if  not  the  most  important,  part  of  the  me- 
mentoes they  have  left  to  us.  The  more  closely  these  figures  in  low  relief  are 
examined,  the  more  wonderful  they  will  seem.  They  take  the  place  of  the 
Egyptian  carvings  in  the  round ;  and  if  they  are  less  striking  to  first  view 
than  the  great  sarcophagi,  the  grotesque  gods,  and  colossal  animal  forms  of 


1^  ^^  sV 


^.A^Ak 


Battle  in  a  Marsh  in  Southern  Mesopotamia 
(Layard) 

that  people,  they  will  prove  infinitely  more  expressive  and  incomparably  more 
artistic  on  closer  inspection.  For  these  flat  sculptures  depict,  not  alone  gods 
and  sacerdotal  scenes,  but  everyday  affairs  and  the  events  of  Assyrian  history. 
The  bas-relief  was  clearly  the  focal  point  of  Assyrian  art.  Even  the  great 
bulls  and  lions  that  guarded  the  palace  entrances  were  only  partially  detaclied 
from  their  background,  and  a  frescoed  statue  of  King  Asshurnazirpal  shows 
the  same  tendency.  The  full  rounded  statue  was  not  indeed  unknown  to 
them,  as  several  examples  testify ;  but  their  real  forte  lay  in  mural  decora- 
tion in  low  relief.  And  the  particular  walls  on  which  tin;  artists  mainly 
expended  their  skill,  if  we  may  judge  from  what  the  ruins  have  revealed 
to  us,  were  not  the  walls  of  temples,  but  the  palaces  of  kings.     It  is  quite 


560  THE   HISTORY  OF   MESOPOTAMIA 

clear  that  these  great  conquerors  of  antiquity  were  very  human,  very  like 
their  successors  of  after  times.  They  loved  to  have  their  heroic  deeds,  real 
or  alleged,  heralded  to  the  world,  and  recalled  incessantly  to  their  own 
memories.  So  one  finds  whole  histories  epitomised  on  these  walls  —  wars, 
conquests,  victories ;  the  storming  of  cities,  the  slaughter  of  the  enemy,  the 
leading  of  captives,  and  bringing  of  tribute  by  subject  people  —  everything, 
in  short,  but  Assyrian  reverses  ;  the  court  artist,  true  to  his  colours  then 
as  now,  never  made  the  mistake  of  depicting  those. 

As  liistorical  records  these  sculptures  are  of  priceless  value,  both  for  what 
they  tell  of  political  history  and  for  the  light  they  throw  on  the  powers  and 
limitations  of  antique  art.  But  before  you  venture  to  judge  the  Assyrian 
artist  in  the  latter  regard,  you  must  pass  on  to  the  room  of  Asshurnazirpal, 
and  from  that  to  the  adjacent  room,  where  the  mural  decorations  of  the 
dining-hall  of  the  last  of  the  great  Assyrian  kings,  Asshurbanapal,  have  been 
placed  in  sihi,  reproducing  an  effect  which  they  first  made  in  the  palace  of 
Nineveh  in  the  seventh  century  B.C.  Here  you  may  see  at  once  both  another 
phase  of  royal  life  in  Assyria  and  another  stage  of  Assyrian  art.  Not  war, 
but  the  chase  is  now  the  theme.  King  Asshurbanapal  is  seen  in  pursuit  of 
the  goat,  the  wild  ass,  the  lion.  The  king,  of  course,  towers  above  his 
attendants,  though  not  in  the  grotesque  disproportion  of  the  Egyptian  paint- 
ings. To  the  oriental  mind  such  excessive  stature  seemed  indissoluble  from 
royal  station.  One  recalls  how  the  mother  of  Darius,  made  captive  at  Issus, 
mistook  Hephaestion  for  the  king,  because  he  was  taller  than  Alexander;  and 
how  Agesilaus,  when  he  went  to  Egypt  as  an  ally  of  the  Egyptians,  was  held 
in  contempt,  despite  his  renown,  because  of  his  diminutive  stature ;  and  one 
cannot  help  wondering  what  would  have  been  the  real  aspect  of  the  Assyrian 
and  Egyptian  monarchs  could  they  have  been  subjected  to  the  camera.  Be 
that  as  it  may,  there  was  apparently  no  doubt  in  the  mind  of  the  court  artist 
as  to  what  his  chisel  should  reveal  in  this  respect,  and  the  king  may  always 
be  distinguished  by  his  stature,  without  regard  to  his  royal  robes.  Still,  it  is 
notable,  as  a  distinction  between  Egyptian  and  Assyrian  art,  that  the  realistic 
eye  of  the  Assyrian  sculptor  never  let  him  depict  the  king  as  a  Brobdingnag 
among  the  pigmies,  after  the  Egyptian  fashion.  At  the  most  he  is  a  head 
taller  than  those  about  him. 

The  royal  hunter  pursues  his  quarry  sometimes  on  foot,  more  usually 
standing  in  his  chariot.  His  weapon  is  usually  the  bow,  sometimes  the 
spear;  on  one  occasion  he  grapples  with  the  lion,  hand  to  jowl,  and  stabs 
the  quarry  to  the  heart  with  a  short  sword.  The  quiet  dignity  and  royal 
calm  with  which  the  feat  is  achieved  must  have  insured  the  artist  a  high 
and  enduring  place  in  the  royal  favour.  The  action,  however,  of  the  human 
figures  in  these  sculptures  is  always  sedate  and  reposeful,  suggestive  of 
reserved  strength  perhaps,  or  possibly  of  the  artist's  limitations.  Which- 
ever it  is,  the  real  power  of  the  artist  is  not  shown  in  the  human  figures. 
These,  to  be  sure,  are  in  part  strongly  anatomised;  in  the  main,  they  are 
fairly  proportioned,  and,  unlike  the  Egyptian  figures,  they  have  the 
shoulders  drawn  in  proper  perspective.  But  the  faces  are  fixed,  impassive ; 
the  eyes  are  not  in  perspective,  and,  as  a  whole,  they  cannot  claim  high 
merit  as  works  of  art,  viewed  from  an  abstract  modern  standpoint.  Con- 
sidered in  relation  to  their  time,  they  are  wonderful  enough,  so  far  ahead 
are  they  of  anything  that  we  could  suppose  to  have  been  accomplished  in 
the  world  of  that  day.  But  they  fall  far  short  of  the  standard  which  the 
same  artist  has  himself  given  us  in  animal  figures  of  his  composition.  It 
seems  as  if  the  human  figures  might  have  been  done  from  memory,  whereas 


BABYLONIAN   AND  ASSYRIAN   CULTURE 


561 


Bas-relief  of  a  wounded  Lioness 
(Now  in  the  British  Museum) 


the  animal  forms  are  clearly  enough  from  the  natural  model.     Indeed,  when 

we  turn  to  these  animal  figures  we  may  criticise  them,  not  with  reservation 

as  to  their  age,  but  from  the  standpoint  of  modern  art,  and  as  individual 

figures  they  will  not  be  found  wanting.     The  three  fundamental  canons  — 

"  proportion,  action,  aspect  "  —  have  been  successfully  met.     The  lions  skulk 

sullenly    from    their    cages, 

spring  furiously  into  action, 

or  roll  in  death  agony  at  the 

will  of  the  depicter.      The 

lioness,    with   spine    broken 

by  an  arrow,  dragging  her 

palsied   hind-quarters,    is    a 

veritable  masterpiece.     The 

same  is  true  of  many  of  the 

figures  of  goats,  of  running 

and  pacing  wild  asses,  and 

of  dogs.     As  a  whole,  these 

animal  frescos  are    nothing 

less  than  wonderful.     It  is 

worth    a    visit    to    London 

from  the  remotest  land  to  see  these  sculptures  from  the  palace  of  the  old 

Assyrian  king. 

Still,  though  these  bas-reliefs  have  intrinsic  merits  as  works  of  art,  their 
chief  value  is  for  what  they  teach  regarding  the  evolution  of  art  in  the 
world.  Previously  to  their  discovery  it  had  been  supposed  that  the  stiif 
formalism  of  Egyptian  sculpture  represented  the  fullest  flight  of  pre-Grecian 
art,  and  that  Greek  art  itself  had  stepped  suddenly  forth,  rather  a  new 
creation  than  an  evolution.  But  the  pick  and  shovel  of  Layard  at  Nineveh 
dispelled  that  illusion.  For  these  art  treasures,  that  had  lain  there  under 
the  deposits  of  centuries,  were  found  to  represent  an  enormous  advance  upon 
Egyptian  models,  precisely  in  the  direction  of  that  realism  for  which  Greek 
art  is  distinguished. 

If  we  would  judge  how  direct  and  unequivocal  was  the  impulse  which 
the  dying  nation  transferred  to  the  adolescent  one  in  point  of  art,  we  have 
but  to  take  a  few  steps  in  the  British  Museum,  from  the  Assyrian  rooms  to 
the  wonderful  hall  that  holds  Lord  Elgin's  trophies  from  the  desecrated 
Parthenon.  Look,  then,  upon  the  frieze  of  bas-relief  that  bears  the  magic 
name  of  Phidias.  If  anything  can  reconcile  us  to  the  act  that  deprived 
Greece  of  her  priceless  heirlooms,  it  is  the  fact  that  they  have  found  lodg- 
ment here  close  beside  their  oriental  prototypes,  where  half  a  million  visitors 
each  year  may  at  least  have  an  opportunity  to  learn  the  lesson  that  human 
progress  is  an  accretion,  a  growth,  a  building  upon  foundations ;  and,  spe- 
cifically, that  Greek  art,  no  less  than  other  forms  of  human  culture,  was  an 
evolution,  and  not  an  isolated  miracle.  For  what  is  the  Partlienon  frieze,  as 
we  now  come  to  it  fresh  from  the  palaces  of  Nineveh,  but  an  Assyrian  fresco 
adapted  to  the  needs  and  ideals  of  another  race  and  developed  by  the  genius 
of  a  newer  civilisation?  The  profiled  figures  in  low  relief  coursing  together, 
are  they  different  in  conception  from  the  profiled  figures  of  the  palaces  we 
have  just  left?  The  horses  of  the  Parthenon  frieze  might  almost  seem  to 
have  stepped  bodily  from  the  palaces  of  Asshurbanapal.  They  have  gained 
something  in  suppleness  of  limb,  have  altered  their  attitude  in  a  measure,  to 
be  sure,  thanks  to  their  new  environment.  But  their  type  has  not  changed 
by  so  much  as  an  actual  breed  of  horses  might  be  changed  in  as  many  gen- 


562 


THE   HISTORY   OF  MESOPOTAMIA 


erations.  Note  the  head,  the  most  tj^pical  and  characteristic  feature  of  this 
Grecian  steed.  Line  for  line  it  is  the  same  head,  trappings  aside,  that  we 
have  just  seen  at  Nineveh.  Even  the  defects  of  the  Assyrian  drawing 
are  there  —  the  too  small  and  slender  face,  and  receding  lower  jaw,  the 
tiny  ear,  the  far  too  full  and  "  chuffy  "  neck.  Possibly  no  horse  in  nature 
was  ever  like  this,  but  the  Assyrian  artist  so  conceives  it ;  the  Greek  copies 
that   conception ;  and   the   distorted   type  will   be   transmitted   down   the 


Bas-relikf  of  Horses 


generations  to  the  Italian  of  the  Renaissance,  to  the  classical  painters  of 
Spain,  the  Netlierlands,  and  Germany,  and  France ;  nay,  even  to  the  artist 
of  the  nineteenth  century.  The  court  artist  of  an  oriental  prince  of 
the  ninth  or  tenth  century  B.C.  conceives  a  certain  ideal ;  and,  following 
him,  a  certain  type  of  sculptured  horse,  such  as  the  artist  who  carved  it  has 
never  seen,  steps  before  the  chariot  on  Napoleon's  Arc  de  Triomphe  in 
nineteenth-century  Paris. c 

If  Mesopotamian  art  and  literature  had  been  forgotten  in  succeeding 
ages,  Chaldean  science  had  not  shared  the  same  fate.  The  fame  of  the 
Babylonian  astrology  and  astronomy  was  still  fresh  in  the  mind  of  the 
Greeks  of  the  day  of  Diodorus,  as  we  shall  see,  and  it  is  curious  to  reflect 
that  even  at  this  relatively  late  period  after  Greece  had  passed  far  beyond 
the  culminating  point  of  her  own  career  the  learned  Greek  looked  upon 
Chaldean  science  as  something  beyond  the  pale  of  the  science  of  his  own 
nation.  It  would  seem  as  if  the  cultivated  Greek  looked  back  upon  the 
Babylonian  civilisation  with  sometliing  of  that  reverence  which  "  modern  " 
European  nations  have  reserved  for  Greece  itself.  It  is  significant,  too,  that 
the  Babylonians  themselves,  even  in  the  day  of  their  decline,  continued  to 
regard  the  Greeks,  along  with  the  rest  of  the  outside  world,  as  "barbarians" 
in  something  more  than  the  Greek  sense  of  the  word. 

The  older  civilisation  always  thus  regards  the  younger,  regardless  of  the 
actual  relative  merits  of  the  two.  It  was  an  Egyptian  priest  who  lectured 
the  famous  Greek  in  these  words  :  "O  Solon!  Solon  !  You  Hellenes  are  but 
children,  and  there  is  never  an  old  man  who  is  a  Hellene.  In  my  mind 
you  are  all  young.  There  is  no  old  opinion  handed  down  among  you  by 
ancient  tradition,  nor  any  science  hoary  with  age  "  ;  but  the  same  words 
raigjit  well  have  been  pronounced  by  a  priest  of  Chaldea.  We  have  learned 
through  Diodorus  that  the  Egyptians  guarded  the  secrets  of  their  science 
very  jealously  from  the  Greeks,  who  travelled  and  sojourned  there  for  the 
express  purpose  of  learning  them  ;  and  there  is  reason  to  suppose  that  much 
the  same  reception  was  accorded  the   Greek  traveller  in  Babylonia,  since 


BABYLONIAN   AND  ASSYRIAN   CULTURE  563 

Herodotus  seems  to  have  learned  so  little  there  beyond  what  his  own  direct 
observations  taught  him. 

But  how  much  ground  the  Babylonian  had  for  this  arrogance  of  intellect- 
ual attitude  the  modern  world  had  little  material  for  judging,  beyond  such 
general  assertions  as  that  of  Diodorus,  until  the  records  of  the  libraries  were 
revealed.  Then  it  was  made  evident  that  as  original  scientific  investigators 
the  Babylonians  were  no  whit  inferior  to  their  contemporaries  of  the  Nile,  if, 
indeed,  they  were  not  superior  ;  that  in  short  they  fully  merited  the  praise 
which  classical  tradition  accorded  them.  A  people  that  thus  excelled  in 
theoretical  science,  no  less  than  in  art  and  literature  and  in  practical  civili- 
sation, has  many  claims  to  be  considered  the  foremost  nation  of  antiquity. « 

A   CLASSICAL   ESTIMATE   OF   CHALDEAN   PHILOSOPHY   AND   ASTROLOGY 

"  Here  it  will  not  be  amiss  to  say  something  of  the  Chaldeans  (as  the 
Babylonians  call  them)  and  of  their  Antiquity,  that  nothing  worth  Remark 
may  be  omitted,"  says  Diodorus,  as  translated  in  1700  by  Booth. 

"  They  being  the  most  ancient  Babylonians,  hold  the  same  station  and  dig- 
nity in  the  Common-wealth  as  the  Egyptian  Priests  do  in  Egypt  :  For  being 
deputed  to  Divine  Offices,  they  spend  all  their  Time  in  the  study  of  Philoso- 
phy, and  are  especially  famous  for  the  Art  of  Astrology.  They  are  might- 
ily given  to  Divination,  and  foretel  future  Events,  and  imploy  themselves 
either  by  Purifications,  Sacrifices,  or  other  Inchantments  to  avert  Evils,  or 
procure  good  Fortune  and  Success.  They  are  skilful  likewise  in  the  Art 
of  Divination,  by  the  flying  of  Birds,  and  interpreting  of  Dreams  and  Prodi- 
gies :  And  are  reputed  as  true  Oracles  (in  declaring  what  will  come  to  pass) 
by  their  exact  and  diligent  viewing  the  Intrals  of  the  Sacrifices.  But  they 
attain  not  to  this  Knowledge  in  the  same  manner  as  the  Grecians  do  ;  for 
the  Chaldeans  learn  it  by  Tradition  from  their  Ancestors,  the  Son  from  the 
Father,  who  are  all  in  the  mean  time  free  from  all  other  publick  Offices  and 
Attendances  ;  and  because  their  Parents  are  their  Tutors,  they  both  learn 
every  thing  without  Envy,  and  rely  with  more  confidence  upon  the  truth  of 
what  is  taught  them ;  and  being  train'd  up  in  this  Learning  from  their  very 
Childhood,  they  become  most  famous  Philosophers,  (that  Age  being  most 
capable  of  Learning,  wherein  they  spend  much  of  their  time).  But  the  Gre- 
cians for  the  most  part  come  raw  to  this  study,  unfitted  and  unprepar'd,  and 
are  long  before  they  attain  to  the  Knowledge  of  this  Philosopliy  :  And  after 
they  have  spent  some  small  time  in  this  Study,  they  are  many  times  call'd 
off  and  forc'd  to  leave  it,  in  order  to  get  a  Livelihood  and  Subsistence.  And 
although  some  few  do  industriously  apply  themselves  to  Philosophy,  yet  for 
the  sake  of  Gain,  these  very  Men  are  opinionative,  and  ever  and  anon  start- 
ing new  and  high  Points,  and  never  fix  in  the  steps  of  their  Ancestors.  But 
the  Barbarians  keeping  constantly  close  to  the  same  thing,  attain  to  a  per- 
fect and  distinct  Knowledge  in  every  particular. 

"  But  the  Grecians  cunningly  catching  at  all  Opportunities  of  Gain,  make 
new  Sects  and  Parties,  and  by  their  contrary  Opinions  wrangling  and  quar- 
elling  concerning  the  chiefest  Points,  lead  their  Scholars  into  a  Maze  ;  and 
being  uncertain  and  doubtful  what  to  pitch  upon  for  certain  truth,  their 
Minds  are  fluctuating  and  in  suspence  all  the  days  of  their  Lives,  and  unable 
to  give  a  certain  assent  unto  any  thing.  For  if  any  Man  will  but  examine 
the  most  eminent  Sects  of  the  Philosophers,  he  shall  find  them  much  differ- 
ing among  themselves,  and  even  opposing  one  another  in  the  most  weighty 
parts  of  their  Philosophy.     But  to  return  to  the  Chaldeans,  they  hold  that 


5G4  THE   HISTORY   OF   MESOPOTAMIA 

the  World  is  eternal,  which  had  neither  any  certain  Beginning,  nor  shall 
have  any  End  ;  but  all  agree,  tliat  all  things  are  order'd,  and  this  beautiful 
Fal)rick  is  supported  by  a  Divine  Providence,  and  that  the  Motions  of  the 
Heavens  are  not  porforni'd  by  chance  and  of  their  own  accord,  but  by  a  cer- 
tain and  determinate  Will  and  Appointment  of  the  Gods. 

"  Then'tore  from  a  long  observation  of  the  Stars,  and  an  exact  Knowledge 
of  the  motions  and  intiuences  of  every  one  of  them,  wherein  they  excel  all 
others,  they  fortel  many  things  that  are  to  come  to  pass. 

"  They  say  that  the  Five  Stars  which  some  call  Planets,  but  they  Interpre- 
ters, are  most  worthy  of  Consideration,  both  for  their  motions  and  their  remark- 
able influences,  especially  that  which  the  Grecians  call  Saturn.  The  brightest 
of  them  all,  and  which  often  portends  many  and  great  Events,  they  call  Sol, 
the  other  Four  they  name  Mars,  Venus,  Mercury,  and  Jupiter,  with  our  own 
Country  Astrologers.  They  give  the  Name  of  Interpreters  to  these  Stars, 
because  these  only  by  a  peculiar  Motion  do  portend  things  to  come,  and 
instead  of  Jupiters,  do  declare  to  Men  before-hand  the  good-will  of  the 
(Jods  ;  whereas  the  other  Stars  (not  being  of  the  number  of  the  Planets) 
have  a  constant  ordinary  motion.  Future  Events  (they  say)  are  pointed  at 
sometimes  by  their  Rising,  and  sometimes  by  their  Setting,  and  at  other 
times  by  their  Colour,  as  may  be  experienc'd  by  those  that  will  diligently 
observe  it  ;  sometimes  foreshewing  Hurricanes,  at  other  times  Tempestuous 
Rains,  and  then  again  exceeding  Droughts.  By  these,  they  say,  are  often 
portended  the  appearance  of  Comets,  Eclipses  of  the  Sun  and  Moon,  Earth- 
quakes and  all  other  the  various  Changes  and  remarkable  effects  in  the  Air, 
boding  good  and  bad,  not  only  to  Nations  in  general,  but  to  Kings  and  Pri- 
vate Persons  in  particular.  Under  the  Course  of  these  Planets,  they  say  are 
Thirty  Stars,  which  they  call  Counselling  Gods,  half  of  whom  observe  what 
is  done  under  the  Earth,  and  the  other  half  take  notice  of  the  actions  of  Men 
upon  the  Earth,  and  what  is  transacted  in  the  Heavens.  Once  every  Ten 
Days  space  (they  say)  one  of  the  highest  Order  of  these  Stars  descends  to 
them  tluit  are  of  the  lowest,  like  a  Messenger  sent  from  them  above  ;  and 
then  again  another  ascends  from  those  below  to  them  above,  and  that  this 
is  their  constant  natural  motion  to  continue  for  ever.  The  chief  of  these 
CJods,  they  say,  are  Twelve  in  number,  to  each  of  which  they  attribute  a 
Month,  and  one  Sign  of  the  Twelve  in  the  Zodiack. 

"  Through  these  Twelve  Signs  the  Sun,  Moon,  and  the  other  Five  Planets 
run  their  Course.  The  Sun  in  a  Years  time,  and  the  Moon  in  the  space  of  a 
Month.  To  every  one  of  the  Planets  they  assign  their  own  proper  Courses, 
which  are  perform'd  variously  in  lesser  or  shorter  time  according  as  their 
several  motions  are  quicker  or  slower.  These  Stars,  they  say,  have  a  great 
influence  both  as  to  good  and  bad  in  Mens  Nativities  ;  and  from  the  consid- 
eration of  their  several  Natures,  may  be  foreknown  what  will  befal  Men 
afterwards.  As  they  foretold  things  to  come  to  other  Kings  formerly,  so 
they  did  to  Alexander  who  conquer'd  Darius,  and  to  his  Successors  Anti- 
gonus  and  Seleucus  Nicator  ;  and  accordingly  things  fell  out  as  they  de- 
clar'd  ;  which  we  shall  relate  particularly  hereafter  in  a  more  convenient 
time.  They  tell  likewise  private  Men  their  Fortunes  so  certainly,  that  those 
wlio  have  found  the  thing  true  by  Experience,  have  esteem'  d  it  a  Miracle, 
and  aljove  the  reach  of  Man  to  perform.  Out  of  the  Circle  of  the  Zodiack 
tliey  describe  Four  and  Twenty  Stars,  Twelve  towards  the  North  Pole,  and 
as  many  to  the  South. 

"  Those  which  we  see,  they  assign  to  the  living  :  and  the  other  that  do  not 
appear,  they  conceive  are  Constellations  for  the  Dead  ;  and  they  term  them 


BABYLONIAN  AND  ASSYRIAN  CULTURE  565 

Judges  of  all  things.  The  Moon,  they  say,  is  in  the  lowest  Orb  ;  and  being 
therefore  next  to  the  Earth  (because  she  is  so  small,)  she  finishes  her  Course 
in  a  little  time,  not  through  the  swiftness  of  her  Motion,  but  tlie  shortness 
of  her  Sphear.  In  that  which  they  affirm  (that  she  has  but  a  borrow'd  light, 
and  that  when  she  is  eclips'd,  it's  caus'd  by  the  interposition  of  the  shadow 
of  the  Earth)  they  agree  with  the  Grecians. 

"  Their  Rules  and  Notions  concerning  the  Eclipses  of  the  Sun  are  but  weak 
and  mean,  which  they  dare  not  positively  foretel,  nor  fix  a  certain  time  for 
them.  They  have  likewise  Opinions  concerning  the  Earth  peculiar  to  them- 
selves, affirming  it  to  resemble  a  Boat,  and  to  be  hollow,  to  prove  which,  and 
other  things  relating  to  the  frame  of  the  World,  they  abound  in  Arguments  ; 
but  to  give  a  particular  Account  of  'em,  we  conceive  would  be  a  thing  for- 
eign to  our  History.  But  this  any  Man  may  justly  and  truly  say.  That  the 
Chaldeans  far  exceed  all  other  Men  in  the  Knowledge  of  Astrology,  and  have 
study'd  it  most  of  any  other  Art  or  Science  :  But  the  number  of  Years  during 
which  the  Chaldeans  say,  those  of  their  Profession  have  given  themselves  to 
the  study  of  this  natural  Philosophy,  is  incredible  ;  for  when  Alexander  was 
in  Asia,  they  reckon'd  up  Four  Hundred  and  Seventy  Thousand  Years  since 
they  first  began  to  observe  the  Motions  of  the  Stars.  But  lest  we  should 
make  too  long  a  digression  from  our  intended  Design,  let  this  which  we  have 
said  concerning  the  Chaldeans  suffice."  <^ 

THE   BABYLONIAN   YEAR 

The  Babylonian  year,  according  to  Eduard  Meyer,  consisted  of  simple 
lunar  months  (twenty-nine  or  thirty  days),  which,  as  with  the  Greeks  and 
the  Mohammedans,  was  determined  by  the  course  of  the  moon  itself. 

To  make  this  year  coincide  with  the  course  of  the  sun,  an  extra  month 
was  intercalated ;  in  olden  times  this  seems  to  have  been  done  after  the  first 
or  the  sixth  month. 

This  year,  with  the  names  of  its  months,  was  adopted  by  the  Jews  at  the 
time  of  the  Exile,  and  is  still  in  use  with  them.  The  commencement  of 
their  year  (Nisan)  falls  at  the  time  of  the  spring  equinox.  The  Babylonians 
had  no  continuous  chronology ;  they  dated  according  to  the  years  of  tlie 
kings,  or,  rather,  they  marked  the  year  according  to  any  important  event 
which  took  place  in  it.  Thus  we  see  dates  like  "  on  the  30th  Adar  in  the 
Sixth  year  after  the  conquest  of  Nisin  by  King  Rim-Sin." 

Later  on  in  Babylon,  and  also  in  Assyria,  they  reckoned  simply  the  years 
of  the  kings,  from  the  day  of  their  accession  to  the  throne.  The  remainder 
of  the  year,  in  the  course  of  which  the  predecessor  had  died,  was  therefore 
considered  the  first  part  of  the  first  year  of  the  new  reign,  and  was  very  often 
called  "  the  beginning  of  the  reign  "  of  the  king  in  question. 

Chronological  calculations  were  reckoned  from  tlie  same  starting-point 
as  in  Egypt.  They  reckon  the  calendar  year  in  which  a  king  comes  to  the 
throne  as  his  first  year,  and  hence  his  death  takes  place  in  tlie  first  year  of 
his  successor.  This  is  the  method  of  the  Ptolemaic  canon,  one  of  the  most 
important  chronological  monuments  of  antiquity.  It  is  tlie  list  beginning 
with  Nabonassar  (about  747  B.C.)  of  the  native  and  Persian  kings  of  Baby- 
lonia, to  which  the  Egyptian  rulers  up  to  Alexander  are  added.  It  is  an 
addition  to  the  astronomical  work  of  Ptolemy,  and  was  intended  to  throw 
light  on  the  passages  relating  to  the  Babylonian,  and  later  on  to  the  Alexan- 
drian chronological  methods.  It  is  authentic,  and  is  confirmed  by  the 
monuments.     Yet,  in  using  the  same,  it  must  be  recollected  that  all  dates  of 


566  THE   HISTORY  OF   MESOPOTAMIA 

the  Egyptian  ''vague"  year  (and  the  Egyptian  months)  are  reduced. 
Therefore  the  first  year  of  the  Nabonassar  era  begins  on  the  1st  Tehuti, 
the  26th  February,  747  B.C. 

In  Assyria  there  is  also  a  second  and  far  more  common  form  of  specify- 
ing the  years.  Since  a  very  early  date  (as  far  back  as  the  fourteenth 
century)  it  was  customary  to  name  the  year  after  some  high  official.  The 
year,  as  such,  is  called  limmu,  "  eponymic  year."  Of  course,  they  had  con- 
tinuous lists  of  these  eponyms ;  and  we  have  recovered  several  fragments. 
The  lists  for  the  years  893  to  QQQ  are  complete,  and  with  fragments  we  can 
go  still  farther  back.  The  kings  frequently  used  this  system,  and  private 
persons  regularly  used  this  eponym. 

Some  copies  of  the  lists  contain  accounts  of  the  changes  of  reigns,  and 
give  short  statements  of  important  internal  and  external  events  of  the  par- 
ticular years.  Thus  an  eclipse  of  the  sun  June  15,  763  B.C.,  mentioned 
therein  can  be  astronomically  fixed,  and  the  dates  arrived  at  thereby  concur 
exactly  with  the  accounts  of  the  Ptolemaic  canon.  The  chronological  his- 
tory of  this  epocli  is  tlierefore  perfectly  determined.e 


THE   BABYLONIAN   DAY   AND  ITS  DIVISION   INTO   HOURS 

This  being  the  Babylonian  method  of  reckoning  dates,  it  is  interesting 
to  note  on  what  plan  they  subdivided  the  day.  Investigations  were  made  in 
this  line  by  that  indefatigable  Irishman,  Edward  Hincks,  from  whose  article 
"  On  the  Assyrio-Babylonian  Measures  of  Time,"  in  the  Transactions  of  the 
Royal  Irish  Academy^  we  quote. o 

I  begin  with  the  day  and  its  divisions. 

Our  knowledge  on  this  subject  is  mainly  derived  from  a  tablet  in  the 
British  Museum,  marked  K.  15.  A  paper  of  mine  was  read  before  the  Royal 
Irish  Academy  in  1854,  and  was  published  in  the  twenty-third  volume  of  the 
Transactions  in  which  this  tablet  was  discussed.  As  that  paper  contained 
some  slight  pliilological  errors,  I  will  here  repeat  the  substance  of  it,  correct- 
ing those  errors. 

I  now  translate  the  inscription  on  the  Tablet  as  follows,  omitting  the  cus- 
tomary benedictory  formula.  "  On  the  sixth  day  of  the  month  Nisan  the 
day  and  the  night  are  equal ;  six  kazabs  [kashbu]  are  the  day ;  six  kazabs 
[kashbu]  are  the  night."  It  is  evident  that  this  inscription  records  the 
observation  of  an  equinox  ;  and  I  will  return  to  the  consideration  of  it  with 
that  view.  At  present  I  will  only  remark  that  it  points  to  a  double  division 
of  the  day,  or  Nycthemeron ;  viz.,  the  first  into  the  day  properly  so  called, 
and  the  night ;  whicli  were  in  this  instance  equal,  though  not  generally  so ; 
the  second  into  twelve  equal  kazabs  [kashbu]. 

I  proceed  to  the  second  division  of  the  day  into  twelve  kazabs  [kashbu]. 
E^ach  of  these  was  equivalent,  putting  out  of  sight  errors  of  observation,  to 
two  hours  of  mean  solar  time,  such  as  we  use  in  ordinary  life.  The  word 
kazab  [kaslil)u]  is  from  a  Hebrew  root  meaning  "to  fail,"  which  is  applied 
to  streams  that  run  dry.  This  suggests  the  primary  signification,  "  runnings 
out,"  namely,  of  the  water  wliieli  had  been  poured  into  a  vessel  with  a  small 
hole  in  the  Ijottom.  The  Babylonians  measured  time  by  clepsydrai,  which, 
when  they  liad  been  filled,  would  be  emptied  in  two  hours  of  mean  time. 
Such  clepsydne  would  maintain  a  sufficiently  accurate  division  of  the  day 
into  twelve  kazabs  [kashbu]  if  the  first  were  set  to  run  at  apparent  noon,  the 
second  when  the  first  had  run  out,  and  so  on  till  the  thirteenth,  which  would 


BABYLONIAN  AND  ASSYRIAN   CULTURE  567 

be  set  to  run  at  the  next  apparent  noon,  whether  the  twelfth  was  just  run- 
ning out,  or  had  ah-eady  run  out,  or  had  still  a  little  water  in  it. 

The  kazab  [kashbu]  is  mentioned  as  an  ordinary  measure  of  time  in  more 
than  one  passage.  The  distance  from  the  mainland  to  an  island  in  the  Per- 
sian Gulf  is  said  to  be  a  voyage  of  thirty  kazabs  [kashbu]  (Botta,  41.  48), 
just  as  that  from  Cyprus  to  Syria  is  said  to  be  one  of  seven  days  (Botta, 
38.  41).  Also,  in  Rawlinson,  42.  13,  Sennacherib  speaks  of  slaughtering  his 
enemies  for  the  space  of  a  journey  or  march  of  two  kazabs  [kashbu].  This 
use  of  the  word  seems  to  me  a  positive  proof  that  the  clepsydrre  was  in  use 
among  the  Assyrians  and  Babylonians  generally,  and  was  not  confined  to  the 
astronomers. 

There  does  not  appear  to  me  any  reason  to  suppose  that  a  division  of  the 
day  from  sunrise  to  sunset  into  twelve  hours,  varying  in  length  according  to 
the  season  of  the  year,  and  again  of  the  night,  from  sunset  to  sunrise  into 
twelve  similar  hours,  was  ever  known  to  the  Babylonians.  Such  a  division 
was  in  use  among  the  Egyptians,  and  was  adopted  from  them  by  the  Greeks, 
but  the  Babylonians  and  Assyrians  knew  nothing  of  it.  I  may  here  observe 
that  some  modern  writers  have  committed  a  strange  mistake  in  supposing 
the  clepsydrae  to  have  been  invented  so  late  as  the  third  century  before 
Christ  and  at  Alexandria.  These  writers  have  confounded  two  totally  dif- 
ferent things;  viz.,  the  original  invention  of  the  clepsydrae  marking  mean 
solar  time,  which  goes  back  to  remote  antiquity,  and  is  almost  certainly  due 
to  the  Babylonians,  and  the  adaptation  of  the  clepsydrae  to  the  seasonable 
(^KaipLKaX)  hours  of  the  Egyptians  and  Greeks,  which  was  accomplished  at  the 
time  and  place  which  these  writers  mention.  I  have  met  with  no  subdivi- 
sions of  the  kazab  [kashbu],  and  I  much  doubt  whether  the  Babylonians  had 
any  means  of  marking  such./ 

ASSYRIAN   SCIENCE 

The  exact  sciences  were  cultivated  in  Assyria  from  the  earliest  times-, 
nor  had  natural  sciences  been  neglected.  Zoology,  botany,  mineralogy  are 
largely  represented  in  the  library  of  Nineveh,  and  as  all  these  tablets  con- 
tain a  Sumerian  as  well  as  the  equivalent  Assyrian  text,  we  are  justified  in 
believing  that  the  Ninevites,  in  this  respect,  still  followed  the  traditions  of 
their  predecessors. 

We  find  lists  of  animals  arranged  in  a  certain  order  which  indicates  an 
attempt  at  classification ;  thus  the  dog,  lion,  and  wolf  are  in  the  same  cate- 
gory, whilst  the  ox,  sheep,  and  goat  form  another.  In  the  enumeration  of 
the  different  animals,  there  is  a  very  evident  design  of  establishing  genera 
and  families,  and  of  distinguishing  species.  Thus  we  have  a  family  com- 
prising the  great  Carnivora  :  the  dog,  lion,  and  wolf ;  then  we  liave  different 
species  in  the  dog  family  —  such  as  the  dog  itself,  the  domestic  dog,  the 
coursing  dog,  the  small  dog,  the  dog  of  Elam,  etc.  The  scientific  side  of 
this  classification  is  revealed  by  an  easily  recognised  circumstance ;  thus  one 
finds  after  the  common  name  a  special  nomenclature,  whicli  belongs  to  a 
scientific  classification  with  which  the  Assyrians  seem  to  have  been  famihar. 

Among  the  birds  similar  attempts  at  classification  are  evident.  Birds  of 
rapid  flight,  sea-birds,  or  marsh  birds  are  differentiated.  Insects  form  a  very 
numerous  class;  we  see  an  entire  family  whose  species  are  differentiated 
according  as  they  attack  plants,  animals,  clothing,  or  wood.  Vegetables  seem 
to  be  classified  according  to  their  usefulness,  or  the  service  that  industry 
can  make  of  them.     One  tablet  enumerates  the  uses  to  which  wood  can  be 


568  THE   HISTORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

put,  according  to  its  adaptability,  for  the  timber-work  of  palaces,  the  con- 
struction of  vessels,  the  making  of  carts,  implements  of  husbandry,  or  even 
furniture.  Minerals  occupy  a  long  series  in  these  tablets.  They  are  classed 
according  to  their  qualities,  gold  and  silver  forming  a  division  apart ;  pre- 
cious stones  form  still  another,  but  there  is  nothing  to  indicate  on  what  basis 
a  classilication  would  be  establislied. 

If  we  pass  from  the  natural  sciences  to  geography,  we  find  the  latter  in 
a  synthetic  and  fairly  confused  state.  Nevertheless  several  lists  give  us  a 
series  of  the  names  of  towns,  rivers,  and  mountains,  arranged  according  to 
their  geographical  disposition,  as  we  can  easily  prove.  Sometimes  the  data 
are  of  a  practical  character,  and  names  are  followed  by  mention  of  natural  or 
industrial  products  of  localities,  their  revenue  taxes,  or  tributes.  But  the 
science,  par  excellence^  which  was  especially  cultivated  in  Assyria,  and  which 
the  learned  men  of  Asshurbanapal  connected  with  the  greatest  care  with 
antique  Clialdean  traditions,  was  astronomy. 

This  science  was  not  indeed  born  at  Nineveh ;  the  Greeks  teach  us  that 
astronomical  observations  were  first  made  in  lower  Chaldea  1903  years  before 
Alexander,  and  consequently  2226  years  before  Christ.  Whatever  the 
value  of  this  date  may  be,  the  tradition  of  this  origin  is  found  in  the  works 
of  the  Assyrians,  who  constantly  refer  to  the  observations  of  their  pre- 
decessors. Asshurbanapal  had  sent  these  learned  men  to  the  old  schools  of 
Mesopotamia,  Ur,  Sippar,  Agade,  Babylon ;  there  to  imbibe  the  elements  of 
the  science  which  was  the  glory  of  the  southern  empire.  In  the  seventh 
century  before  our  era,  observations  were  carried  on  at  Nineveh.  At  this 
date  the  fixed  stars  had  long  been  distinguished  from  the  planets;  the  si- 
dereal revolutions,  the  divisions  of  the  year,  the  course  of  the  sun  in  the 
different  constellations  of  the  zodiac,  periodic  return  of  eclipses,  and  even 
the  precession  of  the  equinoxes,  had  been  calculated.  These  achievements 
imply  long  and  conscientious  observation,  a  special  intelligence  to  undertake 
them,  and  simple  methods  of  rigorous  calculation. 

We  are  ignorant  as  to  the  nature  of  the  instruments  with  which  the 
Assyrio-Chaldeans  could  observe  the  stars.  The  chances  of  error  in  obser- 
vations by  the  naked  eye  are  evidently  very  great,  and  errors  can  only  be 
rectified  by  multiplied  operations  and  the  most  minute  calculations.  It  is 
known  that  the  determining  of  the  periodicity  of  the  moon's  eclipses  rests 
on  a  knowledge  of  the  cycle  of  223  lunations  which  bring  back  the  same 
eclipses  periodically.  It  is  certain  that  the  Assyrio-Chaldeans  must  have 
also  known  another  cycle  of  22,325  lunations  equalling  1805  tropical  years 
plus  8  days,  or  1805  Julian  years  of  365|^  days ;  after  which  the  eclipses 
return  with  still  greater  precision  in  the  same  order.  How  long  did  it  take 
the  human  mind  to  observe  and  understand  a  sufficient  number  of  lunations 
so  as  to  combine  the  data  they  afforded  and  deduct  the  law  that  Meton 
formulated  and  to  which  he  has  given  his  name  ? 

In  regard  to  eclipses  of  the  sun,  the  cycle  is  so  very  much  greater  that 
the  beginnings  of  the  observations  on  which  the  calculations  of  their  perio- 
dicity would  rest,  would  take  us  back  to  a  period  which  is  quite  beyond  the 
limits  of  the  historic  age.  Diogenes  Laertius  estimates  it  as  48,863  years. 
During  that  time  373  eclipses  of  the  moon  and  832  eclipses  of  the  sun  had 
l>een  observed.  When  they  turned  their  attention  to  the  calculations  result- 
ing from  these  observations  the  Assyrio-Chaldeans  were  marvellously  helped 
by  their  system  of  notation.  Their  numerical  system  lent  itself  with  ease 
to  the  most  complicated  of  calculations.  We  must  content  ourselves  with 
stating  the  results.     As  we  were  saying  a  minute  ago,  the  observations  were 


BABYLONIAN   AND  ASSYRIAN   CULTURE  569 

carried  on  under  Asshurbanapal ;  the  king  sent  astronomers  to  different 
points  to  study  celestial  phenomena,  and  the  results  of  their  labours  were 
sent  him.     Here  are  the  terms  in  which  these  reports  were  expressed : 

"  To  the  King,  my  Lord,  his  humble  servant  Ishtar-iddin-apal,  chief 
astronomer  of  the  town  of  Arbela  writes  this :  Peace  and  happiness  to  the 
king  my  master  and  may  he  long  prosper. 

"  On  the  29th  day,  I  observed  the  node  of  the  moon,  the  clouds  obscured 
the  field  of  observation,  and  we  could  not  see  the  moon. 

"  In  the  month  of  Sebat  (January)  the  1st  day  during  the  year  Bel-haran- 
saduya  (648  B.C.)." 

The  result  of  this  mission  was  not  satisfactory.  The  eclipse  had  been 
predicted,  but  although  the  state  of  the  atmosphere  did  not  allow  of  observa- 
tion, the  attesting  of  this  failure  proves  the  care  with  which  every  circum- 
stance that  could  serve  to  explain  the  phenomenon  was  noted.  Here  is  an 
observation  which  was  entirely  successful : 

"  To  the  director  of  observations  my  Lord,  his  humble  servant  Nabu- 
shum-iddin.  Great  Astronomer  of  Nineveh  writes  this :  May  Nabu  and 
Marduk  be  propitious  to  the  director  of  these  observations,  my  Lord. 

"  The  15th  day  we  observed  the  node  of  the  moon,  and  the  moon  was 
eclipsed." 

Here  is  a  more  complicated  observation  : 

"  To  the  king,  my  Lord,  may  the  Gods  Nabu  and  Marduk  be  propitious, 
may  the  great  gods  grant  to  the  king,  my  master,  long  life,  the  benefits  of 
the  flesh  and  satisfaction  of  the  heart. 

"  The  27th  day  the  moon  disappeared ;  the  28th  29th  and  30th  day  we 
continually  observed  the  node  of  the  obscuring  sun.  The  eclipse  did  not 
take  place.  The  1st  day  (of  the  following  month)  we  saw  the  moon  during 
the  first  day  of  the  month  Tammuz  (June)  above  the  star  Mercury  of  which 
I  have  previously  sent  an  observation  to  the  king  my  master.  In  its  course 
during  the  day  of  Anu,  around  the  shepherd  star  (the  planet  Venus),  it  was 
seen  declining  :  on  account  of  rain  the  horns  were  not  very  distinctly  visible, 
and  so  it  was  in  its  whole  course.  The  day  Anu  I  sent  the  observation  of 
its  conjunction,  to  the  king  my  master.  It  was  prolonged  and  was  visible 
above  the  star  of  the  Chariot  in  its  course  during  the  day  of  Baal ;  it  dis- 
appeared towards  the  star  of  the  Chariot. 

"  To  the  King,  my  Lord,  peace  and  happiness." 

The  discovery  of  the  precession  of  the  equinoxes  is  generally  attributed 
to  Hipparchus.  It  was  he,  indeed,  who  taught  this  fact  to  the  Greeks,  and 
he  estimated  its  yearly  amount  as  from  36  to  39  seconds ;  but  it  is  certain 
that  he  learned  about  it  in  Chaldea,  and  that  he  obtained  the  elements  of  his 
calculations  from  the  astronomical  observations  made  on  the  lower  Euphrates. 
All  the  astronomical  knowledge  of  the  Ninevite  savants  had  the  same  point 
of  origin. 

Two  thousand  years  before  our  era,  from  the  time  of  a  king  of  Agade 
called  Sharrukin  (Shargani-shar-ali),  and  who  is  usually  known  as  Sargon  I 
(the  Ancient),  the  precession  of  the  equinoxes  was  an  observed  and  cal- 
culated fact,  since  it  had  already  brought  sufficient  disturbance  into  the 
calendar  to  make  a  corrective  element  necessary.  Sargon  had  given  a 
brilliancy  to  his  century  which  the  learned  men  of  Nineveh  only  echoed. 
In  his  time  there  was  a  library  at  Agade,  the  importance  of  which  we  can 
judge  by  the  fragments  which  were  preserved  at  Nineveh.  We  are  certain 
that  at  these  remote  times  the  great  divisions  of  the  uranographic  chart  were 
already  determined  upon.     Fixed  stars  were  designated   according  to  the 


570 


THE   HISTORY   OF   MESOPOTAMIA 


different  groups  or  constellations  which  were  known  by  the  names  they  have 
retained  to  this  day. 

Outside  these  fixed  stars  the  signs  of  the  zodiac  were  perfectly  deter- 
mined in  that  portion  of  the  celestial  vault  which  the  texts  designate  by  the 
name  of  liarranu  (the  way),  that  is  to  say,  the  way  of  the  stars.  These  stars 
were  the  planets.  The  Chaldeans  knew  of  seven,  and  they  were  thus  known 
to  them  :  Shamash,  the  sun  ;  Sin,  the  moon  ;  Alap-Shamash,  Saturn  ;  Rus,  Jupi- 
ter ;  Ashbat,  Venus  ;  Sulpa-sadu,  Mars ;  Nivit-Anu,  Mercury.  The  Ninevite 
savants  borrowed  their  astronomical  knowledge  from  the  Chaldeans ;  they 
made  use  of  the  calendar  as  it  was  transmitted  to  them,  and  as  such  it  has 
been  used  by  all  nations  from  the  remotest  times  up  to  the  present  day. 

The  Assyrian  year  was  composed  of  twelve  lunar  months.  It  began 
with  the  new  moon  preceding  the  vernal  equinox.  A  well-known  tablet  thus 
fixes  the  day  of  the  equinoxes:  "At  the  sixth  day  of  the  month  of  Nisan 
(March)  the  days  and  nights  are  equal  (and  comprise),  six  kashbu  for  the 
day  and  six  kashbu  for  the  night.  May  Nabu  and  Marduk  be  propitious  to 
the  King,  my  Lord." 

To  correct  the  error  resulting  from  the  difference  between  the  lunar  and 
solar  year,  a  supplementary  month  was  intercalated,  the  length  of  which 
necessarily  varied  with  circumstances.  The  Ninevite  tablets  offer  us  calen- 
dars arranged  in  conformity  with  the  different  exigencies  of  life.  Some 
are  purely  scientific,  and  show  us  the  divisions  of  the  year  into  days, 
months,  and  seasons.  Others  are  formed  to  meet  the  needs  of  religion,  and 
tell  us,  by  the  day,  the  feasts  consecrated  to  divinities  invoked  or  honoured 
by  special  ceremonies.  Others  seem  to  take  current  superstitions  into 
account ;  thus  days  are  marked  by  a  particular  sign,  according  as  they  are 
considered  propitious  or  disastrous.  We  see  tables  constructed  to  indicate 
the  influence  of  the  stars  on  each  day  of  the  year,  with  a  mention  of  appro- 
priate prayers,  to  propitiate  favourable  auguries  and  ward  off  those  which 
are  fatal. 

The  importance  of  these  last  documents  must  not  be  exaggerated ;  they 
are  related  to  superstitions  common  to  all  ages  and  lands ;  and,  in  the  ancient 
East,  as  everywhere  else,  these  beliefs  merely  represent  one  of  the  most  curi- 
ous, but  the  least  interesting  phases  of  the  aberrations  of  the  human  mind.fl' 


I 


Babylonian  Kino  Lion  Hunting 


APPENDIX   A.      CLASSICAL   TRADITIONS 


Such  is  the  fate  of  empire  :  Asshur  rose 

Where  elder  thrones  and  prouder  warriors  stood  ; 
Before  the  Memphian  priest  his  precepts  chose, 
Men  reasoned  greatly  of  the  highest  good  ; 
Before  Troy  was,  or  Xanthus  rolled  in  blood, 

Annies  were  ranged  in  battles'  dread  array  : 
They  fought  —  their  glory  withered  in  its  bud  ; 

They  perished  —  with  them  ceased  their  tyrants'  sway  ; 
New  wars,  new  heroes  came  —  their  story  passed  away. 

—  Jamks  Gates  Percival. 


It  is  a  curious  paradox  that  our  knowledge  of  this  ohlest  civilisation 
should  be  the  very  newest  and  most  novel  record  with  which  present-day 
history  has  to  deal.  The  Chaldeans,  Assyrians,  and  Babylonians,  of  whose 
accomplishments  we  speak  so  confidently  to-day,  lived  out  their  national  life, 
and  vanished  from  the  earth,  as  nations,  mostly  before  civilisation  had  its 
dawning  in  Europe ;  and  for  two  thousand  years  they  were  but  a  remi- 
niscence. 

It  was  reserved  for  nineteenth  century  investigators  literally  to  dig  from 
the  earth  their  lost  records,  and  to  read  the  secrets  of  their  forgotten 
history.  Marvellous  secrets  they  were,  as  we  shall  see ;  but  before  we 
turn  to  them,  it  will  be  of  interest  to  recall  the  reminiscences  that  did 
service  as  the  history  of  these  wonderful  peoples  for  so  many  centuries. 
In  a  few  extracts  we  may  set  forth  the  substance  of  all  that  the  world 
remembered  of  that  marvellous  civilisation  from  the  days  of  Herodotus 
and  Diodorus  till  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth  century.  A  mixture  of 
fact  and  fable,  it  still  has  absorbing  interest,  the  more  so  that  we  may  now 
compare  it  with  the  surer  records  brought  to  light  in  our  own  time. 
Aside  from  their  intrinsic  interest,  the  classical  records  have,  in  this  regard, 
a  unique  importance. 

As  to  the  precise  classical  authorities  in  question,  we  have  already 
become  acquainted  with  Diodorus  and  ^Elianus  in  the  earlier  portion  of  this 
work.  Another  author  we  shall  now  have  occasion  to  quote  is  Berosus. 
As  to  this  author  and  the  exact  status  of  his  work,  we  cannot  do  better  than 
quote  the  following  critical  estimate  from  the  Bahylone  et  la  ChaldSe  of 
Joachim  Menant. 

"  Berosus  came  of  a  priestly  family  and  was  born  in  Babylon,  about  330 
B.C.  He  himself  is  authority  for  the  information  that  ho  was  a  contempo- 
rary of  Alexander  the  Great.  According  to  Tatian,  he  is  the  most  learned 
of  all  Asiatic  historians.     He  was  deeply  versed  in  the  ancient  traditions  of 

671 


572  THE   HISTORY   OF   iMESOPOTAMIA 

his  country  and  taught  them  to  the  Greeks,  through  whom  they  have  come 
down  to  us.  Vitruvius  informs  us  that  he  left  Babylon  and  went  to  live  on 
the  island  of  Cos,  where  he  opened  a  school  of  astrology.  He  invented,  or 
at  least  introduced  among  the  Greeks,  a  particular  kind  of  time-keeping. 
There  still  exist  fragments  of  astrological  works  to  which  Berosus  has 
attached  his  name,  and  owing  to  the  special  interests  of  the  writers  who 
have  borrowed  from  his  works,  the  fame  of  the  astrologer  perhaps  outshines 
that  of  the  historian.  Pliny  (VII.  37)  declares  that  the  Athenians  erected 
a  golden-tongued  statue  to  him  in  the  Gymnasium,  on  account  of  his 
wonderful  predictions. 

''  He  wrote  in  Greek,  about  280  B.C.,  a  history  of  ancient  Chaldea  and 
dedicated  it  to  Antiochus  Soter.  The  work  consisted  of  three  volumes, 
of  which  we  possess  now  but  a  few  excerpts  preserved  in  the  chronicles  of 
several  historiographers  who  have  lived  at  different  periods  and  whom  it 
may  be  well  to  mention.  First  of  all  there  is  Flavins  Josephus,  the  great 
historian  of  the  Jews,  born  at  Jerusalem  33  A.D.;  then  there  are  St.  Clement, 
the  Alexandrian  catechist  (born  early  in  the  second  century  A.D.,  died  217), 
Eusebius,  Bishop  of  Cfesarea  (author  of  the  Symbol  of  Nice,  who  lived  from 
267  to  338),  and  finally,  George  Syncellus  (so  called  from  the  office  he  filled 
under  the  Bishop  of  Constantinople,  and  who  died  about  the  year  800). 
These  writers  took  from  Berosus  only  just  what  was  needed  for  their  pur- 
poses, and  none  in  fact  seems  to  have  been  personally  acquainted  with  the 
work  of  the  learned  Chaldean. 

"  For  instance,  Syncellus,  whose  writings  show  marks  of  haste  and  are 
by  no  means  free  from  error,  borrows  his  quotations  from  Eusebius,  whom  he 
often  pretends  to  correct.  Eusebius  seems  to  be  indebted  to  Julius  Afri- 
canus,  who  wrote  in  the  third  century  of  our  era,  and  the  latter  in  turn 
mentions  his  obligation  to  Alexander  Polyhistor,  who  flourished  twenty-five 
years  before  Christ.  Now  Polyhistor  takes  his  references  from  Apollodorus, 
who  lived  some  years  before.  Josephus  in  all  probability  used  Alexander 
Polyhistor  as  his  source,  although  he  does  not  say  so.  Clement  of  Alexan- 
dria had  at  his  elbow  the  works  of  King  Juba  of  Mauritania,  who  reigned 
about  30  B.C.,  and  who  seems  to  have  taken  his  material,  unfortunately  too 
limited  in  amount,  from  the  very  works  of  Berosus,  in  whom  he  placed  the 
utmost  confidence. 

"  One  thing  is  certain,  the  original  text  of  Berosus  in  passing  through  so 
many  hands  and  suffering  condensation  and  mutilation  must  have  been  con- 
siderably altered. 

"Berosus  liad  free  access  to  those  famous  clay-tablet  libraries  which 
Pliny  describes  and  whose  importance  modern  research  has  revealed.  As  at 
Nineveh,  there  were  at  Babylon,  Borsippa,  Orchoe  [Erech],  and  in  the  large 
cities  of  Chaldea,  archives  which  contained  the  national  traditions  to  which 
the  Chaldean  priest  was  obliged  to  resort. 

"  In  the  days  of  Berosus  the  writings  in  these  archives  were  understood 
not  only  in  Babylon,  but  throughout  western  Asia.  The  Assyrio-Chaldean 
language  was  still  written  in  cuneiform  characters  till  the  time  of  the  Seleu- 
cidiu  and  even  during  tlie  first  century  B.C.  Berosus  was  thus  enabled  to 
consult  these  precious  sources,  and  we  know  that  he  went  to  them.  Already 
in  the  priceless  del)ris  of  these  curious  archives,  fragments  in  corroboration 
of  Berosus  have  been  discovered,  and  these  acquisitions  only  make  us  regret 
the  more  what  is  irrevocably  lost." 

We  shall  now  take  up  some  of  the  portions  of  Berosus'  history  transcribed 
by  later  historiographers.a 


APPENDIX  A.      CLASSICAL   TRADITIONS  573 

THE   CREATION   AND   THE   FLOOD,    DESCRIBED    BY   POLYHISTOR 

Berosus,  in  the  first  book  of  his  history  of  Babyh)nia,  informs  us  that  he 
lived  in  the  age  of  Alexander,  the  son  of  Philip.  And  he  mentions  that 
there  were  written  accounts,  preserved  at  Babylon  with  the  greatest  care, 
comprehending  a  period  of  about  fifteen  myriads  of  years  ;  and  that  these 
writings  contained  histories  of  the  heavens  and  of  the  sea  ;  of  the  birth  of 
mankind  ;  and  of  the  kings,  and  of  the  memorable  actions  which  they  had 
achieved. 

And  in  the  first  place  he  describes  Babylonia  as  a  country  situated  be- 
tween the  Tigris  and  the  Euphrates ;  that  it  abounded  with  wheat  and  bar- 
ley, and  ocrus,  and  sesame  ;  and  that  in  the  lakes  were  produced  the  roots 
called  gongae,  which  are  fit  for  food,  and  in  respect  for  nutriment  similar 
to  barley.  That  there  were  also  palm  trees  and  apples,  and  a  variety  of 
fruits  ;  fish  also  and  birds,  both  those  which  are  merely  of  flight,  and  those 


Assyrian  Boat 
(From  the  Monuments) 


which  frequent  the  lakes.  He  adds,  that  those  parts  of  the  country  which 
bordered  upon  Arabia  were  without  water  and  barren  ;  but  that  the  parts 
which  lay  on  the  other  side  were  both  hilly  and  fertile. 

At  Babylon  there  was  (in  these  times)  a  great  resort  of  people  of  various 
nations,  who  inhabited  Chaldea,  and  lived  in  a  lawless  manner,  like  the 
beasts  of  the  field. 

In  the  first  year  there  appeared  from  that  part  of  the  Erythraean  Sea  [the 
Persian  Gulf]  which  borders  upon  Babylonia,  an  animal  destitute  of  reason, 
by  name  Cannes  [perhaps  the  same  as  Anu],  whose  whole  body  (according  to 
the  account  of  Apollodorus)  was  that  of  a  fish  ;  that  under  the  fish's  head  he 
had  another  head,  with  feet  also  below,  similar  to  those  of  a  man,  subjoined 
to  the  fish's  tail.  His  voice,  too,  and  language,  was  articulate  and  luunan  ; 
and  a  representation  of  him  is  preserved  even  to  this  day. 

This  Being  was  accustomed  to  pass  the  day  among  men  ;  but  took  no 
food  at  that  season  ;  and  he  gave  them  an  insight  into  letters  and  sciences, 
and  arts  of  every  kind.  He  taught  them  to  construct  cities,  to  found  temples, 
to  compile  laws,  and  explained  to  them  the  principles  of  geometrical  knowl- 
edge. He  made  them  distinguish  the  seeds  of  the  earth,  and  showed  tliem 
how  to  collect  the  fruits  ;  in  short  he  instructed  them  in  everything  which 
could  tend  to  soften  manners  and  humanise  their  lives.  From  that  time 
nothing  material  has  been  added  by  way  of  improvement  to  his  instructions. 


574  THE   HISTORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

And  when  the  sun  had  set,  this  Being,  Oannes,  retired  again  into  the  sea,  and 
passed  the  night  in  the  deep  ;  for  he  was  amphibious.  After  this  there  ap- 
peared other  animals  like  Oannes,  of  which  Berosus  proposes  to  give  an 
account  when  he  comes  to  the  history  of  the  kings.  Moreover,  Oannes 
wrote  concerning  the  generation  of  mankind,  and  of  their  civil  policy  ;  and 
the  following  is  the  purport  of  what  he  said  : 

"  There  was  a  time  in  which  there  existed  nothing  but  darkness  and  an 
abyss  of  waters,  wherein  resided  most  hideous  beings,  which  were  produced 
of  a  twofold  principle.  There  appeared  men,  some  of  whom  were  furnished 
with  two  wings,  others  with  four,  and  with  two  faces.  They  had  one  body 
but  two  heads  :  the  one  that  of  a  man,  the  other  of  a  woman  ;  likewise  in 
their  several  organs,  they  were  both  male  and  female.  Other  human  figures 
were  to  be  seen  with  the  legs  and  horns  of  goats  ;  some  had  horses'  feet  ; 
while  others  united  the  hind  quarters  of  a  horse  with  the  body  of  a  man,  re- 
sembling in  shape  the  hippocentaurs.  Bulls  likewise  were  bred  there  with 
the  heads  of  men  ;  and  dogs  with  fourfold  bodies,  terminated  in  their  extrem- 
ities with  the  tails  of  fishes.  In  short,  there  were  creatures  in  which  were 
combined  the  limbs  of  every  species  of  animal.  In  addition  to  these,  fishes, 
reptiles,  serpents,  with  other  monstrous  animals,  which  assumed  each  other's 
shape  and  countenance.  Of  all  which  were  preserved  delineations  in  the 
temple  of  Belus  at  Babylon. 

"  The  person  who  was  believed  to  have  presided  over  them,  was  a  woman 
named  Omoroca  [a  Greek  form  of  the  Aramaic  word  'Amqia,  "  the  ocean  "]  ; 
which  in  the  Chaldean  language  is  Thalath  ;  in  Greek,  Thalassa,  the  sea  ; 
but  which  might  equally  be  interpreted  the  INIoon.  All  things  being  in  this 
situation,  Belus  came,  and  cut  the  woman  asunder  :  and  of  one  half  of  her 
he  formed  the  earth,  and  of  the  other  half  the  heavens  ;  and  at  the  same  time 
destroyed  the  animals  within  her.  All  this  (he  says)  was  an  allegorical 
description  of  nature.  For,  the  whole  universe  consisting  of  moisture,  and 
animals  being  continually  generated  therein,  the  deity  above  mentioned  took 
off  his  own  head  :  upon  which  the  other  gods  mixed  the  blood,  as  it  gushed 
out,  with  the  earth  ;  and  from  thence  were  formed  men.  On  this  account 
it  is  that  they  are  rational,  and  partake  of  divine  knowledge. 

"  This  Belus,  by  whom  they  signify  Jupiter,  divided  the  darkness,  and 
separated  the  Heavens  from  the  Earth,  and  reduced  the  universe  to  order. 
But  the  animals,  not  being  able  to  bear  the  prevalence  of  light,  died.  Belus, 
upon  this,  seeing  a  vast  space  unoccupied,  though  by  nature  fruitful,  com- 
manded one  of  the  gods  to  take  off  his  head,  and  to  mix  the  blood  with  the 
earth  ;  and  from  thence  to  form  other  men  and  animals,  which  should  be 
capable  of  bearing  the  air.  Belus  formed  also  the  stars,  and  the  sun,  and  the 
moon,  and  the  five  planets." 

(Such,  according  to  Alexander  Polyhistor,  is  the  account  which  Berosus 
gives  in  his  first  book.  In  the  second  book  was  contained  the  history  of 
the  ten  kings  of  the  Chaldeans,  and  the  periods  of  the  continuance  of  each 
reign,  which  consisted  collectively  of  120  sars,  or  432,000  years  ;  reaching  to 
the  time  of  the  Deluge.  For  Alexander,  enumerating  the  kings  from  the 
writings  of  the  Chaldeans,  after  Ardates  the  IXth,  proceeds  to  the  Xth,  who 
is  called  by  them  Xisuthrus,  in  this  manner  :) 

After  the  deatli  of  Ardates,  his  son  Xisuthrus  reigned  18  sars.  In  his 
time  happened  a  great  Deluge  ;  the  history  of  which  is  thus  described.  The 
Deity,  Cronus,  appeared  to  him  in  a  vision,  and  warned  him  that  upon  the 
fifteenth  day  of  the  month  Dsesius  [or  Dtesia,  i.e.  May  and  June]  there  would 
be  a  flood,  by  which  mankind  would  be  destroyed.     He  therefore  enjoined 


APPENDIX  A.      CLASSICAL  TRADITIONS  575 

him  to  write  a  history  of  the  beginning,  procedure,  and  conclusion  of  all 
things  ;  and  bury  it  in  the  city  of  the  Sun  at  Sippara  ;  and  to  build 
a  vessel,  and  to  take  with  him  into  it  his  friends  and  relations  ;  and  to 
convey  on  board  everything  necessary  to  sustain  life,  together  with  all 
the  different  animals,  both  birds  and  quadrupeds,  and  trust  himself  fear- 
lessly to  the  deep.  Having  asked  the  Deity,  whither  he  was  to  sail,  he 
was  answered,  "  To  the  Gods "  :  upon  which  he  offered  up  a  prayer  for 
the  good  of  mankind.  He  then  obeyed  the  divine  admonition  :  and  built 
a  vessel  five  stadia  in  length  and  two  in  breadth.  Into  this  he  put  every- 
thing which  he  had  prepared  ;  and  last  of  all  conveyed  into  it  his  wife, 
his  children,  and  his  friends. 

After  the  flood  had  been  upon  the  earth,  and  was  in  time  abated,  Xisuthrus 
sent  out  birds  from  the  vessel,  which,  not  finding  any  food,  nor  any  place 
whereupon  they  might  rest  their  feet,  returned  to  him  again.  After  an  in- 
terval of  some  days  he  sent  them  forth  a  second  time  ;  and  they  now  returned 
with  their  feet  tinged  with  mud.  He  made  a  trial  a  third  time  with  these 
birds  ;  but  they  returned  to  him  no  more  :  from  whence  he  judged  that  the 
surface  of  the  earth  had  appeared  above  the  waters.  He  therefore  made  an 
opening  in  the  vessel,  and  upon  looking  out  found  that  it  was  stranded  upon 
the  side  of  some  mountain  ;  upon  which  he  immediately  quitted  it  with  his 
wife,  his  daughter,  and  the  pilot.  Xisuthrus  then  paid  his  adoration  to  the 
earth  :  and  having  constructed  an  altar,  offered  sacrifices  to  the  gods,  and, 
with  those  who  had  come  out  of  the  vessel  with  him,  disappeared. 

They  who  remained  within,  finding  that  their  companions  did  not  return, 
quitted  the  vessel  with  many  lamentations,  and  called  continually  on  the 
name  of  Xisuthrus.  Him  they  saw  no  more ;  but  they  could  distinguish  his 
voice  in  the  air,  and  could  hear  him  admonish  them  to  pay  due  regard  to  re- 
ligion ;  and  likewise  informed  them  that  it  was  on  account  of  his  piety  that 
he  was  translated  to  live  with  the  gods ;  that  his  wife  and  daughter,  and  the 
pilot,  had  obtained  the  same  honour.  To  this  he  added,  that  they  should 
return  to  Babylonia  ;  and,  as  it  was  ordained,  search  for  the  writings  at  Sip- 
para, which  they  were  to  make  known  to  all  mankind  :  moreover,  that  tlie 
place  wherein  they  then  were,  was  the  land  of  Armenia  [in  the  Hebrew, 
Ararat] .  The  rest  having  heard  these  words,  offered  sacrifices  to  the  gods ; 
and,  taking  a  circuit,  journeyed  towards  Babylonia. 

The  vessel  being  thus  stranded  in  Armenia,  some  part  of  it  yet  remains 
in  the  Corcyrsean  [or  Gordysean]  Mountains  of  Armenia ;  and  the  people 
scrape  off  the  bitumen,  with  which  it  had  been  outwardly  coated,  and  make 
use  of  it  by  way  of  an  alexipharmic  and  amulet.  And  when  they  returned 
to  Babylon,  and  had  found  the  writings  at  Sippara,  they  built  cities,  and 
erected  temples :  and  Babylon  was  thus  inhabited  again. 

OTHER  CLASSICAL  FRAGMENTS 

Of  the   Chaldean  Kings 

This  is  the  history  which  Berosus  has  transmitted  to  us.  He  tells  us 
that  the  first  king  was  Alorus  [or  Ur,  the  Babylonian  deity]  of  Babylon,  a 
Chaldean:  he  reigned  ten  sars :  and  afterwards  Alaparus,  and  Amelon, 
who  came  from  Pantibiblon  [Greek  form  of  Sippara] :  then  Ammenon  the 
Chaldean,  in  whose  time  appeared  the  Musarus  Cannes,  the  Annedotus  from 
the  Erythrsean  Sea.  (But  Alexander  Polyhistor,  anticipating  the  event,  has 
said  that  he  appeared  in  the  first  year ;  but  ApoUodorus  says  that  it  was 


r,7G  THE   HISTORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

after  forty  sars ;  Abyclenns,  however,  makes  the  second  Annedotus  appear 
iifter  twenty-six  sars.)  Then  succeeded  Megalariis  from  the  city  of  Panti- 
biblon ;  and  he  reigned  eighteen  sars :  and  after  liim  Daonus,  the  shepherd 
from  l*antibiblon,  reigned  ten  sars;  in  his  time  (he  says)  appeared  again 
from  the  Erythnean  Sea  a  fourth  Annedotus,  having  the  same  form  with  those 
above,  the  shape  of  a  fish  blended  with  that  of  a  man.  Then  reigned  Euedo- 
rachus,  from  Pantibiblon,  for  the  term  of  eighteen  sars ;  in  his  days  there 
appeared  another  personage  from  the  Erythnean  Sea  like  the  former,  having 
the  same  complicated  form  between  a  fish  and  a  man,  whose  name  was  Oda- 
con.  (All  these,  says  Apollodorus,  related  particularly  and  circumstantially 
whatever  Oannes  had  informed  them  of :  concerning  these,  Abydenus  has 
made  no  mention.)  Then  reigned  Amempsinus,  a  Chaldean  from  Laranchse 
[or  Larissa] ;  and  he,  being  the  eighth  in  order,  reigned  ten  sars.  Then 
reigned  Otiartes,  a  Chaldean,  from  Laranchte ;  and  he  reigned  eight  sars. 
And  upon  the  death  of  Otiartes,  his  son  Xisuthrus  reigned  eighteen  sars :  in 
his  time  happened  the  great  Deluge.  So  that  the  sum  of  all  the  kings  is  ten  ; 
and  the  term  which  they  collectively  reigned  was  a  hundred  and  twenty  sars. 
[From  Eusebius.] 

Of  the  Chaldean  Kings  and  the  Deluge 

So  much  concerning  the  wisdom  of  the  Chaldeans. 

It  is  said  that  the  first  king  of  the  country  was  Alorus,  and  that  he  gave 
out  a  report  that  God  had  appointed  him  to  be  the  Shepherd  of  the  people  : 
he  reigned  ten  sars :  now  a  sar  is  esteemed  to  be  three  thousand  six  hun- 
dred years ;  a  ner  six  hundred  ;  and  a  sos  sixty. 

After  him  Alaparus  reigned  three  sars  :  to  him  succeeded  Amillarus  from 
the  city  of  Pantibiblon,  who  reigned  thirteen  sars :  in  his  time  came  up  from 
the  sea  a  second  Annedotus,  a  semi-demon  very  similar  in  his  form  to 
Oannes  :  after  Amillarus  reigned  Ammenon  twelve  sars,  who  was  of  the  city 
of  Pantibiblon  :  then  Megalarus  of  the  same  place  reigned  eighteen  sars : 
then  Daos,  the  shepherd,  governed  for  the  space  of  ten  sars,  he  was  of  Pan- 
tibiblon [Sippara] ;  in  his  time  four  double-shaped  personages  came  up  out 
of  the  sea  to  land,  whose  names  were  Euedocus,  Eneugamus,  Eneuboulus, 
and  Anementus :  afterwards  in  the  time  of  Euedoreschus  appeared  another 
Anodaphus.  After  these  reigned  other  kings,  and,  last  of  all,  Sisithrus 
[Xisuthrus]:  so  that  in  the  whole  the  number  amounted  to  ten  kings,  and 
tlie  term  of  their  reigns  to  an  hundred  and  twenty  sars.  (And,  among  other 
things  not  irrelative  to  the  subject,  he  continues  thus  concerning  the  Deluge) : 
After  Euedorechus  some  others  reigned  and  then  Sisithrus.  To  him  the 
deity  Cronus  foretold  that  on  the  fifteenth  day  of  the  month  Dsesius 
there  would  be  a  deluge  of  rain  :  and  he  commanded  him  to  deposit  all 
the  writings  whatever  which  were  in  his  possession  in  the  city  of  the  Sun 
in  Sippara.  Sisithrus,  when  he  had  complied  with  these  commands,  sailed 
immediately  to  Armenia,  and  was  presently  inspired  by  God.  Upon  the  third 
day  after  the  cessation  of  the  rain  Sisithrus  sent  out  birds,  by  way  of  experi- 
ment, that  he  might  judge  whether  the  flood  had  subsided.  But  the  birds, 
passing  over  an  unbounded  sea,  without  finding  any  place  of  rest,  returned 
again  to  Sisithrus.  This  he  repeated  with  other  birds.  And  when  upon  the 
third  trial  he  succeeded,  for  the  birds  then  returned  with  their  feet  stained 
with  mud,  the  gods  translated  him  from  among  men.  With  respect  to  the 
vessel,  which  yet  remains  in  Armenia,  it  is  a  custom  of  the  inhabitants  to 
form  bracelets  and  amulets  of  its  wood.     [From  Eusebius.] 


APPENDIX  A.      CLASSICAL  TRADITIONS  577 

Of  the  Tower  of  Bahel 

They  say  that  the  first  inhabitants  of  the  earth,  glorying  in  their  own 
strength  and  size,  and  despising  the  gods,  undertook  to  raise  a  tower  whose 
top  should  reach  the  sky  in  the  place  in  which  Babylon  now  stands :  but 
when  it  approached  the  heaven,  the  winds  assisted  the  gods,  and  overthrew 
the  work  upon  its  contrivers :  and  its  ruins  are  said  to  be  at  Bab3don :  and 
the  gods  introduced  a  diversity  of  tongues  among  men,  who  till  that  time  had 
all  spoken  the  same  language :  and  a  war  arose  between  Cronus  and  Titan. 
The  place  in  which  they  built  the  tower  is  now  called  Babylon,  on  account  of 
the  confusion  of  the  tongues ;  for  confusion  is  by  the  Hebrews  called  Babel.^ 
[From  Eusebius.] 

Of  Abraham  [?] 

After  the  Deluge,  in  the  tenth  generation,  was  a  certain  man  among  the 
Chaldeans  renowned  for  his  justice  and  great  exploits,  and  for  his  skill  in 
the  celestial  sciences.     [From  Eusebius.] 

Of  Nahonassar 

From  the  reign  of  Nabonassar  only  are  the  Chaldeans  (from  whom  the 
Greek  mathematicians  copy)  accurately  acquainted  with  the  heavenly  motions: 
for  Nabonassar  collected  all  the  mementos  of  the  kings  prior  to  himself,  and 
destroyed  them,  that  the  enumeration  of  the  Chaldean  kings  might  commence 
with  him.     [From  Syncellus.] 

Of  the  Destruction  of  the  Jewish  Temple 

He  (Nabopolassar)  sent  his  son  Nebuchadrezzar  with  a  great  army  agamst 
Egypt,  and  against  Judea,  upon  his  being  informed  that  they  had  revolted 
from  him ;  and  by  that  means  he  subdued  them  all,  and  set  fire  to  the  temple 
that  was  at  Jerusalem ;  and  removed  our  people  entirely  out  of  their  own 
country,  and  transferred  them  to  Babylon,  and  our  city  remained  in  a  state 
of  desolation  during  the  interval  of  seventy  years,  until  the  days  of  Cyrus, 
king  of  Persia.  (He  then  says,  that)  this  Babylonian  king  conquered  P^gypt, 
and  Syria,  and  Phoenicia,  and  Arabia,  and  exceeded  in  his  exploits  all  that 
had  reigned  before  him  in  Babylon  and  Chaldea.     [From  Josephus.] 

Of  Nebuchadrezzar 

When  Nabopolassar,  his  (Nebuchadrezzar's)  father,  heard  that  the  gover- 
nor, whom  he  had  set  over  Egypt  and  the  provinces  of  Coele-Syria  and  Phoe- 
nicia, had  revolted,  he  was  determined  to  punish  his  delinquencies,  and  for 
that  purpose  entrusted  part  of  his  army  to  his  son  Nebuchadrezzar,  who  was 
then  of  mature  age,  and  sent  him  forth  against  the  rebel :  and  Nebuchad- 
rezzar engaged  and  overcame  him,  and  reduced  the  country  again  under  his 
dominion.  And  it  came  to  pass  that  his  father,  Nabopolassar,  was  seized 
with  a  disorder  which  proved  fatal,  and  he  died  in  the  city  of  Babylon,  after 
he  had  reigned  nine  and  twenty  years. 

Nebuchadrezzar,  as  soon  as  he  had  received  intelligence  of  his  father's 
death,  set  in  order  the  affairs  of  Egypt  and  the  other  countries,  and  com- 

\}  Babylon  is  actually  the  Greek  form  of  the  Assyrian  Bab-ilu,  "  Gate  of  God."  The  some- 
what similar  Hebrew  word  meaning  "  confusion"  is  Bilbool  (from  balbel).    Hence  the  legend.] 

H.  W. VOL.   I.  2  p 


578  THE   HISTORY   OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

luitted  to  some  of  his  faithful  officers  the  captives  he  had  taken  from  the 
Jews,  and  PlHEnicians,  and  Syrians,  and  the  nations  belong-ing  to  Egypt,  tliat 
they  might  conduct  them  with  that  part  of  the  forces  which  had  heavy  armour, 
tou-etlier  with  tiie  rest  of  his  baggage,  to  Babylonia:  in  the  meantime  with  a 
few  attendants  he  hastily  crossed  the  desert  to  Babylon.  When  he  arrived 
there  he  found  that  his  affairs  had  been  faitlifully  conducted  by  the  Chal- 
deans, and  that  the  principal  person  among  them  had  preserved  the  kingdom 
for  him  :  and  he  accordingly  obtained  possession  of  all  his  father's  dominions. 
And  he  distributed  the  captives  in  colonies  in  the  most  proper  places  in  Baby- 
lonia :  and  adorned  the  temple  of  Belus,  and  the  other  temples,  in  a  sumptu- 
ous and  pious  manner,  out  of  the  spoils  which  he  had  taken  in  this  war.  He 
also  rebuilt  tlie  old  city,  and  added  another  to  it  on  tlie  outside,  and  so  far  com- 
pleted Babylon  that  none  who  might  besiege  it  afterwards  should  have  it  in 
their  power  to  divert  the  river  so  as  to  facilitate  an  entrance  into  it:  and  he 
effected  this  by  building  three  walls  about  the  inner  city,  and  three  about  the 
outer.  Some  of  these  walls  he  built  of  burnt  brick  and  bitumen,  and  some 
of  brick  only.  When  he  liad  thus  admirably  fortified  the  city,  and  had 
magnificently  adorned  the  gates,  lie  added  also  a  new  palace  to  those  in  which 
liis  forefathers  had  dwelt,  adjoining  them,  but  exceeding  them  in  height  and 
s])lcndour.  Any  attempt  to  describe  it  would  be  tedious :  yet  notwithstand- 
ing its  prodigious  size  and  magnificence,  it  was  finished  within  fifteen  days. 
In  this  palace  he  erected  very  high  walks,  supported  by  stone  pillars ;  and  by 
phmting  what  was  called  a  pensile  paradise,  and  replenishing  it  with  all  sorts 
of  trees,  he  rendered  the  prospect  an  exact  resemblance  of  a  mountainous 
country.  This  he  did  to  gratify  his  queen  [Amytis],  because  she  had  been 
brought  up  in  Media,  and  was  fond  of  a  mountainous  situation.  [From 
Josephus.] 

Of  the  Chaldean  Kings  after  Nebuchadrezzar 

Nebuchadrezzar,  whilst  he  was  engaged  in  building  the  above-mentioned 
wall,  fell  sick,  and  died  after  lie  had  reigned  forty-three  years ;  whereupon 
his  son  Evil-merodachus  succeeded  him  in  his  kingdom.  His  government, 
however,  was  conducted  in  an  illegal  and  improper  manner,  and  he  fell  a 
victim  to  a  conspiracy  wliich  was  formed  against  his  life  by  Neriglissorus, 
his  sister's  husband,  after  he  had  reigned  about  two  years. 

Upon  his  death  Neriglissorus,  the  chief  of  the  conspirators,  obtained 
possession  of  the  kingdom,  and  reigned  four  years. 

He  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Labarosoarchodus  [Labashi-Marduk],  who 
was  but  a  child,  and  reigned  nine  months ;  for  his  misconduct  he  was  seized 
by  conspirators,  and  put  to  death  by  torture. 

After  his  death,  the  conspirators  assembled,  and  by  common  consent 
placed  the  crown  upon  the  head  of  Nabonidus,  a  man  of  Babylon,  and  one  of 
the  leaders  of  the  insurrection.  It  was  in  this  reign  that  the  walls  of  the  city 
of  liabylon  which  defend  the  banks  of  the  river  were  curiously  built  with 
burnt  brick  and  bitumen. 

In  the  seventeenth  year  of  the  reign  of  Nabonidus,  Cyrus  came  out  of  Persia 
with  a  great  army,  and,  having  conquered  all  the  rest  of  Asia,  advanced  hastily 
into  the  country  of  Jiabylonia.  As  soon  as  Nabonidus  perceived  he  was 
advancing  to  attack  him,  he  assembled  his  forces  and  opposed  him,  but  was 
defeated,  and  fled  with  a  few  of  his  adherents,  and  was  shut  up  in  the  city  of 
Borsippus.  Upon  this  Cyrus  took  Babylon,  and  gave  orders  that  the  outer 
walls  should  be  demolished,  because  the  city  appeared  of  such  strength  as  to 
render  a  siege  almost  impracticable.     From  thence  he  marched  to  Borsippus 


APPENDIX  A.      CLASSICAL   TIIADITIONS  679 

to  besiege  Naboiiidus ;  but  Nabonidus  delivered  himself  into  his  hands  with- 
out holding  out  the  place :  he  was  therefore  kindly  treated  by  Cyrus,  who 
provided  him  with  an  establishment  in  Carmania,  but  sent  him  out  of  Baby- 
lonia. Nabonidus  accordingly  spent  the  remainder  of  his  life  in  that  country, 
where  he  died.     [From  Josephus.^] 

Of  the  Feast  of  Sacea 

Berosus,  in  the  first  book  of  his  Babylonian  history,  says  :  That  in  the 
eleventh  month,  called  Loos  [July],  is  celebrated  in  Babylon  the  feast  of 
Sacea  for  live  days,  in  which  it  is  the  custom  that  the  masters  should  obey 
their  domestics,  one  of  whom  is  led  round  the  house,  clothed  in  a  royal 
garment,  and  him  they  call  Zoganes.      [From  Athenasus.] 

A  Fragment  of  Megasthenes  Concerning  Nehuchadrezza'^ 

Abydenus,  in  his  history  of  the  Assyrians,  has  preserved  the  following 
fragment  of  Megasthenes,  who  says:  That  Nabucodrosorus  [Nebuchadrezzar], 
having  become  more  powerful  than  Hercules,  invaded  Libya  and  Iberia 
[Spain],  and  when  he  had  rendered  them  tributary,  he  extended  his  conquests 
over  the  inhabitants  of  the  shores  upon  the  right  of  the  sea.  It  is,  moreover, 
related  by  the  Chaldeans  that  as  he  went  up  into  his  palace  he  was  possessed 
by  some  god ;  and  he  cried  out  and  said  : 

"  Oh  !  Babylonians,  I,  Nabucodrosorus,  foretell  unto  you  a  calamity 
which  must  shortly  come  to  pass,  which  neither  Belus,  my  ancestor,  nor  his 
queen  Beltis,  have  power  to  persuade  the  Fates  to  turn  away.  A  Persian 
mule  shall  come,  and  by  the  assistance  of  your  gods  shall  impose  upon  you 
the  yoke  of  slavery  ;  the  author  of  which  shall  be  a  Mede,  the  vainglory 
of  Assyria.  Before  he  should  thus  betray  my  subjects,  O  !  that  some  sea 
or  whirlpool  might  receive  him,  and  his  memory  be  blotted  out  forever  ;  or 
that  he  might  be  cast  out  to  wander  through  some  desert  where  there  are 
neither  cities  nor  the  trace  of  men,  a  solitary  exile  among  rocks  and  caverns, 
where  beasts  and  birds  alone  abide.  But  for  me,  before  he  shall  have  con- 
ceived these  mischiefs  in  his  mind  a  happier  end  will  be  provided." 

When  he  had  thus  prophesied,  he  expired,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  son 
Evilmaruchus  [Evil-merodach],  who  was  slain  by  his  kinsman  Neriglisares ; 
and  Neriglisares  left  Labassoarascus  his  son  ;  and  when  he  also  had  suffered 
death  by  violence,  they  crowned  Nabannidochus  [Nabonidus],  who  had  no 
connection  with  the  royal  family ;  and  in  his  reign  Cyrus  took  Babylon,  and 
granted  him  a  principality  in  Carmania. 

And  concerning  the  rebuilding  of  Babylon  by  Nabuchodonosor,  he 
[Megasthenes]  writes  thus :  It  is  said  that  from  the  beginning  all  things 
were  water,  called  the  sea;  that  Belus  caused  this  state  of  things  to  cease, 
and  appointed  to  each  its  proper  place ;  and  he  surrounded  Babylon  with  a 
wall;  but  in  process  of  time  this  wall  disappeared;  and  Nabuchodonosor 
walled  it  in  again,  and  it  remained  so  with  its  brazen  gates  until  the  time 
of  the  Macedonian  conquest.  And  after  other  things  he  [Megasthenes] 
says :  Nabuchodonosor  having  succeeded  to  the  kingdom,  built  the  walls  of 
Babylon  in  a  triple  circuit  in  fifteen  days  ;  and  he  turned  the  river  Armacale, 

[1  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  name  of  tlie  last  native  king  of  Babylonia  is  given  correctly 
by  Josephus,  who  seems  here  to  follow  the  Greek  writers  in  preference  to  the  canonical  records 
of  his  own  race.  The  latter,  it  will  be  recalled,  substitute  the  name  of  Belshazzar,  a  name  not 
borne  by  any  historical  Babylonian  king.] 


580  THE   HISTORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

a  hiaueh  of  the  Euphrates,  and  the  Acracanus ;  and  above  the  city  of  Sippara 
he  diiL,'  a  rece[)tacle  for  the  waters,  whose  perimeter  was  forty  parasangs 
and  whose  depth  was  twenty  cubits ;  and  he  placed  gates  at  the  entrance 
thereof,  l)y  oi)ening  which  they  irrigated  the  plains,  and  these  they  called 
echetognonioiies  (sluices)  ;  and  he  constructed  dikes  against  the  eruptions 
of  the  Erythrican  Sea,  and  built  the  city  of  Teredon  to  check  the  incursions 
of  the  Arabs ;  and  he  adorned  the  palaces  with  trees,  calling  them  hanging 
gardens.     [From  Abydenus.]  ^ 

NINUS   AND   SEMIRAMIS 

The  reader,  having  already  passed  in  review  the  chief  events  of  Meso- 
potamian  history,  is  aware  that  the  modern  historian  knows  nothing  of  a 
King  Ninus,  or  of  any  warlike  female  ruler  of  Assyria.  Nevertheless  this 
story  of  Diodorus  —  the  only  long  account  of  Assyrian  affairs  that  has  come 
down  to  us  from  antiquity  —  lias  true  historical  value,  as  showing  the 
manner  of  tradition  that  may  be  woven  about  the  half-remembered  facts  of 
history.  The  account  has  interest  for  yet  another  reason  :  it  is  a  record 
that  passed  current  as  the  authentic  history  of  Assyria  for  some  eighteen 
hundred  years  —  from  classical  times  till  after  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth 
century. « 

Asia  was  anciently  govern'd,  says  Diodorus,  by  its  own  Native  Kings, 
of  whom  there's  no  History  extant,  either  as  to  any  memorable  Actions 
they  perform'd,  or  so  much  as  to  their  Names. 

Ninus  is  the  First  King  of  Assyria  that  is  recorded  in  History  ;  he  per- 
form'd many  great  and  noble  Actions  ;  of  whom  we  have  design'd  to  set 
forth  something  particularly. 

He  was  naturally  of  a  Warlike  Disposition,  and  very  ambitious  of  Honour 
and  Glory,  and  therefore  caus'd  the  strongest  of  his  Young  Men  to  be 
train'd  up  in  ^Martial  Discipline,  and  by  long  and  continual  Exercise  inur'd 
them  readily  to  undergo  all  the  Toyls  and  Hazards  of  War. 

Having  therefore  rais'd  a  gallant  Army,  he  made  a  League  with  Arieus 
King  of  Arabia,  that  was  at  that  time  full  of  strong  and  valiant  Men.  For  that 
Nation  are  constant  Lovers  of  Liberty,  never  upon  any  Terms  admitting  of 
any  Foreign  Prince :  And  therefore  neither  the  Persian,  nor  the  Macedonian 
Kings  after  them,  (though  they  were  most  powerful  in  Arms)  were  ever  able 
to  conquer  them.  For  Arabia  being  partly  Desert,  and  partly  parcht  up  for 
want  of  Water  (unless  it  be  in  some  secret  Wells  and  Pits  known  only  to 
the  Inhabitants)  cannot  be  subdu'd  by  any  Foreign  Force. 

Ninus  therefore,  the  Assyrian  King,  with  the  Prince  of  Arabia  his  Assistant, 
with  a  numerous  Army,  invaded  the  Babylonians,  then  next  bordering  upon 
him  :  For  the  Babylon  that  is  now,  was  not  built  at  that  time  ;  but  the  Prov- 
ince of  Babylon  liad  in  it  then  many  otlier  considerable  Cities,  whose  Inhabi- 
tants he  easily  subdu'd,  (being  rude  and  unexpert  in  Matters  of  War,)  and 
impos'd  upon  tliem  a  Yearly  Tribute  ;  but  carried  away  the  King  with  all  his 
Children  Prisoners,  and  after  put  them  to  Death.  Afterwards  he  entered 
Armenia  with  a  great  Army,  and  having  overthrown  some  Cities,  he  struck 
Terror  into  the  rest,  and  thereupon  their  King  Barzanus  seeing  himself  un- 
able to  deal  with  him,  met  him  with  many  rich  Presents,  and  submitted  him- 
self ;  whom  Nimis  out  of  his  generous  disposition,  courteously  receiv'd,  and 
gave  him  the  Kingdom  of  Armenia,  upon  condition  he  should  be  his  Friend 
for  the  future,  and  supply  him  with  Men  and  Provision  for  his  Wars  as  he 
should  have  occasion. 


APPENDIX  A.      CLASSICAL   TRADITIONS  581 

Being  thus  strengthen'd,  he  invaded  Media,  whose  King  Pharnus  coming 
out  against  him  with  a  mighty  Army,  was  utterly  routed,  and  lost  most  of  his 
Men,  and  was  taken  Prisoner  with  his  Wife  and  Seven  Children,  and  after- 
wards Crucified. 

Ninus  being  thus  successful  and  prosperous,  his  Ambition  rose  the  higher, 
and  his  desire  most  ardent  to  conquer  all  in  Asia,  which  lay  between  Tanais 
and  Nile  ;  (so  far  does  Prosperity  and  Excess  in  getting  much,  inflame  the  De- 
sire to  gain  and  compass  more).  In  order  hereunto,  he  made  one  of  his 
Friends  Governor  of  the  Province  of  ^Nledia,  and  he  himself  in  the  meantime 
marcht  against  the  other  Provinces  of  Asia,  and  subdu'd  them  all  in  Seven- 
teen Years  time,  except  the  Indians  and  Bactrians.  But  no  Writer  has  given 
any  Account  of  the  several  Battels  he  fought,  nor  of  the  number  of  those 
Nations  he  conquer'd  ;  and  therefore  following  Ctesias  the  Cnidian,  we 
shall  only  briefly  run  over  the  most  famous  and  considerable  Countries.  He 
over-ran  all  the  Countries  bordering  upon  the  Sea,  together  with  the  ad- 
joining Continent,  as  Egypt  and  Phenicia,  Celo-Syria,  Cilicia,  Pamphylia, 
Lycia,  Caria,  Phrygia,  Mysia,  and  Lydia  ;  the  Province  of  Troas  and  Phrygia 
upon  the  Hellespont,  together  with  Propontis,  Bithynia,  Cappadocia,  and  the 
Barbarous  Nations  adjoyning  upon  Pontus,  as  far  as  to  Tanais ;  he  gain'd 
likewise  the  Country  of  the  Caddusians,  Tarpyrians,  Hyrcanians,  Dacians, 
Derbians,  Carmanians,  Choroneans,  Borchanians,  and  Parthians.  He  pierc'd 
likewise  into  Persia,  the  Provinces  of  Susiana,  and  that  call'd  Caspiana, 
through  those  narrow  Straits,  which  from  thence  are  call'd  the  Caspian 
Gates.  He  subdu'd  likewise  many  other  less  considerable  Nations,  which 
would  be  too  tedious  here  to  recount.  After  much  toyl  and  labour  in  vain, 
because  of  the  difficulty  of  the  Passes,  and  the  multitude  of  those  Warlike 
Inhabitants,  he  was  forc'd  to  put  off  his  War  against  the  Bactrians  to 
another  opportunity. 

Having  marcht  back  with  his  Army  into  Syria,  he  markt  out  a  Place 
for  the  building  of  a  stately  City :  For  in  as  much  as  he  had  surpast  all  his 
Ancestors  in  the  glory  and  success  of  his  Arms,  he  was  resolv'd  to  build  one 
of  that  state  and  grandeur  as  should  not  only  be  the  greatest  then  in  the 
World,  but  such  as  none  that  ever  should  come  after  him  should  be  able 
easily  to  exceed. 

The  King  of  Arabia  he  sent  back  with  his  Army  into  his  own  Country, 
with  many  rich  Spoils,  and  noble  Gifts.  And  he  himself  having  got  a  great 
number  of  his  Forces  together,  and  provided  Mony  and  Treasure,  and  other 
things  necessary  for  the  purpose,  built  a  City  near  the  River  Euphrates,  very 
famous  for  its  Walls  and  Fortifications  ;  of  a  long  Form  ;  for  on  both  sides 
it  ran  out  in  length  above  an  Hundred  and  Fifty  Furlongs ;  but  the  Two 
lesser  Angles  were  only  Ninety  Furlongs  apiece ;  so  that  the  Circumference 
of  the  whole  was  Four  Hundred  and  Fourscore  Furlongs.  And  the 
Founder  was  not  herein  deceived,  for  none  ever  after  built  the  like,  either  as 
to  the  largeness  of  its  Circumference,  or  the  stateliness  of  its  Walls.  For 
the  Wall  was  an  Hundred  Foot  in  Height,  and  so  broad  as  Three  Chariots 
might  be  driven  together  upon  it  in  breast:  There  were  Fifteen  Hundred 
Turrets  upon  the  Walls,  each  of  them  Two  Hundred  Foot  higli.  He  ap- 
pointed the  City  to  be  inliabited  chiefly  by  the  richest  Assyrians,  and  gave 
liberty  to  People  of  any  other  Nation  (to  as  many  as  would)  to  dwell  there, 
and  allow'd  to  the  Citizens  a  large  Territory  next  adjoining  to  them,  and 
call'd  the  City  after  his  own  Name,  Ninus. 

When  he  had  finish'd  his  Work  here,  he  marcht  with  an  Army  against 
the  Bactrians,  where  he  marry'd  Semiramis ;  who  being  so  famous  above  any 


682  THE   HISTORY  OF   MESOPOTAMIA 

of  her  Sex  (as  in  History  it  is  related)  we  cannot  but  say  something  of  her 
here  in  this  Phice,  being  one  advanc'd  from  so  low  a  Fortune,  to  such  a  state 
and  degree  of  Honour  and  Worldly  Glory. 

There's  a  City  in  Syria,  call'd  Ascalon,  near  which  is  a  deep  Lake  abound- 
ino-  witli  Fish,  where  not  fur  off  stands  a  Temple  dedicated  to  a  famous 
(ioddess  caird  by  the  Syrians  Derceto  [Dagon],  she  represents  a  Woman  in 
her  Face,  and  a  Fish  in  all  other  parts  of  her  Body,  upon  the  account  following, 
as  the  most  Judicious  among  the  Inhabitants  report ;  for  they  say,  that  Venus 
being  angry  at  this  Goddess,  caus'd  her  to  fall  into  a  vehement  pang  of  Love 
with^a  beautiful  Young  Man,  who  was  among  others  sacrificing  to  her,  and  was 
got  with  Child  by  him^  and  brought  to  Bed  of  a  Daughter  ;  and  being  asham'd 
afterwards  of  what  she  had  done,  she  kill'd  the  Young  Man,  and  expos'd  the 
Child  among  Rocks  in  the  Desert,  and  through  Sorrow  and  Shame  cast  herself 
into  the  Lake,  and  was  afterwards  transformed  into  a  Fish  ;  whence  it  came  to 
pass,  that  at  this  very  Day  the  Syrians  eat  no  Fish,  but  adore  them  as  Gods. 
They  say  that  the  Infant  that  was  expos'd,  was  both  preserv'd  and  nourish'd 
by  a  most  wonderful  Providence,  by  the  means  of  a  great  Flock  of  Pigeons 
that  nestled  near  to  the  Place  where  the  Child  lay ;  for  with  their  Wings 
they  cherish't  it,  and  kejjt  it  warm  ;  and  observing  where  the  Herdsmen  and 
other  Shepherds  left  their  Milk  in  the  Neighbouring  Cottages,  took  it  up  in 
their  Bills,  and  as  so  many  Nurses  thrust  their  Beaks  between  the  Infants 
Lips,  and  so  instil'd  the  Milk  :  And  when  the  Child  was  a  Year  old,  and 
stood  in  need  of  stronger  Nourishment,  the  Pigeons  fed  it  with  pieces  of 
Cheese  which  they  pickt  out  from  the  rest :  When  the  Shepherds  return'd, 
and  found  their  Cheeses  pickt  round,  they  wondred  (at  first)  at  the  thing  ; 
but  observing  afterward  how  it  came  to  pass,  they  not  only  found  out  the 
cause,  but  likewise  a  very  beautiful  Child,  which  they  forthwith  carry'd 
away  to  their  Cottages,  and  made  a  Present  of  it  to  the  King's  Superintendent 
of  his  Flocks  and  Herds  (whose  Name  was  Simma)  who  (having  no  Children 
of  his  own)  carefully  bred  up  the  Young  Lady  as  if  she  had  been  his 
own  Daughter,  and  call'd  her  Semiramis,  a  denomination  in  the  Syrian 
Language  deriv'd  from  Pigeons,  which  the  Syrians  ever  after  ador'd  for 
Goddesses.     And  these  are  the  Stories  told  of  Semiramis. 

Being  now  grown  up,  and  exceeding  all  others  of  her  Sex  for  the  Charms 
of  her  Beauty,  one  of  the  King's  great  Officers,  calFd  Menon,  was  sent  to 
take  an  account  of  the  King's  Herds  and  Flocks  :  ThisMan  was  Lord  President 
of  the  King's  Council,  and  chief  Governor  of  Syria,  and  lodging  upon  this 
occasion  at  Simma's  House,  at  the  sight  of  Semiramis,  fell  in  love  with  her, 
and  with  much  intreaty  obtain'd  her  from  Simma,  and  carried  her  away  with 
liim  to  Nineve,  where  he  Marry'd  her,  and  had  by  her  two  Sons,  Hypates  and 
Hydasi)es:  And  being  a  Woman  of  admirable  Parts  as  well  as  Beauty,  her 
Husband  was  altogether  at  her  Devotion,  and  never  would  do  any  thing 
without  her  Advice,  which  was  ever  successful. 

About  this  time  Ninus  having  finish'd  his  City  (call'd  after  his  own 
Name),  prepar'd  for  his  Expedition  against  the  Bactrians ;  and  having  had 
experience  of  the  greatness  of  their  Forces,  the  valour  of  their  Souldiers, 
and  the  dilliculties  of  passing  into  their  Country,  he  rais'd  an  Army  of  the 
choicest  Men  he  could  pick  (mt  from  all  Parts  of  his  Dominions;  for  because 
lie  was  bafll'd  in  his  former  Expedition,  he  was  resolv'd  to  invade  Bactria 
with  a  far  stronger  Army  than  he  did  before.  Bringing  therefore  his  whole 
Army  together  at  a  General  Randezvouz,  there  were  numlired  (as  Ctesias 
writes)  Seventeen  Hundred  Thousand  Foot,  above  Two  Hundred  and  Ten 
Thousand  Horse,  and  no  fewer  than  Ten  Thousand  and  Six  Hundred  Hooked 


APPENDIX  A.      CLASSICAL  TRADITIONS  583 

Chariots.  This  number  at  the  first  view  seems  to  be  very  incredible  ;  but 
to  such  as  seriously  consider  the  largeness  and  populousness  of  Asia,  it  cannot 
be  judg'd  impossible.  For  if  any  (not  to  say  any  thing  of  the  Eight 
Hundred  Thousand  Men  that  Darius  had  with  him  in  his  Expedition  against 
the  Scythians,  and  the  innumerable  Army  Xerxes  brought  over  with  him 
into  Greece)  will  but  take  notice  of  things  done  lately,  even  as  of  Yesterday, 
he'l  more  easily  credit  what  we  now  say.  For  in  Sicily  Dionysius  led  only  out 
of  that  one  City  of  Syracuse,  an  Hundred  and  Twenty  Thousand  Foot,  and 
Twelve  Thousand  Horse  ;  and  lancht  out  of  one  Port,  a  Navy  of  Four 
Hundred  Sail,  of  which  some  were  of  Three  Tyre  of  Oars,  and  others  of  Five  : 
And  the  Romans  a  little  before  the  Times  of  Hannibal,  rais'd  in  Italy  of 
their  own  Citizens  and  Confederates,  an  Army  little  less  than  a  Million  of 
Fighting  Men ;  and  yet  all  Italy  is  not  to  be  compar'd  with  one  Province 
of  Asia  for  number  of  Men.  But  this  may  sufficiently  convince  them  that 
compute  the  ancient  Populousness  of  the  Countries  by  the  present  depopu- 
lations of  the  Cities  at  this  day. 

Ninus  therefore  marching  with  these  Forces  against  the  Bactrians, divided 
his  Army  into  Two  Bodies,  because  of  the  straitness  and  difficulty  of  the 
Passages.  There  are  in  Bactria  many  large  and  populous  Cities,  but  one  is 
more  especially  Famous,  call'd  Bactria,  in  which  the  King's  Palace,  for  great- 
ness and  magnificence,  and  the  Citadel  for  strength,  far  excel  all  the  rest. 

Oxyartes  reign'd  there  at  this  time,  who  caus'd  all  that  were  able,  to  bear 
Arms,  and  muster'd  an  Army  of  Four  Hundred  Thousand  Men.  With  these  he 
met  the  Enemy  at  the  Straights,  entering  into  his  Country,  where  he  suffered 
Ninus  to  enter  with  part  of  his  Army :  When  he  saw  a  competent  number 
enter'd,  he  fell  upon  them  in  the  open  Plain,  and  fought  them  with  that  reso- 
lution, that  the  Bactrians  put  the  Assyrians  to  flight,  and  pursuing  them  to 
the  next  Mountains,  kill'd  a  Hundred  Thousand  of  their  Enemies ;  but  after 
the  whole  Army  enter'd,  the  Bactrians  were  overpower'd  by  number,  and 
were  broken,  and  all  fled  to  their  several  Cities,  in  order  to  defend  every  one  his 
own  Country.  Ninus  easily  subdu'd  all  the  rest  of  the  Forts  and  Castles  ; 
but  Bactria  itself  was  so  strong  and  well  provided,  that  he  could  not  force 
it  ;  which  occasion'd  a  long  and  tedious  Siege,  so  that  the  Husband  of 
Semiramis  (who  was  there  in  the  King's  Camp)  being  Love-sick,  impatient 
of  being  any  longer  without  his  wife,  sent  for  her,  who  being  both  discreet 
and  couragious,  and  endowed  with  other  noble  Qualifications,  readily  im- 
brac'd  the  opportunity  of  shewing  to  the  World  her  own  natural  Valour  and 
Resolution  ;  and  that  she  might  with  more  safety  perform  so  long  a  Journey, 
she  put  on  such  a  Garment  as  whereby  she  could  not  be  discerned  whether 
she  were  a  Man  or  a  Woman ;  and  so  made,  that  by  it  she  both  preserv'd  her 
Beauty  from  being  scorcht  by  the  heat  in  her  Journey,  and  likewise  was  thereby 
more  nimble  and  ready  for  any  business  she  pleas'd  to  vnidertake,  being  of 
her  self  a  youthful  and  sprightly  Lady ;  and  this  sort  of  Garment  was  in  so 
high  esteem,  that  the  Modes  afterwards  when  they  came  to  be  Lords  of 
Asia,  wore  Semiramis's  Gown,  and  the  Persians  likewise  after  them. 

As  soon  as  she  came  to  Bactria,  and  observ'd  the  manner  of  the  Siege, 
how  Assaults  were  made  only  in  open  and  plain  Places  most  likely  to  be  en- 
ter'd, and  that  none  dar'd  to  approach  the  Cittadel,  because  of  its  natural 
Strength  and  Fortification,  and  that  they  within  took  more  care  to  defend 
the  lower  and  weaker  parts  of  the  Walls,  than  the  Castle  where  they  neglected 
their  Guards,  she  took  some  with  her  that  were  skilful  in  climbing  up  the 
Rocks,  and  with  them  with  much  Toyl,  pass'd  over  a  deep  Trench,  and  pos- 
sess'd  her  self  of  part  of  the  Castle ;  whereupon  she  gave  a  Signal  to  them 


584  THE   HISTORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

that  were  assaulting  the  Wall  upon  the  Plain.  Then  they  that  were  within 
the  City  being  suddenly  struck  with  a  Panick  Fear  at  the  taking  of  the 
Castle,  in  desperation  of  making  any  further  defence  forsook  the  Walls. 

The  City  being  taken  in  this  manner,  the  King  greatly  admir'd  the  Valour 
of  the  Woman,  and  bountifully  rewarded  her,  and  was  presently  so  passion- 
ately affected  at  the  sight  of  her  Beauty,  that  he  us'd  all  the  Arguments 
imaginable  to  persuade  her  Husband  to  bestow  his  Wife  upon  liim,  promising 
liinwis  a  Reward  of  his  Kindness,  to  give  him  his  daughter  Sosana  in  Mar- 
riage :  But  he  absolutely  refusVl ;  upon  which  the  King  threaten'd  him, 
that  if  he  would  not  consent,  he  would  pluck  out  his  Eyes. 

Menon  liereui)on  out  of  fear  of  the  King's  Threats,  and  overpower'd  with 
the  Love  of  his  Wife,  fell  into  a  distracted  Rage  and  Madness,  and  forthwith 
liang'd  himself.  And  this  was  the  occasion  of  the  advancement  of  Semiramis 
to  tlie  Regal  state  and  dignity. 

Ninus  having  now  possessed  himself  of  all  the  Treasures  of  Bactria  (where 
was  abundance  of  Gold  and  Silver)  and  settled  his  Affairs  throughout  the 
whole  Province  of  Bactria,  returned  with  his  Army  to  his  own  Country. 

Afterwards  he  had  a  Son  by  Semiramis,  call'd  Ninyas,  and  dy'd  leaving 
his  Wife  Queen  Regent.  She  bury'd  her  Husband  Ninus  in  the  Royal  Pal- 
ace, and  rais'd  over  him  a  Mount  of  Earth  of  a  wonderful  bigness,  being  Nine 
Furlongs  in  height,  and  ten  in  breadth,  as  Ctesias  says  :  So  that  the  City 
standing  in  a  Plain  near  to  the  River  Euphrates,  the  Mount  (many  Furlongs 
off)  looks  like  a  stately  Cittadel.  And  it's  said,  that  it  continues  to  this  day, 
thougli  Nineve  was  destroy 'd  by  the  Medes  when  they  ruin'd  the  Assyrian 
Empire. 

SEMIRAMIS   BUILDS   A   GREAT   CITY 

Semiramis  was  naturally  of  an  high  aspiring  Spirit,  ambitious  to  excel  all 
her  Predecessors  in  glorious  Actions,  and  therefore  imploy'd  all  her  Thoughts 
about  the  building  of  a  City  in  the  Province  of  Babylon  ;  and  to  this  end 
having  provided  Architects,  Artists,  and  all  other  Necessaries  for  the  Work, 
She  got  together  Two  Millions  of  Men  out  of  all  Parts  of  the  Empire  to  be 
imploy'd  in  the  building  of  the  City.  It  was  so  built  as  that  the  River  Eu- 
]>lirates  ran  through  the  middle  of  it,  and  she  compass'd  it  round  with  a  Wall 
of  Three  Hundred  and  Sixty  Furlongs  in  Circuit,  and  adorn'd  with  many 
stately  Turrets ;  and  such  was  the  state  and  grandeur  of  the  Work,  that  the 
Walls  were  of  that  breadth,  as  that  Six  Chariots  abreast  might  be  driven 
together  upon  them.  Their  height  was  such  as  exceeded  all  Mens  belief  that 
heard  of  it  (as  Ctesias  Cnidius  relates).  But  Clitarchus,  and  those  who  after- 
wards went  over  with  Alexander  into  Asia,  have  written  that  the  Walls  were 
in  Circuit  Three  Hundred  Sixty  Five  Furlongs  ;  the  Queen  making  them  of 
that  Compass,  to  the  end  that  the  Furlongs  should  be  as  many  in  number 
as  the  Days  of  the  Year  :  They  were  of  Brick  cemented  with  Brimstone  ; 
in  height  as  Ctesias  says  Fifty  Orgyas  ;  but  as  some  of  the  later  Writers 
report,  but  Fifty  Cubits  only,  and  that  the  Breadth  was  but  a  little  more 
than  what  would  allow  two  Chariots  to  be  driven  afront.  There  were  Two 
Hundred  and  Fifty  Turrets,  in  height  and  thickness  proportionable  to  the 
largeness  of  the  Wall.  It  is  not  to  be  wondered  at,  that  there  were  so  few 
Towers  upon  a  Wall  of  so  great  a  Circuit,  being  that  in  many  Places  round 
the  City,  there  were  deep  Morasses  ;  so  that  it  was  judg'd  to  no  purpose  to 
raise  Turrets  there  where  they  were  so  naturally  fortify'd  :  Between  the 
Wall  and  the  Houses,  there  was  a  Space  left  round  the  City  of  Two  Hun- 
dred Foot. 


APPENDIX  A.      CLASSICAL   TRADITIONS  685 

That  the  Work  might  be  the  more  speedily  dispatcht,  to  each  of  her 
Friends  was  allotted  a  Furlong,  with  an  allowance  of  all  Expences  necessary 
for  their  several  Parts,  and  commanded  all  should  be  finish'd  in  a  Years  time  ; 
which  being  diligently  perfected  with  the  Queen's  Approbation,  she  then 
made  a  Bridge  over  the  narrowest  part  of  the  River,  Five  Furlongs  in  length, 
laying  the  Supports  and  Pillars  of  the  arches  with  great  Art  and  Skill  in  the 
Bottom  of  the  Water  Twelve  Foot  distance  from  each  other.  That  the  Stones 
might  be  the  more  firmly  joyn'd,  they  were  bound  together  with  Hooks  of 
Iron,  and  the  Joints  fill'd  up  with  melted  Lead.  And  before  the  Pillars,  she 
made  and  placed  Defences,  with  sharp  pointed  Angles,  to  receive  the  Water 
before  it  beat  upon  the  flat  sides  of  the  Pillars,  which  caus'd  the  Course  of  the 
Water  to  run  round  by  degrees  gently  and  moderately  as  far  as  to  the  broad 
sides  of  the  Pillars,  so  that  the  sharp  Points  of  the  Angles  cut  the  Stream, 
and  gave  a  check  to  its  violence,  and  the  roundness  of  them  by  little  and  little 
giving  way,  abated  the  force  of  the  Current.  This  bridge  was  floor'd  with 
great  Joices  and  Planks  of  Cedar,  Cypress  and  Palm  Trees,  and  was  Thirty 
Foot  in  breadth,  and  for  Art  and  Curiosity,  yielded  to  none  of  the  works  of 
Semiramis.  On  either  side  of  the  River  she  rais'd  a  Bank,  as  broad  as  the 
Wall,  and  with  great  cost  drew  it  out  in  length  an  Hundred  Furlongs.  She 
built  likewise  Two  Palaces  at  each  end  of  the  Bridge  upon  the  Bank  of  the 
River,  whence  she  might  have  a  Prospect  over  the  whole  City,  and  make  her 
Passage  as  by  Keys  to  the  most  convenient  Places  in  it,  as  she  had  occasion. 
And  whereas  Euphrates  runs  through  the  middle  of  Babylon,  making  its 
course  to  the  South,  the  Palaces  lye  the  one  on  the  East  and  the  other  on  the 
West  Side  of  the  River  ;  both  built  at  exceeding  Costs  and  Expence.  For 
that  on  the  West  had  an  high  and  stately  Wall,  made  of  well  burnt  Brick, 
Sixty  Furlongs  in  compass  ;  within  this  was  drawn  another  of  a  round  Cir- 
cumference, upon  which  were  portray'd  in  the  Bricks,  before  they  were  burnt, 
all  sorts  of  living  Creatures,  as  if  it  were  to  the  Life,  laid  with  great  Art  in 
curious  Colours.  This  Wall  was  in  Circuit  Forty  Furlongs,  Three  Hundred 
Bricks  thick,  and  in  height  (as  Ctesias  says)  a  Hundred  Yards,  upon  which 
were  Turrets  an  Hundred  and  Forty  Yards  high. 

The  Third  and  most  inward  Wall  immediately  surrounded  the  Palace, 
Thirty  Furlongs  in  Compass,  and  far  surmounted  the  middle  Wall,  both  in 
height  and  thickness  ;  and  on  this  Wall  and  the  Towers  were  represented 
the  Shapes  of  all  sorts  of  Living  Creatures,  artificially  exprest  in  most  lively 
Colours.  Especially  was  represented  a  General  Hunting  of  all  sorts  of  wild 
Beasts,  each  Four  Cubits  high  and  upwards;  amongst  these  was  to  be  seen 
Semiramis  on  Horseback,  striking  a  Leopard  through  with  a  Dart,  and  next 
to  her,  her  Husband  Ninus  in  close  Fight  with  a  Lion,  piercing  him  with  his 
Lance.  To  this  Palace  she  built  likewise  Three  Gates,  under  which  were 
Apartments  of  Brass  for  Entertainments,  into  which  Passages  were  open'd 
by  a  certain  Engin. 

This  Palace  far  excell'd  that  on  the  other  side  of  the  River,  both  in  great- 
ness and  adornments.  For  the  outmost  Wall  of  that  (made  of  well  burnt 
Brick)  was  but  Thirty  Furlongs  in  compass.  Instead  of  the  curious  Por- 
traiture of  Beasts,  there  were  the  Brazen  Statues  of  Ninus  and  Semiramis, 
the  Great  Officers,  and  of  Jupiter,  whom  the  Babylonians  call  Belus  ;  and 
likewise  Armies  drawn  up  in  Battalia,  and  divers  sorts  of  Hunting  were 
there  represented,  to  the  great  diversion  and  pleasure  of  tlie  Beholders. 
After  all  these  in  a  low  Ground  in  Babylon,  she  sunk  a  Place  for  a  Pond 
Four-square,  every  Square  being  Three  Hundred  Furlongs  in  length,  lin'd 
with  Brick,  and  cemented  with  Brimstone,  and  the  whole  Five  and  Thirty 


586  THE   HISTORY   OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

Foot  in  depth  :  Into  this  having  first  turn'd  the  River,  she  then  made  a  Pas- 
sage in  nature  of  a  Vault,  from  one  Palace  to  another,  whose  Arches  were 
built  of  firm  and  strong  Brick,  and  plaister'd  all  over  on  both  sides  with 
Bitumen  Four  Cubits  thick.  The  Walls  of  this  Vault  were  Twenty  Bricks 
in  thickness,  and  Twelve  Foot  High,  beside  and  above  the  Arches  ;  and  the 
breadth  was  Fifteen  Foot.  This  Piece  of  Work  being  finish'd  in  Two  Hun- 
dred and  Sixty  Days,  the  River  was  turn'd  into  its  ancient  Channel  again, 
so  tiiat  the  River  'flowing  over  the  whole  Work,  Semiramis  could  go  from 
one  Palace  to  the  other,  without  passing  over  the  River.  She  made  likewise 
Two  Brazen  Gates  at  either  end  of  the  Vault,  which  continu'd  to  the  time 
of  the  Persian  Empire. 

In  the  middle  of  the  City,  she  built  a  Temple  to  Jupiter,  whom  the  Baby- 
lonians call  Belus  (as  we  have  before  said)  of  which  since  Writers  differ 
amongst  themselves,  and  the  Work  is  now  wholly  decay'd  through  length  of 
Time,  there's  notliing  that  can  certainly  be  related  concerning  it  :  Yet  it's 
apparent  it  was  of  an  exceeding  great  height,  and  that  by  the  advantage  of  it, 
the  Chaldean  Astrologers  exactly  observ'd  the  setting  and  rising  of  the  Stars. 
The  whole  was  built  of  Brick,  cemented  with  Brimstone,  with  great  Art  and 
Cost.  Upon  the  top  she  plac'd  Three  Statues  of  beaten  Gold  of  Jupiter,  Juno 
and  Rhea.  That  of  Jupiter  stood  upright  in  the  posture  as  if  he  were  walk- 
ing ;  he  was  Forty  Foot  in  height,  and  weigh'd  a  Thousand  Babylonish  Tal- 
ents. The  Statue  of  Rhea  was  of  the  same  weight  sitting  on  a  Golden  Throne, 
having  Two  Lions  standing  on  either  side,  one  at  her  Knees,  and  near  to  them 
Two  exceeding  great  Serpents  of  Silver,  weighing  Thirty  Talents  apiece. 
Here  likewise  the  Image  of  Juno  stood  upright,  and  weighed  Eight  Hundred 
Talents,  grasjiing  a  Serpent  by  the  Head  in  her  right  Hand,  and  holding  a 
Scepter  adorn'd  with  precious  Stones  in  her  left. 

For  all  these  Deities  there  was  plac'd  a  Common  Table  made  of  beaten 
Gold,  Forty  Foot  long,  and  Fifteen  broad,  weighing  Five  Hundred  Talents  : 
Upon  which  stood  Two  Cups  weighing  Thirty  Talents,  and  near  to  them  as 
many  Censers  weighing  Three  Hundred  Talents  :  There  were  there  likewise 
plac'd  Three  Drinking  Bowls  of  Gold,  one  of  which  dedicated  to  Jupiter, 
weigh'd  Twelve  Hundred  Babylonish  Talents,  but  the  other  Two  Six  Hun- 
dred apiece  ;  but  all  those  the  Persian  Kings  sacrilegiously  carry'd  away. 
And  lengtli  of  Time  has  either  altogether  consum'd,  or  much  defac'd  the 
Palaces  and  tlie  other  Structures  ;  so  that  at  this  day  but  a  small  part  of 
this  Babylon  is  inhabited,  and  the  greatest  part  which  lay  within  the  Walls 
is  turn'd  into  Tillage  and  Pasture. 

Tliere  was  likewise  a  Hanging  Garden  (as  it's  call'd)  near  the  Citadel, 
not  built  by  Semiramis,  but  by  a  later  Prince,  call'd  Cyrus,  for  the  sake  of  a 
Curtesan,  wlio  being  a  Persian  (as  they  say)  by  Birth,  and  coveting  Meadows 
on  Mountain  Tops,  desir'd  the  King  by  an  Artificial  Plantation  to  imitate 
the  Land  in  Persia.  This  Garden  was  Four  Hundred  Foot  Scjuare,  and  the 
Ascent  up  to  it  was  as  to  the  Top  of  a  Mountain,  and  had  Buildings  and 
Apartments  out  of  one  into  another,  like  unto  a  Theater.  Under  the  Steps 
to  the  Ascent,  were  built  Arches  one  above  another,  rising  gently  by  degrees, 
which  supported  the  whole  Plantation.  Tlie  highest  Arcli  upon  which  the 
Platform  of  the  Garden  was  laid,  was  Fifty  Cubits  high,  and  the  Garden 
itself  was  surrounded  with  Battlements  and  Bulwarks.  The  Walls  were 
made  very  strong,  built  at  no  small  Charge  and  Expence,  being  Two  and 
Twenty  Foot  thick,  and  every  Sally-port  Ten  Foot  wide :  Over  the  several 
Stories  of  this  Fabrick,  were  laid  Beams  and  Summers  of  huge  Massy  Stones 
each  Sixteen  Foot  long,  and  Four  broad. 


APPENDIX  A.      CLASSICAL   TRADITIONS  587 

The  Roof  over  all  these  was  first  cover'd  with  Reeds,  daub'd  with  abun- 
dance of  Brimstone  ;  then  upon  them  was  laid  double  Tiles  pargeted  together 
with  a  hard  and  durable  Mortar  (such  as  we  call  Plaister  of  Paris),  and  over 
them  after  all,  was  a  Covering  with  Sheets  of  Lead,  that  the  Wet  which 
drencht  through  the  Earth,  might  not  rot  the  Foundation.  Upon  all  these 
was  laid  Earth  of  a  convenient  depth,  sufficient  for  the  growth  of  the 
greatest  Trees.  AVhen  the  Soyl  was  laid  even  and  smooth,  it  was  planted 
with  all  sorts  of  Trees,  which  both  for  Greatness  and  Beauty,  might  delight 
the  Spectators.  The  Arches  (which  stood  one  above  another,  and  by  that 
means  darted  light  sufficient  one  into  another)  had  in  them  many  stately 
Rooms  of  all  Kinds,  and  for  all  purposes.  But  there  was  one  that  had  in  it 
certain  Engins,  whereby  it  drew  plenty  of  Water  out  of  the  River  through 
certain  Conduits  and  Conveyances  from  the  Platform  of  the  Garden,  and  no 
body  without  was  the  wiser,  or  knew  what  was  dene.  This  Garden  (as  we 
said  before)  was  built  in  later  Ages. 

But  Semiramis  built  likewise  other  Cities  upon  the  Banks  of  Euphrates 
and  Tigris,  where  she  establish'd  Marts  for  the  vending  of  INIerchandize 
brought  from  Media  and  Paretacena,  and  other  Neighbouring  Countries. 
For  next  to  Nile  and  Ganges,  Euphrates  and  Tigris  are  the  noblest  Rivers 
of  all  Asia,  and  have  their  Spring-heads  in  the  Mountains  of  Arabia,  and  are 
distant  one  from  another  Fifteen  Hundred  Furlongs.  They  run  through 
Media  and  Paretacena  into  Mesopotamia,  which  from  its  lying  in  the  middle 
between  these  Two  Rivers,  has  gain'd  from  them  that  Name ;  thence  passing 
through  the  Province  of  Babylon,  they  empty  themselves  into  the  Red  Sea. 
These  being  very  large  Rivers,  and  passing  through  divers  Countries,  greatly 
inrich  the  Merchants  that  traffick  in  those  Parts ;  so  that  the  Neighbouring 
Places  are  full  of  Wealthy  Mart  Towns,  and  greatly  advanc'd  the  glory  and 
majesty  of  Babylon. 

Semiramis  likewise  caus'd  a  great  Stone  to  be  cut  out  of  the  Mountains 
of  Armenia,  an  Hundred  and  Twenty  Five  Foot  in  length,  and  Five  in 
breadth  and  thickness ;  this  she  convey'd  to  the  River  by  the  help  of  many 
Yokes  of  Oxen  and  Asses,  and  there  put  it  Aboard  a  Ship,  and  brought  it 
safe  by  Water  to  Babylon,  and  set  it  up  in  the  most  remarkable  High-way 
as  a  wonderful  Spectacle  to  all  Beholders.  From  its  shape  it's  call'd  an 
Obelisk  (Obelos  in  Greek  signifies  a  Spit)  and  is  accounted  one  of  the  Seven 
Wonders  of  the  World.  There  are  indeed  many  remarkable  and  wonderful 
things  to  be  seen  in  Babylon ;  but  amongst  these,  the  great  quantity  of 
Brimstone  that  there  flows  out  of  the  Ground,  is  not  to  be  the  least  admir'd, 
which  is  so  much,  that  it  not  only  supply'd  all  their  occasions  in  building 
such  great  and  mighty  Works,  but  the  common  People  profusely  gather  it, 
and  when  it's  dry,  burn  it  instead  of  Fewel ;  and  though  it  be  drawn  out  by 
an  innumerable  Company  of  People,  as  from  a  great  Fountain,  yet  it's  as 
plentiful  as  ever  it  was  before.  Near  this  Fountain  there's  a  Spring  not  big, 
but  very  fierce  and  violent,  for  it  casts  forth  a  Sulphureous  and  gross  Vapour, 
which  suddenly  kills  every  living  Creature  that  comes  near  to  it ;  for  the 
Breath  being  stopt  a  long  time,  and  all  power  of  Respiration  taken  away  by 
the  force  of  the  Exhalation,  the  Body  presently  swells  so,  that  tlie  Parts 
about  the  Lungs  are  all  in  a  Flame. 

Beyond  the  River  there  is  a  Morass,  about  whicli  is  a  crusty  Earth  ;  if  any 
unacquainted  with  the  Place  get  into  it,  at  first  he  floats  upon  the  To]),  when 
he  comes  into  the  Middle  he's  violently  hal'd  away,  and  striving  to  help 
himself,  seems  to  be  held  so  fast  by  something  or  other,  that  all  his  Labour 
to  get  loose  is  in  vain.     And  first  his  Feet,  then  his  Legs  and  Thighs  to  his 


588  THE  HISTORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

Loyns  are  benumm'd,  at  length  bis  whole  Body  is  stupify'd,  and  then  down 
he  sinks  to  the  Bottom,  and  presently  after  is  cast  up  dead  to  the  Surface. 
And  thus  much  for  the  Wonders  of  Babylon. 

SEMIRAMIS    BEGINS    A   CAREER   OF   CONQUEST 

When  Semiramis  had  finish'd  all  her  Works,  she  raarcht  with  a  great 
Army  into  Media,  and  encamp'd  near  to  a  Mountain  call'd  Bagistan  ;  there 
slie  made  a  Garden  twelve  Furlongs  in  Compass:  It  was  in  a  plain  Cham- 
pain  Country,  and  had  a  great  Fountain  in  it,  which  water'd  the  whole 
Garden.  Mount  liagistan  is  dedicated  to  Jupiter,  and  towards  one  side  of 
the  Garden  has  steep  Rocks  seventeen  Furlongs  from  the  Top  to  the  Bottom. 
She  cut  out  a  Piece  of  the  lower  Part  of  tlie  Rock,  and  caus'd  her  own  Image 
to  be  carv'd  upon  it,  and  a  Hundred  of  her  Guard  that  were  Launceteers 
standing  round  about  her.  She  wrote  likewise  in  Syriac  Letters  upon  the 
Rock,  That  Semiramis  ascended  from  the  Plain  to  the  Top  of  the  Mountain 
by  laying  the  Packs  and  Fardles  of  the  Beasts  that  follow'd  her  one  upon 
another. 

Marching  away  from  hence,  she  came  to  Chaone,  a  City  of  Media,  where 
she  incamp'd  upon  a  rising  Ground,  from  whence  she  took  notice  of  an 
exceeding  great  and  high  Rock,  where  she  made  another  very  great  Garden 
in  the  very  Middle  of  the  Rock,  and  built  upon  it  stately  Houses  of  Pleasure, 
whence  she  might  both  have  a  delightful  Prospect  into  the  Garden,  and  view 
the  Army  as  they  lay  incamp'd  below  in  the  Plain ;  being  much  delighted 
with  this  Place  she  stay'd  here  a  considerable  Time,  giving  up  her  self  to  all 
kinds  of  Pleasures  and  Delights,  for  she  forbore  marrying  lest  she  should 
then  be  depos'd  from  the  Government,  and  in  the  mean  time  she  made 
Choice  of  the  handsomest  Commanders  to  be  her  Gallants;  but  after  they 
had  layn  with  her  she  cut  off  their  Heads. 

From  hence  she  march'd  towards  Ecbatana,  and  arrived  at  the  Mountain 
Zarcheum,  which  being  many  Furlongs  in  Extent,  and  full  of  steep  Preci- 
pices and  craggy  Rocks,  there  was  no  passing  but  by  long  and  tedious 
Windings  and  Turnings.  To  leave  therefore  behind  her  an  Eternal  Monu- 
ment of  her  Name,  and  to  make  a  short  Cut  for  her  Passage,  she  caus'd  the 
Rocks  to  be  hew'd  down,  and  the  Valleys  to  be  fill'd  up  with  Earth,  and  so 
in  a  sliort  time  at  a  vast  Expence  laid  the  Way  open  and  plain,  Avhich  to  this 
day  is  call'd  Semiramis's  Way. 

When  she  came  to  Ecbatana,  which  is  situated  in  a  low  and  even  Plain, 
she  built  there  a  stately  Palace,  and  bestow'd  more  of  her  Care  and  Pains 
here  than  slie  had  done  at  any  other  Place.  For  the  City  wanting  Water 
(there  being  no  Spring  near)  she  plentifully  supply'd  it  with  good  and  whole- 
som  Water,  brought  thither  with  a  great  deal  of  Toyl  and  Expence,  after 
this  manner :  There's  a  Mountain  call'd  Orontes,  twelve  Furlongs  distant 
from  the  City,  exceeding  high  and  steep  for  the  Space  of  five  and  twenty 
Furlongs  up  to  the  Top ;  on  the  other  side  of  this  Mount  there's  a  great 
Mear  which  empties  it  self  into  the  River.  At  the  Foot  of  this  Mountain 
she  dug  a  Canal  fifteen  Foot  in  Breadth  and  Forty  in  Depth,  through  which 
she  convey 'd  Water  in  great  Abundance  into  the  City.  And  these  are  the 
Things  which  she  did  in  Media. 

Afterwards  she  made  a  Progress  through  Persia  and  all  the  rest  of  her 
Dominions  in  Asia,  and  all  along  as  she  went  she  plain'd  all  the  Way  before 
her,  levelling  both  Rocks  and  Mountains.  On  the  other  hand  in  Champain 
Countries  she  would  raise  Eminences  on  which  she  would  sometimes  build 


APPENDIX  A.      CLASSICAL   TRADITIONS  589 

Sepulchres  for  her  Officers  and  Commanders,  and  at  other  times  Towns  and 
Cities.  Throughout  her  whole  Expeditions  she  always  us'd  to  raise  an 
Ascent,  upon  which  she  pitcht  her  own  Pavilion,  that  from  thence  she  might 
have  a  View  of  her  whole  Army.  Many  Things  which  she  perform'd  in 
Asia  remain  to  this  day,  and  are  call'd  Semiramis's  Works. 

Afterwards  she  pass'd  through  all  Egypt,  and  having  conquer'd  the 
greatest  Part  of  Lybia,  she  went  to  the  Temple  of  Jupiter  Hammon,  and 
there  inquir'd  of  the  Oracle  how  long  she  should  live ;  which  return'd  her 
this  Answer,  That  she  should  leave  this  World  and  afterwards  be  for  ever 
honour'd  by  some  Nations  in  Asia,  when  Ninyas  lier  Son  should  be  plotting 
against  her. 

When  she  had  perform'd  these  things,  she  marcht  into  Ethiopia,  and 
having  subdu'd  many  Places  in  it,  she  had  an  Opportunity  to  see  what  was 
there  very  remarkable  and  wonderful.  For  they  say  there's  a  four-square 
Lake,  a  hundred  and  sixty  Foot  in  Circuit,  the  Water  of  which  is  in  Colour 
like  unto  Vermilion,  and  of  an  extraordinary  sweet  Flavour,  much  like 
unto  old  Wine  ;  yet  of  such  wonderful  Operation,  that  whosoever  drinks 
of  it  goes  presently  mad,  and  confesses  all  the  faults  that  ever  he  had  been 
before  guilty  of ;  but  some  Avill  scarce  believe  this  Relation. 

The  Ethiopians  have  a  peculiar  way  of  burying  their  Dead  ;  for  after  they 
have  embalm'd  the  Body  they  pour  round  about  it  melted  Glass,  and  then 
place  it  upon  a  Pillar,  so  that  the  Corps  may  be  plainly  seen  througli  the 
Glass,  as  Herodotus  has  reported  the  thing.  But  Ctesias  of  Cnidus  affirms 
that  he  tells  a  Winter-tale,  and  says  that  it's  true  indeed  that  the  Body  is 
embalm'd,  but  that  Glass  is  not  pour'd  upon  the  naked  Body,  for  the  Bodies 
thereby  would  be  so  scorch'd  and  defac'd  that  they  could  not  possibly  retain 
any  likeness  to  the  dead :  And  that  therefore  they  make  an  hollow  Statue  of 
Gold,  and  put  the  Body  within  it  and  then  pour  the  melted  Glass  round  upon 
this  Statue,  which  they  set  upon  some  high  Place,  and  so  the  Statue  which 
resembles  the  dead  is  seen  through  the  Glass,  and  thus  he  says  they  used  to 
bury  those  of  the  richer  Sort ;  But  those  of  meaner  Fortunes  they  put  into 
Statues  of  Silver ;  and  for  the  poor  they  make  Statues  of  Potter's  Clay,  every 
one  having  Glass  enough,  for  there's  Abundance  to  be  got  in  Ethiopia,  and 
ready  at  hand  for  all  the  Inhabitants.  But  we  shall  speak  more  fully  of  the 
Customs  and  Laws  of  the  Ethiopians  and  the  Product  of  the  Land  and 
other  things  worthy  of  Remark  presently  when  we  come  to  relate  their  Antiq- 
uities and  old  Fables  and  Stories. 

SEMIKAMIS   INVADES   INDIA 

Semiramis  having  settl'd  her  affairs  in  Egypt  and  Ethiopia,  return'd  wdth 
her  Army  into  Asia  to  Bactria  :  And  now  having  a  great  Army,  and  enjoying 
a  long  Peace,  she  had  a  longing  Desire  to  perform  some  notable  Exploit  by 
her  Arms.  Hearing  therefore  that  the  Indians  were  the  greatest  Nation 
in  the  whole  World,  and  had  the  largest  and  richest  Tract  of  l^and  of  all 
others,  she  resolv'd  to  make  War  upon  them.  Stabrobates  was  at  that  time 
King,  who  had  innumerable  Forces,  and  many  Elepliants  bravely  accoutred 
and  fitted  to  strike  Terror  into  the  Hearts  of  his  Enemies.  For  India  for 
the  Pleasantness  of  the  Country  excell'd  all  others,  being  water'd  in  every 
Place  with  many  Rivers,  so  that  the  Land  yielded  every  year  a  double  Crop  ; 
and  by  that  Means  was  so  rich  and  so  abounded  with  Plenty  of  all  things 
necessary  for  the  Sustenance  of  Man's  Life,  that  it  supply'd  the  Inhabitants 
continually  with  such  things  as  made  them  excessively  rich,  insomuch  as  it 


590  THE  HISTORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

was  never  known  tliat  there  was  ever  any  Faniino  amongst  them,  the 
Climate  being  so  happv  and  favourable ;  and  upon  that  account  likewise 
there's  an  incredible  Number  of  Elephants,  which  for  Courage  and  Strength 
of  Body  far  excel  those  in  Africa.  Moreover  this  country  abounds  in 
Gold,  Silver,  Brass,  Iron  and  pretious  Stones  of  all  sorts,  both  for  Profit 
and  Pleasure. 

All  which  being  nois'd  abroad,  so  stirr'd  up  the  Spirit  of  Semiramis,  that 
^(tho'  she  had  no  Provocation  given  her),  yet  she  was  resolv'd  upon  the  War 
against  the  Indians.  But  knowing  that  she  had  need  of  great  Forces,  she 
sent  Dispatches  to  all  the  Provinces,  with  Command  to  the  Governors  to  list 
the  choicest  young  Men  they  could  find,  ordering  the  Proportion  of  Souldiers 
every  Province  aiid  Country  should  send  forth  according  to  the  largeness  of 
it;  and  commanded  that  all  should  furnish  themselves  with  new  Arms  and 
Armour,  and  all  appear  in  three  years  time  at  a  general  Randezvouz  in  Bactria 
bravely  arm'd  and  accoutred  in  all  Points.  And  having  sent  the  Shipwrig-hts 
out  to  Phcenicia,  Syria,  Cyprus,  and  other  Places  bordering  upon  the  Sea- 
costs,  slie  prepar'dTimber  for  them  fit  for  the  Purpose,  and  order'd  them  to 
build  Vessels  that  might  be  taken  asunder  and  convey'd  from  place  to  place 
wherever  she  pleas'd.  For  the  River  Indus  bordering  upon  tluit  Kingdom 
being  the  greatest  in  those  parts,  slie  stood  in  need  of  many  River-boats  to 
pass  it  in  Order  to  repress  the  Indians.  But  being  there  was  no  Timber 
near  that  River  she  was  necessitated  to  convey  the  Boats  thither  by  Land 
from  Bactria. 

She  further  consider'd  that  she  was  much  inferior  to  the  Indians  for  Ele- 
phants (which  were  absolutely  necessary  for  her  to  make  use  of)  she  there- 
fore contriv'd  to  have  Beasts  that  should  resemble  them,  hoping  by  this 
Means  to  strike  a  Terror  into  the  Indians,  who  believ'd  there  were  no 
Elephants  in  any  place  but  India. 

T(j  this  End  she  provided  three  hundred  thousand  black  Oxen,  and  dis- 
tributed the  Flesh  amongst  a  Company  of  ordinary  Mechanicks  and  such 
Fellows  as  she  had  to  play  the  Coblers  for  her,  and  ordered  them  by  stitching 
the  Skins  together  and  stuffing  them  with  Straw  to  imitate  the  Shape  of  an 
Elephant,  and  in  every  one  of  them  she  put  a  ]\Ian  to  govern  them,  and  a 
Camel  to  carry  them,  so  that  at  a  distance  they  appear'd  to  all  that  saw  them 
as  if  they  were  really  such  Beasts. 

They  that  were  imploy'd  in  this  Work  wrought  at  it  night  and  day  in  a 
Place  which  was  wall'd  roinul  for  the  Purpose,  and  Guards  set  at  every  Gate, 
that  none  might  be  admitted  either  to  go  in  or  out,  to  the  end  that  none 
might  see  what  they  were  doing,  lest  it  should  be  nois'd  abroad  and  come  to 
the  Ears  of  the  Indians. 

Having  therefore  provided  Shipping  and  Elephants  in  the  space  of  two 
3^ears,  in  tlie  third  she  randezvouz'd  all  her  Forces  in  Bactria.  Her 
Army  consisted  (as  Ctesias  says)  of  three  INIillions  of  Foot,  two  hundred 
Thousand  Horse,  and  a  hundred  Thousand  Chariots,  and  a  hundred  Thou- 
sand Men  mounted  upon  Camels  with  Swords  four  Cubits  long.  The  Boats 
that  might  be  taken  asunder  were  two  Thousand  ;  which  the  Camels  carry'd 
by  Land  as  they  did  the  Mock-Elephants,  as  we  have  before  declar'd.  The 
Souldiers  made  their  Horses  familiar  with  these  feign'd  Beasts  by  bringing 
them  often  to  them,  lest  they  should  be  terrify'd  at  the  Sight  of  them  ;  which 
Perseus  imitated  many  Ages  after  when  he  was  to  fight  with  the  Romans, 
who  had  Elephants  in  their  Army  out  of  Africa.  However  this  contrivance 
prov'd  to  be  of  no  Advantage  either  to  him  or  her,  as  will  appear  in  the  Issue 
herein  a  little  after  related. 


APPENDIX  A.      CLASSICAL   TRADITIONS  591 

When  Stabrobates  the  Indian  King  heard  of  these  great  Armies  and  the 
mighty  Preparations  made  against  him,  he  did  all  he  could  to  excel  Semiramis 
in  everything.  And  first  he  built  of  great  Canes  four  Thousand  River- 
boats  :  P^)r  abundance  of  these  Canes  grow  in  India  about  the  Rivers  and 
Fenns,  so  thick  as  a  Man  can  scarce  fathom :  And  Vessels  made  of  these 
Reeds  (they  say)  are  exceeding  useful,  because  they'l  never  rot  or  be  worm- 
eaten. 

He  was  very  diligent  likewise  in  preparing  of  Arms  and  going  from  Place 
to  Place  throughout  all  India,  and  so  rais'd  a  far  greater  Army  than  that  of 
Semiramis.  To  his  former  Number  of  Elephants  he  added  more,  which  he 
took  by  hunting,  and  furnish'd  them  all  with  everything  that  might  make 
them  look  terrible  in  the  Face  of  their  Enemies,  so  that  by  their  jSIultitude 
and  the  Compleatness  of  their  Armour  in  all  Points  it  seem'd  above  the 
Strength  and  Power  of  Man  to  bear  up  against  the  violent  Shock  of  these 
Creatures. 

Having  therefore  made  all  these  Preparations,  he  sent  Embassadours  to 
Semiramis  (as  she  was  on  her  March  towards  him)  to  complain  and  upbraid 
her  for  beginning  a  War  without  any  Provocation  or  Injury  off  er'd  her;  and 
by  his  private  Letters  taxed  her  with  her  whorish  Course  of  Life,  and  vow'd 
(calling  the  Gods  to  witness)  that  if  he  conquer'd  her  he  would  nail  her  to 
the  Cross.  When  she  read  the  Letters,  she  smil'd,  and  said,  the  Indian  should 
presently  have  a  Trial  of  her  Valour  by  her  Actions.  When  she  came  up 
with  her  Army  to  the  River  Indus  she  found  the  Enemies  Fleet  drawn  up  in 
a  Line  of  Battle  ;  whereupon  she  forthwith  drew  up  her  own,  and  having 
mann'd  it  with  the  stoutest  Souldiers,  joyn'd  Battle,  yet  so  ordering  the  Mat- 
ter as  to  have  her  Land-forces  ready  upon  the  Shoar  to  be  assisting  as  there 
should  be  Occasion.  After  a  long  and  sharp  Fight  with  Marks  of  Valour 
on  both  sides,  Semiramis  was  at  length  victorious,  and  sunk  a  Thousand  of 
the  Enemies  Vessels,  and  took  a  great  number  of  Prisoners.  Puffed  up  with 
this  Success  she  took  in  all  the  Cities  and  Islands  that  lay  in  the  River,  and 
carry'd  away  a  hundred  Thousand  Captives.  After  this  the  Indian  King  drew 
off  his  Army  (as  if  he  fled  for  Fear)  but  in  Truth  to  decoy  his  Enemies  to 
pass  the  River. 

Semiramis  therefore  (seeing  things  fall  out  according  to  her  wish)  laid  a 
broad  Bridge  of  Boats  (at  a  vast  Charge)  over  the  River,  and  thereby  passed 
over  all  her  Forces,  leaving  only  threescore  Thousand  to  guard  the  Bridge, 
and  with  the  rest  of  her  Army  pursu'd  the  Indians.  She  plac'd  the  Mock- 
Elephants  in  the  Front  that  the  Enemies  Scouts  might  presently  inform  the 
King  what  Multitudes  of  Elephants  she  had  in  her  Army :  And  she  was  not 
deceiv'd  in  her  hopes ;  for  when  the  Spies  gave  an  Account  to  the  Indians 
what  a  great  Multitude  of  these  Creatures  were  advancing  towards  them, 
they  were  all  in  amaze,  inquiring  among  themselves,  whence  the  Assyrians 
should  be  supply'd  with  such  a  vast  number  of  Elephants :  But  the  Cheat 
could  not  be  long  conceal'd,  for  some  of  Semiramis's  Souldiers  being  laid  by 
the  Heels  for  their  Carelessness  upon  the  Guard  (through  Fear  of  further 
Punishment)  made  their  Escape  and  fled  to  the  Enemy,  and  undeceiv'dthem 
as  to  the  Elephants  ;  upon  which  the  Indian  King  was  mightily  encourag'd, 
and  caus'd  Notice  of  the  Delusion  to  be  spread  through  the  whole  Army,  and 
then  forthwith  march'd  with  all  his  Force  against  the  Assyrians,  Semiramis  on 
the  other  hand  doing  the  like. 

When  they  approach'd  near  one  to  another,  Stabrobates  the  Indian  King 
plac'd  his  Horse  and  Chariots  in  the  Van-guard  at  a  good  distance  before  the 
main  Body  of  his  Army.     The  Queen  having  plac'd  her  Mock-Elephants  at 


592 


THE   HISTORY  OF   JVIESOPOTAMIA 


the  like  distance  from  her  main  Body,  valiantly  receiv'd  her  Enemies  Charge ; 
but  the  Indian  Horse  were  most  strangely  terrify'd  ;  for  in  Regard  the 
Phantasms  at  a  distance  seem'd  to  be  real  Elephants,  the  Horses  of  the  Indians 
(l)eing  inur'd  to  those  Creatures)  prest  boldly  and  undauntedly  forward; 
but  when  they  eame  near  and  saw  another  sort  of  Beast  than  usual,  and  the 
smell  and  every  thing  else  almost  being  strange  and  new  to  them,  they  broke 
in  with  great  Terror  and  Confusion,  one  upon  another,  so  that  they  cast  some 
i)f  tlu'ir  Riders  headlong  to  the  Ground,  and  ran  away  with  others  (as  the 
Lot  ha{)pen\l)  into  the  midst  of  their  Enemies. 

Wliereupon  iSemiramis  readily  making  use  of  her  Advantage,  with  a  Body 
of  choice  Men  fell  in  upon  them,  and  routed  them,  forcing  them  back  to  their 
main  Body  :  And  though  Stabrobates  was  something  astonish'd  at  this  unex- 
pected Defeat,  yet  he  brought  up  his  Foot  against  the  Enemy  with  his 
Elephants  in  tlie  Front :  He  himself  was  in  the  right  Wing,  mounted  upon  a 
stately  Elephant,  and  made  a  fierce  Charge  upon  the  Queen  her  self,  who  hap- 
pen'd  then  to  be  opposite  to  him  in  the  left. 

And  tlio'  the  Mock-Elephants  in  Semiramis's  Army  did  the  like,  yet 
they  stood  the. violent  shock  of  the  other  but  a  little  while,  for  the  Indian 
Beasts  being  both  exceeding  strong  and  stout,  easily  bore  down  and  destroy'd 
all  that  oppos'd  them,  so  that  there  was  a  great  Slaughter;  for  some  they 
tram[)r(l  under  foot,  others  they  rent  in  pieces  with  their  Teeth,  and 
toss'd  up  others  with  their  Trunks  into  the  Air.  The  Ground  therefore 
being  cover'd  with  Heaps  of  dead  Carcases  and  nothing  but  Death  and 
Destruction  to  be  seen  on  every  hand,  so  that  all  were  full  of  Horror  and 
Amazement,  none  durst  keep  their  Order  or  Ranks  any  longer. 

Upon  which  the  whole  Assyrian  Army  fled  outright,  and  the  Indian  King 
encountered  with  Semiramis,  and  first  wounded  her  with  an  Arrow  in  the 
Arm,  and  afterwards  with  a  Dart  (in  wheeling  about)  in  the  Shoulder,  where- 
ujjon  the  Queen  (her  Wounds  not  being  mortal)  fled,  and  by  the  Swiftness 
of  her  Horse  (which  far  exceeded  the  other  that  pursu'd  her)  she  got  off. 
But  all  making  one  way  to  the  Bridge  of  Boats,  and  such  a  vast  Multitude 
of  Men  thronging  together  in  one  strait  and  narrow  Passage,  the  Queen's 
Souldiers  miserably  perish'd  by  treading  down  one  another  under  foot,  and 
(which  was  strange  and  unusual)  Horse  and  Foot  lay  tumbling  promiscuously 
one  over  another. 

When  they  came  at  length  to  the  Bridge,  and  the  Indians  at  their 
Heels,  the  consternation  was  so  great  that  many  on  both  sides  the  Bridge 
were  tumbled  over  into  the  River.  But  when  the  greatest  part  of  those 
that  remain'd  had  got  over,  Semiramis  caus'd  the  Cords  and  Tenons  of 
the  Bridge  to  be  cut,  which  done,  the  Boats  (which  were  before  joyn'd 
together,  and  upon  which  was  a  great  Number  of  Indians  not  in  the  Pursuit) 
being  now  divided  into  many  Parts,  and  carry'd  here  and  there  by  the  force 
of  the  Current,  Multitudes  of  the  Indians  were  drown'd,  and  Semiramis  was 
now  safe  and  secure,  having  such  a  Barrier  as  the  River  betwixt  her  and  her 
Enemies.  Whereupon  the  Indian  King  being  forewarn'd  by  Prodigies  from 
Heaven  and  the  Opinions  of  the  Soothsayers,  forbore  all  further  pursuit. 
And  Semiramis  making  Exchange  of  Prisoners  in  Bactria  return'd  with 
scarce  a  third  part  of  her  Army. 

A  little  time  after,  Semiramis  being  assaulted  by  an  Eunuch  through  the 
treacherous  Contrivance  of  her  Son,  remembred  the  former  Answer  given 
her  by  the  Oracle  at  the  Temple  of  Hammon,  and  therefore  pass'd  the  Busi- 
ness over  without  punishing  of  him  who  was  chiefly  concern'd  in  the  Plot : 
But  surrendring  the  Crown  to  him,  commanded  all  to  obey  him  as  their 


1 


APPENDIX  A.      CLASSICAL  TRADITIONS 


593 


lawful  King,  and  forthwith  disappear'd  as  if  she  had  been  translated  to  the 
Gods,  according  to  the  Words  of  the  Oracle.  There  are  some  which  fabu- 
lously say  she  was  metamorphos'd  into  a  Pigeon  ;  and  that  she  flew  away  with 
a  Flock  of  those  Birds  that  lighted  upon  her  Palace  :  And  hence  it  is  that 
the  Assyrians  adore  a  Dove,  believing  that  Semiramis  was  enthron'd  amongst 
the  Gods.  And  this  was  the  End  of  Semiramis  Queen  of  all  Asia,  except 
India,  after  she  had  liv'd  Sixty  two  years,  and  reign'd  Forty  two.  And  these 
are  the  Things  which  Ctesias  the  Cnidian  reports  of  her  in  his  History. 


■rM 


ANOTHER   VIEW   OF   SEMIRAMIS 

Athenseus,  and  some  other  Writers,  affirm  that  she  was  a  most  beautiful 
Strumpet,  and  upon  that  account  the  King  of  Assyria  fell  in  Love  with  her, 
and  at  first  was  taken  into  his  Favour,  and  at  length  becoming  his  lawful  Wife 
she  prevail'd  with  her  Husband  to  grant  her  the  sole  and  absolute  Authority 
of  the  regal  Government  for  the  space  of  five  days.  Taking  therefore  upon 
her  the  Scepter  and  royal  Mantle  of  the  Kingdom,  the  first  day  she  made  a 
sumptuous  Banquet  and  magnificent  Entertainments,  to  which  she  invited  the 
Generals  of  the  Army  and  all  the  Nobility,  in  order  to  be  observant  to  all  her 
Commands. 

The  next  day  having  both  great  and  small  at  her  beck,  she  com- 
mitted her  Husband  to  the  Gaol :  And  in  Regard  she  was  of  a  bold  and 
daring  Spirit,  apt  and  ready  to  undertake  any  great  Matters,  she  easily  gain'd 
the  Kingdom,  which  she  held  to  the  time  of  her  old  Age,  and  became  famous 
for  her  many  great  and  wonderful  Acts :  And  these  are  the  Things  which  His- 
torians variously  relate  concerning  her.c 

The  second  account  of  Semiramis  which  Diodorus  summarises  in  the 
concluding  paragraph  above  from  "  Athemeus  and  some  other  writers " 
would  appear  to  have  been  widely  accepted  in  classical  times.  The  same 
story  is  told  by  ^lianus,  and  is  worth  quoting,  if  for  nothing  else,  for  the 
quaintness  of  diction  of  Fleming's  sixteenth  century  translation. 

"  Of  Semiramis  some  say  this,  and  some  set  downe  that,  and  amonge  all 
other  thinges  this  (as  deserving  a  monument  of  sempeternall  memorye)  is 
recorded  that  shee  was  the  moste  bewtifull,  the  most  amiable  Lady  and 
Queene  throughout  the  universall  worlde,  albeit  shee  dyd  litle  regarde  her 
fine  proporcion,  her  excellent  comlynesse,  her  angelicall  grace :  and  liad  no 
respect  to  the  trymming  and  decking  of  her  body  with  gorgeous  garments, 
and  robes  of  royalty.  It  fortuned  that  this  Semiramis,  by  reason  of  the 
rumor  and  fame  of  her  surpassing  beauty,  was  sent  for  into  Assiria,  tliat  the 
king  of  that  region  might  satisfie  himselfe  v/ith  the  sight  of  her  peerelesse 
majestic,  before  whose  presence  she  came  according  to  the  teunor  of  the 
message. 

"The  King  of  Assiria,  had  no  sooner  cast  his  wanton  eye  upon  her,  but 
was  forthwith  inflamed  with  the  fire  of  affection  towardes  her.  After  certaine 
circumstances  over  passed,  she  required  of  the  King  a  rich  rewarde,  namely, 
a  robe  of  estate,  the  government  of  Asia  for  five  dayes  continuaunee,  and  the 
absolute  authorytie  in  all  thinges  that  were  done  in  the  kingdomc.  Which 
peticion  of  the  Queene  was  granted  unto  by  the  King,  no  deniall  made  to 
the  contrary.  In  conclusion  when  she  was  set  and  established  in  the  tlirone 
of  majesty,  and  had  gotten  all  things  (without  exception)  in  the  gripes  of 
her  aspiryng  minde  she  commanded  the  King  to  be  slayne,  whereby  he  was 
dispossessed  of  his  dominion,  and  she  presently  thereupon  enjoyed  the  scepter 
and  crowne  imperiall  over  Assiria  universall."'^ 

H.  W.  —  VOL.  1  2  Q 


JM 


592  THE   HISTORY  OF   ^lESOPOTAMIA 

the  like  distance  from  her  main  Body,  valiantly  receiv'd  her  Enemies  Charge ; 
but  the  Indian  Horse  were  most  strangely  terrify'd  ;  for  in  Regard  the 
Phantasms  at  a  distance  seem'd  to  be  real  Elephants,  the  Horses  of  the  Indians 
(being  inur'd  to  those  Creatures)  prest  boldly  and  undauntedly  forward; 
but  when  they  came  near  and  saw  another  sort  of  Beast  than  usual,  and  the 
smell  and  every  thing  else  almost  being  strange  and  new  to  them,  they  broke 
in  with  great  Terror  and  Confusion,  one  upon  another,  so  that  they  cast  some 
of  tlieir' Riders  headh)ng  to  the  Ground,  and  ran  away  with  others  (as  the 
Lot  happen'd)  into  the  midst  of  their  Enemies. 

Whereupon  Semiramis  readily  making  use  of  her  Advantage,  with  a  Body 
of  choice  Men  fell  in  upon  them,  and  routed  them,  forcing  them  back  to  their 
main  Body  :  And  though  Stabrobates  was  something  astonish'd  at  this  unex- 
pected Defeat,  yet  he  brought  up  his  Foot  against  the  Enemy  with  his 
Elephants  in  the  Front:  He  himself  was  in  the  right  Wing,  mounted  upon  a 
stately  Elephant,  and  made  a  fierce  Charge  upon  the  Queen  her  self,  who  hap- 
pen'd then  to  be  opposite  to  him  in  the  left. 

And  tho'  the  Mock-Elephants  in  Semiramis's  Army  did  the  like,  yet 
they  stood  the. violent  shock  of  the  other  but  a  little  while,  for  the  Indian 
Beasts  being  both  exceeding  strong  and  stout,  easily  bore  down  and  destroy'd 
all  that  oppos'd  them,  so  that  there  was  a  great  Slaughter ;  for  some  they 
trampl'd  under  foot,  others  they  rent  in  pieces  with  their  Teeth,  and 
toss'd  up  others  with  their  Trunks  into  the  Air.  The  Ground  therefore 
being  cover'd  with  Heaps  of  dead  Carcases  and  nothing  but  Death  and 
Destruction  to  be  seen  on  every  hand,  so  that  all  were  full  of  Horror  and 
Amazement,  none  durst  keep  their  Order  or  Ranks  any  longer. 

Upon  which  the  whole  Assyrian  Army  fled  outright,  and  the  Indian  King 
encountered  with  Semiramis,  and  first  wounded  her  with  an  Arrow  in  the 
Arm,  and  afterwards  with  a  Dart  (in  wheeling  about)  in  the  Shoulder,  where- 
ujion  the  Queen  (her  Wounds  not  being  mortal)  fled,  and  by  the  Swiftness 
of  her  Horse  (which  far  exceeded  the  other  that  pursu'd  her)  she  got  off. 
But  all  making  one  way  to  the  Bridge  of  Boats,  and  such  a  vast  Multitude 
of  Men  thronging  together  in  one  strait  and  narrow  Passage,  the  Queen's 
Souldiers  miserably  perish'd  by  treading  down  one  another  under  foot,  and 
(which  was  strange  and  unusual)  Horse  and  Foot  lay  tumbling  promiscuously 
one  over  another. 

AVhen  they  came  at  length  to  the  Bridge,  and  the  Indians  at  their 
Heels,  the  consternation  was  so  great  tliat  many  on  both  sides  the  Bridge 
were  tumbled  over  into  the  River.  But  when  the  greatest  part  of  those 
that  remain'd  had  got  over,  Semiramis  caus'd  the  Cords  and  Tenons  of 
the  Bridge  to  be  cut,  which  done,  the  Boats  (which  were  before  joyn'd 
together,  and  upon  which  was  a  great  Number  of  Indians  not  in  the  Pursuit) 
being  now  divided  into  many  Parts,  and  carry'd  here  and  there  by  the  force 
of  the  Current,  Multitudes  of  the  Indians  were  drown'd,  and  Semiramis  was 
now  safe  and  secure,  having  such  a  P>arrier  as  the  River  betwixt  her  and  her 
Enemies.  Whereupon  the  Indian  King  being  forewarn'd  by  Prodigies  from 
Heaven  and  the  Oj)inions  of  the  Soothsayers,  forbore  all  further  pursuit. 
And  Semiramis  making  Exchange  of  Prisoners  in  Bactria  return'd  with 
scarce  a  third  part  of  her  Army. 

A  little  time  after,  Semiramis  being  assaulted  by  an  Eunuch  through  the 
treacherous  Contrivance  of  her  Son,  remembred  the  former  Answer  given 
her  by  the  Oracle  at  the  Temple  of  Hammon,  and  therefore  pass'd  the  Busi- 
ness over  without  punishing  of  him  who  was  chiefly  concern'd  in  the  Plot : 
But  surrendiiug  the  Crown  to  him,  commanded  all  to  obey  him  as  their 


APPENDIX  A.      CLASSICAL   TIIADITIONS  595 

to  be  well  acquainted  one  with  another.  For  length  of  Time  ia  martial  Im- 
ployments  so  improves  the  Skill  and  advances  the  Courage  and  Resolution 
of  the  Commanders,  that  many  times  they  conspire  against  their  Princes,  and 
wholly  fall  off  from  their  Allegiance. 

His  living  thus  close  and  unseen,  was  a  covert  to  the  Voluptuous  Course 
of  his  Life,  and  in  the  meantime  (as  if  he  had  been  a  God)  none  durst  in  the 
least  mutter  anything  against  him.  And  in  this  manner  (creating  Com- 
manders of  his  Army,  constituting  of  Governors  in  Provinces,  appointing  the 
Chamberlains  and  Officers  of  his  Iloushold,  placing  of  Judges  in  their 
several  Countries,  and  the  ordering  and  disposing  of  all  other  Matters  as  he 
thought  fit  most  for  his  own  Advantage)  he  spent  his  Days  in  Nineve. 

After  the  same  manner  almost  liv'd  all  the  rest  of  the  Kings  for  the  space 
of  Thirty  Generations,  in  a  continu'd  Line  of  Succession  from  Father  to 
Son,  to  the  very  Reign  of  Sardanapalus ;  in  whose  time  the  Empire  of  the 
Assyrians  devolv'd  upon  the  Medes,  after  it  had  continu'd  above  Thirteen 
Hundred  and  Sixty  Years,  as  Ctesias  the  Cnidian  says  in  his  Second  Book. 
But  it's  needless  to  recite  their  Names,  or  how  long  each  of  them  reign'd,  in 
regard  none  of  them  did  any  thing  worth  remembring,  save  only  that  it  may 
deserve  an  Account  how  the  Assyrians  assisted  the  Trojans,  by  sending 
them  some  Forces  under  the  Command  of  Memnon  the  Son  of  Tithon. 

For  when  Teutamus  reign'd  in  Asia,  who  was  the  Twentieth  from  Ninyas 
the  Son  of  Semiramis,  it's  said  the  Grecians  under  their  General  Agamemnon, 
made  War  upon  the  Trojans,  at  which  time  the  Assyrians  had  been  Lords  of 
Asia  above  a  Thousand  Years.  For  Priam  the  King  of  Troy  (being  a 
Prince  under  the  Assyrian  Empire,  when  War  was  made  upon  him)  sent 
Ambassadors  to  crave  aid  of  Teutamus,  who  sent  him  Ten  Thousand  Ethio- 
pians, and  as  many  out  of  the  Province  of  Susiana,  with  Two  Hundred 
Chariots  under  the  Conduct  of  Memnon  the  Son  of  Tithon.  For  this  Tithon 
at  that  time  was  Governor  of  Persia,  and  in  special  Favour  with  the  King 
above  all  the  rest  of  the  Princes  :  And  Memnon  was  in  the  Flower  of  his 
Age,  strong  and  couragious,  and  had  built  a  Pallace  in  the  Cittadel  of  Susa, 
which  retain'd  the  Name  of  Memnonia  to  the  time  of  the  Persian  Empire. 
He  pav'd  also  there  a  Common  High-way,  which  is  call'd  Memnon's  Way  to 
this  day.  But  the  Ethiopians  of  Egypt  question  this,  and  say  that  ISIemnon 
was  their  Countryman,  and  shew  several  antient  Palaces  which  (they  say) 
retain  his  Name  at  this  day,  being  call'd  Memnon's  Palaces. 

Notwithstanding,  however  it  be  as  to  this  matter,  yet  it  has  been  gener- 
ally and  constantly  held  for  a  certain  Truth,  that  Memnon  led  to  Troy 
Twenty  Thousand  Foot,  and  Two  Hundred  Chariots,  and  signaliz'd  his 
Valour  with  great  Honour  and  Reputation,  with  the  Death  and  Destruction 
of  many  of  the  Greeks,  till  at  length  he  was  slain  by  an  Ambuscade  laid  for 
him  by  the  Thessalians.  But  the  Ethiopians  recover'd  his  Body,  and  burnt 
it,  and  brought  back  his  Bones  to  Tithon.  And  these  things  the  Barbarians 
say  are  recorded  of  Memnon  in  the  Histories  of  their  Kings. 

Sardanapalus,  the  Thirtieth  from  Ninus,  and  the  last  King  of  the  Assyr- 
ians, exceeded  all  his  Predecessors  in  Sloth  and  Luxury ;  for  besides  that, 
he  was  seen  of  none  out  of  his  Family,  he  led  a  most  effeminate  Life :  For 
wallowing  in  pleasure  and  wanton  Dalliances,  he  cloathcd  himself  in 
Womens  Attire,  and  spun  fme  Wool  and  Purple  amongst  tlie  tlirongs  of  his 
Concubines.  He  painted  likewise  his  Face,  and  deckt  his  wliole  Body  with 
other  Allurements  and  proceeded  to  such  a  degree  of  Voluptuousness  and 
sordid  Uncleanness,  that  he  compos'd  Verses  for  his  Epitaph,  with  a  Com- 
mand to  his  Successors  to  have  them  inscrib'd  upon  his  Tomb  after  his 


59G  THE   HISTORY   OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

Death,    which   were   thus  Translated  by   a  Grecian  out  of  the  Barbarian 
Language  (An  Epitaph  fitter  for  an  Ox  than  a  Man,  says  Aristotle), 

What  once  I  gory' d  I  noio  enjoy, 
And  minton  Lunts  me  still  imploy. 
All  other  things  by  Mortals  priz'd, 
Are  left  as  Dirt  by  me  despis'd. 

Being  thus  corrupt  in  his  Morals,  he  not  only  came  to  a  miserable  end 
himself,  Tjut  utterly  overturn'd  the  Assyrian  Monarchy,  which  had  continu'd 
longer  than  any  we  read  of. 

For  Arbaces  a  Mede,  a  Valiant  and  Prudent  IMan,  and  General  of  the 
Forces  which  were  sent  every  Year  out  of  Media  to  Nineve,  was  stir'd  up  by 
the  Governor  of  Babylon  (his  Fellow  Soldier,  and  with  whom  he  had  con- 
tracted an  intimate  familiarity)  to  overthrow  the  Assyrian  Empire.  This 
Captain's  Name  was  Belesis,  a  most  Famous  Babylonian  Priest,  one  of  those 
caird  Caldeans,  expert  in  Astrology  and  Divinations ;  of  great  Reputation 
upon  the  account  of  foretelling  future  Events,  Avhich  happen'd  accordingly. 
Amongst  others,  he  told  his  Friend,  the  Median  General,  that  he  should  de- 
pose Sardanapalus,  and  be  Lord  of  all  his  Dominions.  Arbaces  hereupon 
liearkniiig  to  what  he  said,  promis'd  him,  that  if  he  succeeded  in  his  At- 
tempt, Belesis  should  be  chief  (Governor  of  the  Province  of  Babylon  :  Being 
therefore  fully  persuaded  of  the  truth  of  what  was  foretold,  as  if  he  had  re- 
ceiv'd  it  from  an  Oracle,  he  enter'd  into  an  Association  with  the  Governors 
of  the  rest  of  the  Provinces,  and  by  feasting  and  caressing  of  them,  gain'd 
all  their  Hearts  and  Affections.  He  made  it  likewise  his  great  business  to 
get  a  sight  of  the  King,  that  he  might  observe  the  Course  and  manner  of  his 
Life ;  to  this  end  he  bestow'd  a  Cup  of  Gold  upon  an  Eunuch,  by  whom 
being  introduc'd  into  the  King's  Presence,  he  perfectly  came  to  understand 
his  Lasciviousness,  and  Effeminate  course  of  Life.  Upon  sight  of  him,  he 
contemn'd  and  despis'd  him  as  a  Vile  and  Worthless  Wretch,  and  thereupon 
was  much  more  earnest  to  accomplish  what  the  Chaldean  had  before  declar'd 
to  him.  At  length  he  conspir'd  with  Belesis  so  far,  as  that  he  himself  per- 
suaded the  ^Nledes  and  Persians  to  a  defection,  and  the  other  brought  the 
Babylonians  into  the  Confederacy.  He  imparted  likewise  his  Design  to  the 
King  of  Arabia,  who  was  at  this  time  his  special  Friend. 

And  now  the  Years  attendance  of  the  Army  being  at  an  end,  new  Troops 
succeeded,  and  came  into  their  Place,  and  the  former  were  sent  every  one 
here  and  there,  into  their  several  Countries.  Hereupon  Arbaces  prevail'd 
with  the  Medes  to  invade  the  Assyrian  Empire,  and  drew  in  the  Persians  in 
hopes  of  Liberty,  to  join  in  the  Confederacy.  Belesis  in  like  manner  per- 
suaded the  Babylonians  to  stand  up  for  their  Liberties.  He  sent  Messengers 
also  into  Arabia,  and  gain'd  that  Prince  (who  was  both  his  Friend,  and  had 
been  his  Guest)  for  a  Confederate. 

When  therefore  the  Yearly  Course  was  run  out,  all  these  with  a  great 
number  of  forces  flockt  together  to  Nineve,  in  shew  to  serve  their  Turn 
according  to  custom,  but  in  truth  to  overturn  the  Assyrian  Empire.  The 
whole  number  of  Soldiers  now  got  together  out  of  those  Four  Provinces, 
amounted  to  Four  Hundred  Thousand  Men.  All  these  (being  now  in  one 
Camp)  caird  a  Council  of  War  in  order  to  consult  what  was  to  be  done. 

Sardanapalus  being  inform'd  of  the  Revolt,  led  forth  the  Forces  of  the 
rest  of  the  Provinces  against  them ;  whereupon  a  Battel  being  fought,  the 
Rebels  were  totally  routed,  and  with  a  great  Slaughter  were  forc'd  to 
the  Mountains  Seventy  Furlongs  from  Nineve. 


APPENDIX  A.      CLASSICAL   TRADITIOXS  597 

Being  drawn  up  a  Second  time  in  Battalia  to  try  their  Fortune  in  the 
Field,  and  now  fac'd  by  the  Enem}',  Sardanapalus  caus'd  a  Proclamation  to 
be  made  by  the  Heralds,  that  whosoever  kilFd  Arbaces  the  Mede,  should  re- 
ceive as  a  Reward,  Two  Hundred  Talents  of  Gold,  and  double  the  Sum  to 
him  (together  with  the  Government  of  Media,)  who  should  take  him  alive. 
The  like  Sum  he  promis'd  to  such  as  should  kill  Belesis,  or  take  him  alive. 
But  not  being  wrought  upon  by  these  Promises,  he  fought  them  again,  and 
destroy'd  many  of  the  Rebels,  and  forc'd  the  rest  to  fly  to  their  Camp  upon 
the  Hills. 

Arbaces  being  disheartn'd  with  these  Misfortunes,  call'd  a  Council  of 
War  to  consider  what  was  fit  further  to  be  done :  The  greater  part  were  for 
returning  into  their  own  Countries,  and  possess  themselves  of  the  strongest 
Places,  in  order  to  fit  and  furnish  themselves  with  all  things  further  neces- 
sary for  the  War.  But  when  Belesis  the  Babylonian  assur'd  them  that  the 
Gods  promis'd,  that  after  many  Toyls  and  Labours  they  should  have  good 
success,  and  all  should  end  well,  and  had  us'd  several  other  Arguments  (such 
as  he  thought  best)  he  prevail'd  with  them  t'^  ^-esolve  to  run  tlirough  all  the 
hazards  of  the  War. 

Another  Battle  therefore  was  fought,  wherein  the  King  gain'd  a  third 
Victory,  and  pursu'd  the  Revolters  as  far  as  to  the  Mountains  of  Babylon. 
In  this  Fight  Arbaces  himself  was  wounded,  though  he  fought  stoutly,  and 
slew  many  of  the  Assyrians  with  his  own  Hand. 

After  so  many  Defeats  and  Misfortunes  one  upon  the  neck  of  another,  the 
Conspirators  altogether  despair'd  of  Victory,  and  therefore  the  Commanders 
resolv'd  every  one  to  return  to  their  own  Country.  But  Belesis,  who  lay 
all  that  Night  Star-gazing  in  the  open  Field,  prognosticated  to  them  the  next 
day,  that  if  they  would  but  continue  together  Five  Days,  unexpected  Help 
would  come,  and  they  would  see  a  mighty  change,  and  that  Affairs  would  have 
a  contrary  aspect  to  what  they  then  had  ;  for  he  affirm'd,  tliat  through  his 
Knowledge  in  Astrology,  he  understood  that  the  Gods  portended  so  much  by 
the  Stars ;  therefore  he  intreated  them  to  stay  so  many  days,  and  make  trial 
of  his  Art,  and  wait  so  long  to  have  an  Experiment  of  the  Goodness  of 
the  Gods. 

All  being  thus  brought  back,  and  waiting  till  the  time  appointed.  News 
on  a  sudden  was  brought  that  mighty  Forces  were  at  hand,  sent  to  the  King 
out  of  Bactria.  Hereupon  Arbaces  resolv'd  with  the  stoutest  and  swiftest 
Soldiers  of  the  Army,  forthwith  to  make  out  against  the  Captains  that  were 
advancing,  and  either  by  fair  words  to  perswade  them  to  a  defection,  or  by 
Blows  to  force  them  to  join  with  them  in  their  Design.  But  Liberty  being 
sweet  to  every  one  of  them,  first  the  Captains  and  Commanders  were 
easily  wrought  upon,  and  presently  after  the  whole  Army  join'd,  and  made 
up  one  intire  Camp  together.  It  happen'd  at  that  time,  that  the  King  of 
Assiria  not  knowing  any  thing  of  the  Revolt  of  the  Bactrians,  and  puft  up 
by  his  former  Successes,  was  indulging  his  Sloath  and  Idleness,  and  prei)aring 
Beasts  for  Sacrifice,  plenty  of  Wine,  and  other  things  necessary  in  order  to 
feast  and  entertain  his  Soldiers. 

While  his  whole  Army  was  now  feasting  and  revelling,  Arbaces  (receiv- 
ing intelligence  by  some  Deserters  of  the  Securit}^  and  Intemperance  of  the 
Enemy)  fell  in  upon  them  on  the  sudden  in  the  Night  ;  antl  being  in  due 
order  and  discipline,  and  setting  upon  such  as  were  in  confusion,  he  being 
before  prepar'd,  and  the  other  altogether  unprovided,  they  easily  broke  into 
their  Camp,  and  made  a  great  Slaughter  of  some,  forcing  the  rest  into 
the  City. 


THE   HISTOllY   OF   MESOPOTAMIA 


THE    DESTRUCTION    OF    NINEVEH 

Hereupon  Sardanapalus  committed  the  charge  of  the  whole  Army  to 
Salemenus  his  Wife's  Brother,  and  took  upon  himself  the  defence  of  the 
City.  But  the  Rebels  twice  defeated  the  King's  Forces,  once  in  the  open 
Field,  and  the  Second  time  before  the  Walls  of  the  City ;  in  which  last 
ingagement  Salemenus  Avas  kill'd,  and  almost  all  his  Army  lost,  some  being 
cut  otf  in  the  pursuit,  and  the  rest  (save  a  very  few)  being  intercepted,  and 
prevented  from  entring  into  the  City,  were  driven  headlong  into  the  River 
Euphrates  ;  and  the  number  of  the  Slain  was  so  great,  that  the  River  was 
dy'd  over  with  Blood,  and  retain'd  that  Colour  for  a  great  distance,  and  a 
long  course  together. 

The  King  being  afterwards  besieg'd,  many  of  the  Nations  (through  desire 
of  Liberty)  revolted  to  the  Confederates  ;  so  that  Sardanapalus  now  perceiv- 
ing that  the  Kingdom  was  like  to  be  lost,  sent  away  his  Three  Sons  and  Two 
Daughters,  with  a  great  deal  of  Treasure  into  Paphlagonia,  to  Cotta,  the 
Governor  there,  his  most  intire  friend  ;  and  sent  posts  into  all  the  Provinces 
of  the  Kingdom,  in  order  to  raise  Souldiers,  and  make  all  other  Preparations 
necessary  to  indure  a  siege.  And  he  was  the  more  incouraged  to  this,  for 
that  he  was  acquainted  with  an  ancient  Prophesy,  That  Nineve  could  never 
be  taken  by  force,  till  the  River  became  tlie  City's  Enemy ;  which  the  more 
incourag'd  him  to  liold  out,  because  he  conceiv'd  that  was  never  like  to  be  ; 
therefore  he  resolv'd  to  indure  the  Siege  till  the  Aids  which  he  expected  out 
of  the  Provinces  came  up  to  him. 

The  Enemy  on  the  other  hand  grown  more  couragious  by  their  Successes, 
eagerly  urg'd  on  the  Siege,  but  made  little  impression  on  the  Besieg'd  by 
reason  of  the  strength  of  the  Walls  ;  for  Ballistes  to  cast  Stones,  Testudos 
to  cast  up  Mounts,  and  Battering  Rams  were  not  known  in  those  Ages.  And 
besides  (to  say  truth)  the  King  had  been  very  careful  (as  to  what  concern'd 
the  defence  of  the  place)  plentifully  to  furnish  the  Inhabitants  with  every 
thing  necessary.  The  Siege  continu'd  Two  Years,  during  which  time 
nothing  was  done  to  any  purpose,  save  that  the  Walls  were  sometimes 
assaulted,  and  the  Besieg'd  pen'd  up  in  the  City.  The  Third  Year  it  hap- 
pened that  Euphrates  overflowing  with  continual  Rains,  came  up  into  a  part 
of  the  City,  and  tore  down  the  Wall  Twenty  Furlongs  in  length. 

The  King  hereupon  conceiving  that  the  Oracle  was  accomplish'd,  in  that 
the  River  was  an  apparent  Enemy  to  the  City,  utterly  despair'd,  and  tliere- 
fore  that  he  might  not  fall  into  the  Hands  of  his  Enemies,  he  caus'd  a  huge 
Pile  of  Wood  to  be  made  in  his  Palace  Court,  and  heapt  together  upon  it  all 
his  Gold,  Silver,  and  Royal  Apparel,  and  enclosing  his  Eunuchs  and  Con- 
cubines in  an  Apartment  within  the  Pile,  caus'd  it  to  be  set  on  Fire,  and 
burnt  himself  and  them  togetlier,  which  when  the  Revolters  came  to  under- 
stand, tliey  enter'd  through  the  Breach  of  the  Walls,  and  took  the  City  ; 
and  cloath'd  Arbaces  with  a  Royal  Robe,  and  committed  to  him  the  sole 
Authority,  proclaiming  lum  King. 

When  he  had  rewarded  his  followers,  every  one  according  to  their  demerit, 
and  appointed  Governors  over  the  several  Provinces,  Belesis  the  Babylonian, 
who  had  foretold  his  advancement  to  the  Throne,  put  him  in  mind  of  his 
Services,  and  demanded  tlie  Government  of  Babylon,  whicli  lie  had  before 
promis'd  him.  He  told  him  likewise  of  a  Vow  that  he  himself  had  made  to 
Belus,  in  the  heat  of  the  War,  that  when  Sardanapalus  was  conquer'd,  and 
the  Palace  consum'd,  he  would  carry  the  Ashes  to  Babylon,  and  there  raise 
a  Mount  near  to  his  Temple,  which  should  be  an  eternal  Monument  to  all 


APPENDIX   A.      CLASSICAL   TRADITIONS  599 

that  sailed  through  Euphrates,  in  memory  of  him  that  overturn'd  the  Assyr- 
ian Empire. 

But  that  which  in  truth  induc'd  him  to  make  this  Request  was,  that  he 
had  been  inform'd  of  the  Gold  and  Silver  by  an  Eunuch  (that  was  a 
Deserter)  whom  he  had  hid  and  conceal'd  :  Arbaces  therefore  being  ignorant 
of  the  Contrivance  (because  all  the  rest  beside  this  Eunuch,  were  consum'd 
with  the  King)  granted  to  him  liberty  both  to  carry  away  the  Ashes,  and 
likewise  the  absolute  Government  of  Babylon  without  paying  any  Tribute. 
Whereupon  Belesis  forthwith  prepar'd  Shipping,  and  together  with  the 
Ashes  carry'd  away  most  of  the  Gold  and  Silver  to  Babylon.  But  when  the 
King  came  plainly  to  understand  the  Cheat,  he  committed  the  Examination 
and  Decision  of  this  Theft  to  the  other  Captains  who  were  his  Assistants  in 
the  deposing  of  Sardanapalus.  Belesis  upon  his  Trial  confess'd  the  Fact, 
and  thereupon  they  condemn'd  him  to  lose  his  Head. 

But  the  King  being  a  Man  of  a  noble  and  generous  Spirit,  and  willing  to 
adorn  the  beginning  of  his  Reign  with  the  Marks  of  his  Grace  and  Mercy, 
not  only  pardon'd  him,  but  freely  gave  him  all  tlie  Gold  and  Silver  which 
had  been  carry'd  away  ;  neither  did  he  deprive  him  of  the  Government  of 
Babylon,  which  at  the  first  he  conferr'd  upon  him,  saying.  That  his  former 
good  Services  did  overballance  the  Injuries  afterwards.  This  gracious  Dis- 
position of  the  King  being  nois'd  abroad,  he  thereby  not  only  gain'd  the 
Hearts  of  his  People,  but  was  highly  honour'd,  and  liis  Name  famous  among 
all  the  Provinces,  and  all  judg'd  him  worthy  of  the  Kingdom,  who  was  so 
compassionate  and  gracious  to  offenders. 

The  like  Clemency  he  shew'd  to  the  Inhabitants  of  Nineve  ;  for  though 
he  dispers'd  them  into  several  Country  Villages,  yet  he  restored  to  every  one 
of  them  their  Estates,  but  raz'd  the  City  to  the  ground. 

The  rest  of  the  Silver  and  Gold  that  could  be  found  in  the  Pile  (of 
which  there  were  many  Talents)  he  convey'd  to  Ecbatana  the  Seat  Royal 
of  Media. 

And  thus  was  the  Assyrian  Empire  overturn'd  by  the  Medes  after  it  had 
continu'd  Thirty  Generations  :  from  Ninus  above  Fourteen  Hundred  Years. c 


APPENDIX   B.     EXCAVATIONS   IN   MESOPOTAMIA, 
THEIR   RESULTS 


AND 


The  consecrated  metals  found 
And  ivory  tablets,  underground, 
Winged  seraphim,  and  creatures  crown'd 
When  air  and  daylight  filled  the  mound, 

Fell  into  dust  immediately. 
And  even  as  these,  the  images 
Of  awe  and  worship  —  even  as  these  — 
So,  smitten  with  the  sun's  increase, 
Her  glory  mouldered  and  did  cease 

From  immemorial  Nineveh. —  Rossetti. 

A  WISH  expressed  by  Herder  early  in  the  nineteenth  century,  that  explora- 
tions might  be  made  in  the  region  of  the  buried  cities  of  Babylonia  and 
Assyria,  was  destined  to  meet  with  early  realisation.  The  exact  sites  of 
various  of  these  cities,  long  utterly  forgotten,  were  discovered ;  excavations 
were  made,  and  a  harvest  of  buried  records  brought  to  light,  surpassing  in 
interest  and  importance  the  wildest  dreams  of  anticipation.  Not  merely  the 
ruins  of  city  walls  and  of  fallen  palaces  were  exhumed,  but  with  them  won- 
derfully preserved  sculptures  and  ornaments  of  surprising  artistic  excel- 
lence ;  and,  more  important  still,  voluminous  written  records,  historical  and 
literary,  imprinted  on  slabs  and  cylinders  of  brick  —  the  books  of  the 
period  —  in  strange  wedge-shaped  characters  of  unknown  import,  which 
modern  scholarship  soon  sufficed  to  decipher.  How  these  marvellous  feats 
were  accomplished  had  best  be  explained  before  we  turn  to  the  historical 
records  which  they  brought  to  light.  It  is  a  thrilling  record,  which  has  no 
exact  counterpart  elsewhere  in  history.a  The  story  of  how  the  work  was 
begun  is  told  by  that  pioneer  in  the  field  of  Assyriology,  Sir  A.  H.  Layard: 


THE   RUINS   OF   NINEVEH   AND   M.    BOTTA  S   FIRST   DISCOVERY 

Were  the  traveller  to  cross  the  Euphrates  to  seek  for  such  ruins  in 
Mesopotamia  and  Chaldea  as  he  had  left  behind  him  in  Asia  Minor  or  Syria, 
his  search  would  be  vain.  The  graceful  column  rising  above  the  thick 
foliage  of  the  myrtle,  ilex,  and  oleander ;  the  gradines  of  the  amphitheatre 
covering  a  gentle  slope,  and  overlooking  the  dark  ])lue  waters  of  a  lake-like 
bay ;  the  richly  carved  cornice  or  capital  half  hidden  by  the  luxuriant 
herbage,  are  replaced  by  the  stern,  shapeless  mound  rising  like  a  hill  from 
the  scorched  phiin,  the  fragments  of  pottery,  and  the  stupendous  mass  of 
brickwork  occasionally  laid  bare  by  the  winter  rains.  He  has  left  the  land 
where  nature  is  still  lovely,  where,  in  his  mind's  eye,  he  can  rebuild  the 
temple  or  the  theatre,  half  doubting  whether  they  would  have  made  a  more 
grateful  impression  upon  the  senses  than  the  ruin  before  him.     He  is  now 

600 


APPENDIX  B.     EXCAVATIONS   IX   MESOPOTAMIA  601 

at  a  loss  to  give  any  form  to  the  rude  heaps  upon  which  he  is  gazing.  Those 
of  whose  works  they  are  the  remains,  unlike  the  Roman  and  the  Greek,  have 
left  no  visible  traces  of  their  civilisation,  or  of  their  arts :  their  influence  has 
long  since  passed  away.  The  more  he  conjectures,  the  more  vague  the 
results  appear.  The  scene  around  is  worthy  of  the  ruin  he  is  contemplating ; 
desolation  meets  desolation  :  a  feeling  of  awe  succeeds  to  wonder ;  for  there 
is  nothing  to  relieve  the  mind,  to  lead  to  hope,  or  to  tell  of  what  has  gone 
by.  These  huge  mounds  of  Assyria  made  a  deeper  impression  upon  me, 
gave  rise  to  more  serious  thoughts  and  more  earnest  reflection,  than  the 
temples  of  Baalbec  and  the  theatres  of  Ionia. 

In  the  middle  of  April  I  left  Mosul  for  Baghdad.  As  I  descended  the 
Tigris  on  a  raft,  I  again  saw  the  ruins  of  Nimrud,  and  had  a  better  oppor- 
tunity of  examining  them.  It  was  evening  as  we  approached  the  spot.  The 
spring  rains  had  clothed  the  mound  with  the  richest  verdure,  and  the  fertile 
meadows,  which  stretched  around  it,  were  covered  with  flowers  of  every 
hue.  Amidst  this  luxuriant  vegetation  were  partly  concealed  a  few  frag- 
ments of  bricks,  pottery,  and  alabaster,  upon  which  might  be  traced  the 
well-defined  wedges  of  the  cuneiform  character.  Did  not  these  remains 
mark  the  nature  of  the  ruin,  it  might  have  been  confounded  with  a  natural 
eminence.  A  long  line  of  consecutive  narrow  mounds,  still  retaining  the 
appearance  of  walls  or  ramparts,  stretched  from  its  base,  and  formed  a  vast 
quadrangle.  The  river  flowed  at  some  distance  from  them :  its  waters, 
swollen  by  the  melting  of  the  snows  on  the  Armenian  hills,  were  broken 
into  a  thousand  foaming  whirlpools  by  an  artificial  barrier,  built  across  the 
stream.  On  the  eastern  bank  the  soil  had  been  washed  away  by  the  current ; 
but  a  solid  mass  of  masonry  still  withstood  its  impetuosity.  The  Arab, 
who  guided  my  small  raft,  gave  himself  up  to  religious  ejaculations  as  we 
approached  this  formidable  cataract,  over  which  we  were  carried  with  some 
violence.  Once  safely  through  the  danger,  he  explained  to  me  that  this 
unusual  change  in  the  quiet  face  of  the  river  was  caused  by  a  great  dam 
which  had  been  built  by  Nimrod,  and  that  in  the  autumn,  before  the  winter 
rains,  the  huge  stones  of  which  it  was  constructed,  squared,  and  united  by 
cramps  of  iron,  were  frequently  visible  above  the  surface  of  the  stream. ^  It 
was,  in  fact,  one  of  those  monuments  of  a  great  people,  to  be  found  in  all 
the  rivers  of  Mesopotamia,  which  were  undertaken  to  ensure  a  constant 
supply  of  water  to  the  innumerable  canals,  spreading  like  network  over  the 
surrounding  country,  and  which,  even  in  the  days  of  Alexander,  were  looked 
upon  as  the  works  of  an  ancient  nation.  No  wonder  that  the  traditions 
of  the  present  inhabitants  of  the  land  should  assign  them  to  one  of  the 
founders  of  the  human  race  !  The  Arab  explained  the  connection  between 
the  dam  and  the  city  built  by  Athur,  the  lieutenant  of  Nimrod,  the  vast 
ruins  of  which  were  then  before  us,  and  of  its  purpose  as  a  causeway  for  the 
mighty  hunter  to  cross  to  the  opposite  palace,  now  represented  by  the  mound 
of  Hammum  Ali.  He  was  telling  me  of  the  histories  and  fate  of  the  kings  of 
a  primitive  race,  still  the  favourite  theme  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  plains 
of  Shinar,  when  the  last  glow  of  twilight  faded  away,  and  I  fell  asleep  as  we 
glided  onward  to  Baghdad. 

My  curiosity  had  been  greatly  excited,  and  from  that  time  I  formed  the 
design  of  thoroughly  examining,  whenever  it  might  be  in  my  power,  these 
singular  ruins. 

1  Diodorus  Siculus,  it  will  be  remembered,  states  that  the  stones  of  the  bridge  built  by  Semi- 
ramis  across  the  Pkiphrates  were  united  by  similar  iron  cramps,  whilst  the  interstices  were  filled 
up  with  molten  lead. 


602 


THE   HISTORY   OF   MESOPOTAMIA 


It  was  not  until  the  summer  of  1842  that  I  again  passed  through  Mosul 
on  my  way  to  Constantinople.  I  was  then  anxious  to  reach  the  Turkish 
capital,  and,  travelling  Tatar,  had  no  time  to  explore  ruins.  I  had  not, 
however,  forgotten  Ninirud.  I  had  frequently  spoken  to  others  on  the  sub- 
ject of  excavations  in  this  and  another  mound,  to  which  a  peculiar  interest 
also  attached;  and  atone  time  had  reason  to  hope  that  some  persons  in  England 
might  have  been  induced  to  aid  in  the  undertaking.  I  had  even  proposed  an 
examination  of  the  ruins  to  M.  Coste,  an  architect  who  had  been  sent  by  the 
French  government,  with  its  embassy  to  Persia,  to  draw  and  describe  the 
monuments  of  that  country. 

On  my  arrival  at  Mosul,  I  found  that  I\I.  Botta  had,  since  my  first  visit, 
been  named  French  consul  there  ;  and  had  already  commenced  excavations 
on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  in  the  large  mound  called  Kuyunjik.     These 

excavations  were  on  a  very  small 
scale,  and,  at  the  time  of  my  pas- 
sage, only  fragments  of  brick  and 
alabaster,  upon  which  were  engraved 
a  few  letters  in  tlie  cuneiform  char- 
acter, had  been  discovered. 

Whilst  detained  by  unexpected 
circumstances  at  Constantinople,  I 
entered  into  correspondence  with  a 
gentleman  in  England  on  the  sub- 
ject of  excavations;  but,  with  this 
exception,  no  one  seemed  inclined 
to  assist  or  take  any  interest  in  such 
an  undertaking.  I  also  wrote  to 
M.  Botta,  encouraging  him  to  pro- 
ceed, notwithstanding  the  apparent 
paucity  of  results,  and  particularly 
calling  his  attention  to  the  mound 
of  Nimrud,  which,  however,  he  de- 
clined to  explore  on  account  of  its 
distance  from  INlosul  and  its  in- 
convenient position.  I  was  soon 
called  away  from  the  Turkish 
capital  to  the  provinces;  and  for 
some  months  numerous  occupations 
prevented  me  turning  my  atten- 
tion to  the  ruins  and  antiquities 
of  Assyria. 

In  the  meanwhile  M.  Botta,  not  discouraged  by  the  want  of  success  which  had 
attended  his  first  essay,  continued  liis  excavations  in  the  mound  of  Kuyunjik  : 
and  to  him  is  due  the  honour  of  having  found  the  first  Assyrian  monument. 
This  remarkable  discovery  owed  its  origin  to  the  following  circumstances. 
The  small  party  employed  by  M.  Botta  were  at  work  on  Kuyunjik,  when  a 
peasant  from  a  distant  village  clianced  to  visit  the  spot.  Seeing  that  every 
fragment  of  brick  and  alabaster  imcovered  by  the  workmen  was  carefully 
preserved,  he  asked  the  reason  of  this,  to  him,  strange  proceeding.  On  being 
informed  that  they  were  in  search  of  sculptured  stones,  he  advised  them  to 
try  the  mound  on  which  his  village  was  built,  and  in  which,  he  declared, 
many  such  things  as  they  wanted  had  been  exposed  on  digging  for  the  founda- 
tions of  new  houses.     M.  Botta,  having  been  frequently  deceived  by  similar 


Excavations  at  Kuyunjik 
(Layard) 


APPENDIX   B.     EXCAVATIONS   IN   MESOPOTAMIA  603 

stories,  was  not  at  first  inclined  to  follow  the  peasant's  advice,  but  subse- 
quently sent  an  agent  and  one  or  two  workmen  to  the  place. 

After  a  little  opposition  from  the  inhabitants,  they  were  permitted  to  sink 
a  well  in  the  mound  ;  and  at  a  small  distance  from  the  surface  they  came  to 
the  top  of  a  wall  which,  on  digging  deeper,  they  found  to  be  built  of  sculp- 
tured slabs  of  gypsum.  M.  Botta,  on  receiving  information  of  this  discovery, 
went  at  once  to  the  village,  which  was  called  Khorsabad.  He  directed  a 
wider  trench  to  be  formed,  and  to  be  carried  in  the  direction  of  the  wall. 
He  soon  found  that  he  had  opened  a  chamber,  which  was  connected  mth 
others,  and  constructed  of  slabs  of  gypsum  covered  with  sculptured  representa- 
tions of  battles,  sieges,  and  similar  events.  His  wonder  may  be  easily 
imagined. 

A  new  history  had  been  suddenly  opened  to  him  —  the  records  of  an 
unknown  people  were  before  him.  He  was  equally  at  a  loss  to  account  for 
the  age  and  the  nature  of  the  monument.  The  art  shown  in  the  sculptures, 
the  dresses  of  the  figures,  the  mythic  forms  on  the  walls,  were  all  new  to 
him,  and  afforded  no  clew  to  the  epoch  of  the  erection  of  the  edifice,  and  to 
the  people  who  were  its  founders.  Numerous  inscriptions,  accompanying 
the  bas-reliefs,  evidently  contained  the  explanation  of  the  events  thus 
recorded  in  sculpture.  They  were  in  the  cuneiform,  or  arrow-headed, 
character.  The  nature  of  these  inscriptions  was  at  least  evidence  that  the 
building  belonged  to  a  period  preceding  the  conquest  of  Alexander  ;  for  it 
was  generally  admitted  that  after  the  subjugation  of  the  west  of  Asia  by  the 
Macedonians,  the  cuneiform  writing  ceased  to  be  employed.  But  too  little 
was  then  known  of  this  character  to  enable  M.  Botta  co  draw  any  inference 
from  the  peculiar  arrangement  of  the  wedges,  which  distinguishes  the  vari- 
eties used  in  different  countries.  However,  it  was  evident  that  the  monu- 
ment appertained  to  a  very  ancient  and  very  civilised  people;  and  it  was 
natural  from  its  position  to  refer  it  to  the  inhabitants  of  Nineveh  —  a  city, 
which,  although  it  could  not  have  occupied  a  site  so  distant  from  the  Tigris, 
must  have  been  in  the  vicinity  of  the  place.  M.  Botta  had  discovered  an 
Assyrian  edifice,  the  first,  probably,  which  had  been  exposed  to  the  view  of 
man  since  the  fall  of  the  Assyrian  Empire. 

M.  Botta  was  not  long  in  perceiving  that  the  building  wliich  had  been 
thus  partly  excavated,  unfortunately  owed  its  destruction  to  fire ;  and  that 
the  gypsum  slabs,  reduced  to  lime,  were  rapidly  falling  to  pieces  on  exposure 
to  the  air.  No  precaution  could  arrest  this  rapid  decay ;  and  it  was  to  be 
feared  that  this  wonderful  monument  had  only  been  uncovered  to  comj)lete 
its  ruin.  The  records  of  victories  and  triumphs,  which  had  long  attested 
the  power  and  swelled  the  pride  of  the  Assyrian  kings,  and  had  resisted  the 
ravages  of  ages,  were  now  passing  away  forever.  Tliey  could  scarcely  be 
held  together  until  an  inexperienced  pencil  could  secure  an  imperfect  evi- 
dence of  their  former  existence. 

Almost  all  that  was  first  discovered  thus  speedily  disappeared ;  and  the 
same  fate  has  befallen  nearly  everything  subsequently  found  at  Khorsabad. 
A  regret  is  almost  felt  that  so  precious  a  memorial  of  a  great  nation  should 
have  been  thus  exposed  to  destruction,  when  no  precaution  couhl  keep  entire 
or  secure  the  greater  part  of  it  ;  but  as  far  as  the  object  of  tlie  monument  is 
concerned,  the  intention  of  its  founders  will  be  amply  fulfilled,  and  the  records 
of  their  might  will  be  more  widely  spread,  and  more  effectually  preserved, 
by  modern  art,  than  the  most  exalted  ambition  could  have  contemplated. 

M.  Botta  lost  no  time  in  communicating  his  remarkable  discovery  to  the 
principal  scientific  body  in  France.     Knowing  the  interest  I  felt  in   hi^ 


604  THE   HISTORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

labours,  he  allowed  me  to  see  his  letters  and  drawings  as  they  passed  through 
Constantinople  ;  and  I  was  amongst  the  first  who  were  made  acquainted  with 
his  success.  And  here  I  gladly  avail  myself  of  the  opportunity  of  mentioning, 
with  the  acknowledgment  and  praise  which  they  deserve,  his  disinterestedness 
and  liberality,  so  honourable  to  one  engaged  in  the  pursuit  of  knowledge. 
During  the  entire  period  of  his  excavations,  "Si.  Botta  regularly  sent  me  not 
only  his  descriptions,  but  copies  of  the  inscriptions,  without  exacting  any 
promise  as  to  the  use  I  might  make  of  them.  That  there  are  few  who  would 
have  acted  thus  liberally,  those  who  have  been  engaged  in  a  search  after  an- 
tiquities in  the  East  will  not  be  inclined  to  deny. 

M.  Botta's  communications  were  laid  before  the  "Academic,"  by  M.  Mohl ; 
and  that  body,  perceiving  at  once  the  importance  of  the  discovery,  lost  no 
time  in  applying  to  the  jNIinister  of  Public  Instruction  for  means  to  carry  on 
the  researches.  The  recommendation  was  attended  to  with  that  readiness 
and  munificence  which  almost  invariably  distinguished  the  French  govern- 
ment in  undertakings  of  this  nature.  Ample  funds  to  meet  the  cost  of  ex- 
tensive excavations  were  at  once  assigned  to  J\l.  Botta,  and  an  artist  of 
acknowledged  skill  was  placed  under  his  orders  to  draw  such  parts  of  the 
monument  discovered  as  could  not  be  preserved  or  removed. 


Bas-relief  of  Fish,  Hills,  amd  Trees 

With  the  exception  of  a  few  interruptions  on  the  part  of  the  local  author- 
ities, who  were  suspicious  of  the  objects  of  the  excavations,  the  work  was 
carried  on  with  activity  and  success,  and  by  the  beginning  of  1845  the 
monument  had  been  completely  uncovered.  The  researches  of  M.  Botta 
were  not  extended  beyond  Khorsabad;  and  having  secured  many  fine  speci- 
mens of  Assyrian  sculpture  for  his  country,  he  returned  to  Europe  with  a 
rich  collection  of  inscriptions,  the  most  important  result  of  his  discovery.^ 

LAYARD's   discoveries   at   NINEVEH 

It  is  indeed  a  matter  for  regret  there  is  not  the  space  to  continue  Layard's 
own  account  of  his  discoveries.  Professor  Hommel  has  summarised  this, 
however,  in  an  exceedingly  satisfactory  manner,  and  his  account  is  here  given. 

Brilliant  as  Botta's  achievements  had  been,  they  were  quite  cast  into 
the  shade  by  what  the  English  statesman,  Sir  (then  Mr.)  A.  H.  Layard,  the 
sole  discoverer  of  Nineveh,  had  accomplished  for  all  branches  of  investiga- 
tion and  knowledge  of  Assyrian  antiquity,  by  means  of  the  excavations,  prin- 
cipally in  Kuyunjik  and  Nimrud,  but  also  in  Neby  Yunus,  Kalah  Shergat, 
and  other  mounds  of  ruins  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Nineveh ;  these  excava- 
tions were  made  with  the  assistance  of  Hormuzd  Rassam,  who  subsequently 


APPENDIX   B.     EXCAVATIONS   IN   MESOPOTAMIA  C05 

continued  them.  We  remember  how,  from  as  far  back  as  the  year  1840,  it 
was  Layard's  ardent  desire  to  be  able  to  undertake  some  excavations.  He 
had  hailed  Botta's  lucky  find  without  envy,  and  was  indeed  the  first  who,  in 
some  letters  in  the  Malta  Times  which  afterwards  went  the  rounds  of  many 
European  newspapers,  directed  public  attention  to  tlie  newly  discovered 
Assyrian  royal  palace,  which  Botta  at  first  assigned  to  the  Sassanian  period. 
Then,  in  the  autumn  of  1845,  the  eagerly-looked-for  funds  were  at  last 
obtained  by  the  munificence  of  the  English  ambassador  at  Constantinople, 
Sir  Stratford  Canning  (afterwards  Lord  Stratford  de  Redcliffe),  to  whom 
the  British  Museum  already  owed  the  acquisition  of  the  costly  marbles  of 
Halicarnassus.  Thus,  towards  the  end  of  the  year  1845,  Layard  was  able  to 
begin  the  excavations.  He  set  to  work  on  the  Nimrud  pile  of  ruins,  which 
lies  a  distance  of  five  hours  to  the  south  of  Mosul,  and  had  previously 
attracted  his  attention  when  Botta  was  still  in  Mosul.  He  laboured  under 
the  greatest  difficulties,  far  greater  than  those  which  Botta  had  to  overcome 
—  to  see  how  far  this  statement  is  from  exaggeration,  Layard's  own  account 
should  be  perused — the  work  having  at  first  to  be  carried  on  in  profound 
secrecy  so  as  to  excite  as  little  suspicion  as  possible  in  the  Turkish  authorities 
and  in  the  population. 

It  was  not  to  be  long  before  Layard's  efforts  were  crowned  with  success. 
By  the  end  of  November  several  bas-reliefs  were  laid  bare,  whose  execution 
appeared  to  surpass  even  those  of  the  sculptures  of  Khorsabad,  and  which 
were  accompanied  by  cuneiform  inscriptions.  In  spite  of  many  interrup- 
tions the  work  proceeded  rigorously,  and  manifold  were  the  discoveries 
thus  brought  to  light.  One  deserving  of  special  interest  was  that  of  the 
gigantic  head  of  one  of  the  colossal  winged  lions,  with  men's  heads,  which  the 
Assyrians  placed  at  the  entrance  of  their  palaces  for  the  sake  of  spreading  ter- 
ror amongst  the  inhabitants  of  surrounding  districts.  For  it  was  everywhere 
whispered  and  believed  that  none  other  than  Nimrod  in  person  had  risen 
from  the  earth.  All  this  had  occurred  in  the  spring  of  the  year  1846.  The 
funds  for  the  excavations  lasted  till  the  middle  of  June  1847  ;  and  when 
Layard  returned  to  Europe  he  had  laid  bare  in  Nimrud  no  less  than  three 
great  Assyrian  royal  palaces,  namely :  the  grand  northwestern  palace, 
which  Asshurnazirpal  had  built  (884-861  B.C.)  on  the  ruins  of  an  an- 
cient structure  (dating  from  Shalmaneser  I,  the  founder  of  Calah,  circa 
1300  B.C.?);  the  central  palace,  probably  built  by  Asshurnazirpal's  suc- 
cessor, Shalmaneser  II  (a  predecessor  of  the  biblical  Shalmaneser),  where 
was  found  the  famous  black  obelisk ;  and  lastly,  Esarhaddon's  once  mag- 
nificent southwestern  palace  (681-669  B.C.).  The  northwestern  palace 
yielded  the  richest  spoil :  it  was  also  far  better  preserved  than  the  contents 
of  Sargon's  palace  at  Khorsabad,  where  Botta  had  made  his  excavations. 
As  Sir  Stratford  Canning  had  presented  the  British  Museum  with  everything 
moveable  which  Layard  had  discovered  and  brought  to  light,  even  at  the  end 
of  this  first  expedition  of  Layard's,  a  collection  of  Assyrian  antiquities 
(principally  bas-reliefs  and  inscriptions),  such  as  existed  nowhere  else,  was 
despatched  to  London.  The  unwearied  energy  of  the  discoverer  of  Nineveh 
succeeded  in  taking  it  unhurt,  first  to  Bassorah,  from,  whence  the  valuable 
freight  was  forwarded  to  the  ship  —  truly  not  the  smallest  part  of  the  task 
he  had  begun  so  gloriously,  and  now  still  more  gloriously  accomplished. 

The  period  which  followed  was  employed  by  Layard  in  summarising  the 
results  obtained  in  a  vigorous  narrative,  furnished  with  many  illustrations, 
the  work  called  Nineveh  and  its  Remains,  which  was  published  just  as 
Layard  was  on  the  point  of  going  to  Assyria  for  the  second  time  —  on  this 


G06 


THE   HISTOKY   OF  MESOPOTAMIA 


occasion  at  the  expense  of  the  British  Museum.  The  sensation  which  the 
book  created  in  England  was  enormous,  and  its  most  important  result  was 
that  lienceforth  the  government  turned  its  attention  to  the  excavations.  So 
ill  1849  Layard  was  given  leave  of  absence  from  his  diplomatic  post  at  Con- 
stantinople for  the  purpose  of  making  new  discoveries  on  Assyrian  soil,  and 
llormuzd  Rassam,  who  had  already  been  his  assistant  and  happened  just 
tiien  to  be  in  London,  was  sent  after  him  (also  officially). 

If  on  the  tirst  expedition  Layard  had  done  little  more  than  explore  Nim- 
rud  (the  ancient  Calah),  the  labours  of  the  second  (1849-1851),  were  on 
the  contrary  practically  limited  to  the  mounds  of  ruins  of  Kuyunjik  with 
Neby  Yunus,  the  site  of  Nineveh  itself.  Here  Botta  had  first  begun  his 
excavations,  but  entirely  without  success,  for  he  had  merely  caused  diggings 


O' 


/ 


x^imfyj 


^■j;>--=^TT^ 


Bas-eelief  representing  a  Fortified  City,  a  River  with  a  Boat  and  Kaft,  and  a  Canal 
(Found  at  Kuyunjik.  —  Layard) 


to  be  made  to  the  depth  of  a  few  feet,  and  without  any  method,  instead  of 
making  his  chief  object  the  remains  of  the  platform,  on  which  the  buildings 
he  was  seeking  had  been  erected.  And  it  was  here  that  Layard,  at  the  end 
of  his  first  expedition,  and  after  having  been  obliged  to  dig  twenty  feet 
down,  had  discovered  Sennacherib's  south-western  palace  (705-682  B.C.). 
But  the  real  fruits  of  this  discovery  were  now  the  object  of  the  second  un- 
dertaking. For  if  in  this  Layard  was  still  occupied  with  Nimrud,  the  work 
there  was  only  a  species  of  gleaning,  the  excavations  and  discoveries  in 
Arban,  on  the  Khabur  and  in  Bavian  were,  in  comparison  with  the  rest,  only 
a  short  trial-trip,  and  the  main  thing  still  remained  the  minute  investigation 
and  laying  bare  of  the  great  south-western  palace  in  Kuyunjik.  It  was  not 
till  this  was  finished  that  he  employed  the  rest  of  his  time  and  money  in  a 
visit  to  Babylonia  (at  the  end  of  1850),  of  which,  however,  Layard  himself 
says  "  that  they  (i.e.  the  discoveries  amongst  the  ruins  of  ancient  Babylon) 


APPENDIX  B.     EXCAVATIONS   IN   MESOPOTAMIA  C07 

were  far  fewer  and  of  far  less  importance  than  he  had  expected";  he  also 
gave  the  first  exact  description  of  the  mounds  of  Niffer,  the  ancient  Nippur, 
south-east  of  Babylon.  All  his  experiences  and  all  the  results  of  this  second 
expedition  were  set  down  by  Layard  in  the  Discoveries  in  the  Ruins  of  Nin- 
eveJi  and  Babylon,  a  work,  seven  hundred  pages  in  length  and  with  many 
illustrations,  besides  plans  and  maps,  which  appeared  in  London  as  early  as 
the  beginning  of  the  year  1853. 

This  popular  book  had,  like  the  former  one,  a  prodigious  success,  and  was 
shortly  after  translated  into  German ;  as  a  supplement  to  it  Layard's  great 
publications  were  announced,  namely,  that  magnificent  work,  the  Monu- 
ments of  Nineveh,  and  a  volume  of  inscriptions  which  was  the  forerunner 
to  the  great  work  on  inscriptions  published  by  the  British  Museum  in  five 
volumes  (1861-1884). 

But  to  return  to  Layard's  excavations  whicli  he  resumed  in  the  middle  of 
October,  1819,  at  the  place  where  he  had  interrupted  them  two  years  before. 
It  is  simply  impossible  within  a  short  space  to  give  a  clear  idea  of  what  Layard 
and  his  workmen,  assisted  by  Hormuzd  Rassam,  brought  to  light  before  the  mid- 
dle of  the  year  1850  in  that  south-western  palace  of  Sennacherib  which  Asshur- 
banapal  restored.  Any  one  who  would  form  a  clear  idea  of  it  must  peruse 
Layard's  magnificent  descriptions  of  it  for  himself.  Assyrian  antiquity 
rose  from  the  earth  and  grew  more  and  more  distinct,  and  so  intelligible  was 
the  language  of  the  hundreds  of  bas-reliefs,  that,  even  without  understanding 
the  inscriptions,  every  one  was  in  a  position  to  construct  for  himself  a  toler- 
ably clear  picture  of  the  manners  and  customs,  the  life  and  occupations,  in 
short,  the  whole  civilisation  of  the  ancient  Assyrians,  and  this  merely  from 
the  illustrations  in  Layard's  two  popular  books.  But  the  most  important  dis- 
covery made  in  this  palace,  indeed  the  most  important  in  its  results  of  all  the 
Assyrian  excavations,  was  the  remains  of  a  regular  library  of  thousands  of 
clay  tablets,  which  were  heaped  up  in  two  chambers,  covering  the  floor  a  foot 
thick.  These  the  restorer  of  the  palace,  the  accomplished  king  Asshur- 
banapal  (668  B.C.,  the  Sardanapalus  of  the  Greeks,  and  Asnapper  of  the 
Bible)  had  had  collected,  and  had  deposited  them,  partly  here,  partly  (prob- 
ably in  duplicate)  in  other  palaces,  as  in  particular  in  the  northern  palace, 
which  was  also  in  Kuyunjik,  and  was  discovered  by  Rassam.  The  tablets 
of  gray  and  yellow  clay  found  in  the  so-called  Lion  Room  of  Asshur- 
banapal's  northern  palace,  were  in  most  cases  broken  into  smaller  or  larger 
fragments,  probably  because  in  the  general  ruin  they  had  fallen  down  from 
the  upper  story  into  the  space  in  which  they  covered  the  ground ;  many, 
however,  were  still  whole.  Of  course  only  later  investigation  could  suc- 
ceed in  bringing  the  broken  fragments  together  again,  and  then  only 
partially ;  one  of  these  tablets,  restored  by  piecing  together  sixteen  frag- 
ments, gives  the  Babylonian  story  of  the  Flood,  which  George  Smith 
successfully  recognised  from  amongst  the  thousands  of  scattered  frag- 
ments ;  the  reader  will  appreciate  the  condition  in  which  most  of  these 
clay  book-pages  (to  use  a  paradoxical  expression)  have  come  down  to  us. 
The  size  of  the  tablets  seldom  exceeds  nine  by  six  and  a  half  inches ;  but 
many,  especially  tablets  containing  contracts,  were  considerably  smaller. 
The  greater  number  bore  the  inscription,  "Series  of  tablets  .  .  .,  tablet 
number  .  .  .;  Palace  of  Asshurbanapal,  king  of  the  universe,  king  of 
Assyria  .  .  .,"  after  which  came  a  series  of  phrases,  mostly  stereotyped, 
which  indicates  the  tablet  in  question  as  belonging  to  the  library  of  Asshur- 
banapal, the  great  collector  of  ancient  Babylonian  literature  in  Assyrian 
character.     In  the  restored  tablet  of  the  Flood,  the  place  of  the  signature 


608  THE   HISTORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

is  clearly  recognisable  on  the  first  of  the  columns;  it  is  the  last  of  the 
columns,  for  they  are  always  to  be  counted  from  right  to  left  (instead  of 
from  left  to  right).  But  especially  clear  to  the  eye  of  a  layman  is  the 
addition  to  the  signature,  which  represents  a  kind  of  library  mark,  unlike 
that  of  the  specially  prized  Ishtar  hymn  in  two  languages  (S.  M.  954,  British 
Museum);  the  latter  differs  somewhat  from  the  ordinary  tenor  of  these 
signatures,  inasmuch  as  a  whole  genealogy  is  put,  instead  of  the  sentence 
usual  elsewhere ;  translated  literally  it  runs  : 

"  (series:)  ir  shimma  dimmir  Ninna."  —  Complaint  to  the  goddess  Ishtar. 
(The  usual  number  of  the  tablet  is  not  placed  here.) 

He  has  written  and  engraved  it  like  its  original. 

"  Palace  of  Asshurbanapal,  king  of  Assyria, 
Son  of  Esarhaddon,  king  of  the  universe,  king  of  Assyria,  ruler  of  Babylon, 
King  of  Sumer  and  Accad,  king  of  the  kings  of  Ethiopia  and  Egypt, 
King  of  the  four  regions,  son  of  Sennacherib, 
King  of  the  universe,  king  of  Assyria,  who  puts  his  trust  in  the  god  Asshur  and  the  goddess 

Ninlil,  in  Nabu  and  Tashmit. 
May  the  god  Nabu  be  thy  guide  I " 

In  general,  however,  these  signatures  ran  as  follows : 

(The  first  word  of  the  tablet  following.) 

"  Xth  tablet  (of  the  series  beginning  thus  :).... 

"  Palace  of  Asshurbanapal,  the  king  of  the  universe,  the  king  of  Assyria,  to  whom  Nabu 
and  Tashmit  had  given  ear,  who  took  clear  eyes  for  the  preparation  (?)  of  the  writing  of 
tablets,  whilst  under  the  kings  my  predecessors  nothing  of  the  kind  (nin  shipru  shu'  atu) 
was  attempted  —  the  wisdom  of  Nabu,  (tikip  santakki),  a  fulhiess  of  beauty,  did  I  write, 
arrange,  and  engrave  on  tablets ;  to  see  and  read  it  I  placed  it  in  my  palace." 

After  which,  in  some  examples,  there  follows : 

"  May  the  light  of  Asshur,  the  king  of  the  gods,  be  thy  guide ! 
Whosoever  shall  write  his  name  by  my  name, 
May  Asshur  and  Ninlil  (Beltis)  destroy  him  and  root  his  name  and  his  seed  out  of  the  land ! " 

Tlie  contents  of  the  tablets  in  which  Asshurbanapal  caused  the  wisdom  of 
the  god  Nabu  (identified  by  the  ancients  with  Mercury)  to  be  written  of  in 
this  fashion,  were  varied  to  an  extent  scarcely  conceivable.  They  contained 
the  primitive  spells  and  formulas  for  oaths  of  the  people  of  Sumer,  as  well 
as  the  somewhat  later  hymns  to  the  gods,  and  penitential  psalms  of  the  Acca- 
dian  population  of  northern  Babylonia,  almost  all  of  them  with  interlinear 
translations  into  the  Semitic  language  of  ancient  Babylon ;  also  legends  of 
Semitic  character  and  epic  poems  almost  as  old  as  the  Accadian  hymns ; 
astronomical  and  astrological  texts :  historical  inscriptions  (as,  for  instance, 
those  of  Agum-kakrime  and  the  ancient  Sargon) ;  chronological  lists,  calendars, 
and  a  great  deal  besides  ;  all  of  which  was  collected  by  Asshurbanapal  and  by 
him  handed  down  to  posterity.  It  is  hard  to  say  in  what  direction  the 
literary  pieces  thus  preserved  fail  to  cast  a  light  on  the  ancient  Babylonians 
into  whose  cultivation  the  Assyrians  were,  indeed,  once  initiated,  and  to 
whom  they  were  in  all  essentials  indebted  for  their  own  ;  it  is  certain  that 
we  should  now  be  acquainted  with  no  single  one  of  those  primitive  magic 
verses,  had  not  Asshurbanapal  had  them  written  out  afresh.  And  what 
should  we  know  of  the  Sumerians  and  Accadians  without  these  songs?  But 
tliis  is  not  enough.     A  great  part  of  the  Asshurbanapal   library  consists 


APPENDIX   B.     EXCAVATIONS   IN   MESOPOTAMIA 


G09 


of  philosophical  aids  to  the  knowledge  and  acquisition  of  the  Sumerio- 
Accadian  language,  as  well  as  of  the  Semitic  Assyrio-Babylonian,  and 
to  the  writing  (the  so-called  syllabary)  as  well  as  to  the  spoken  language ; 
these  aids  include  vocabularies,  grammatical  paradigms,  and  even  collections 
of  phrases  in  two  languages. 

Whilst  Layard  was  exploring  the  south-western  palace  at  Kuyunjik, 
adding  undreamt-of  treasures  to  those  acquired  in  his  first  expedition  to  the 
country,  and  finding  quantities  of  new  cuneiform  texts  of  the  so-called  third 
species  of  the  Assyrian  genus,  so  that  he  seemed  to  have  been  the  first  to 
gather  the  materials  for  the  deciphering  of  this  kind  of  cuneiform  writing,  it 
had  been  already  completed,  at  least  in  the  main,  by  the  labours  of  Saulcy 
(1849)  and,  above  all,  by  those  of  Henry  Rawlinson  (1847-1851).  Layard's 
book,  Nineveh  and  its  Remaiyis,  which  appeared  in  1849,  had  already  introduced 
us  into  the  midst  of  Assyrian  antiquity,  although  the  inscriptions  which 
accompanied  the  sculptures  could  not  yet  give  us  any  further  information 
elucidating  them.  But  in  the  Discoveries  in  the  Ruins  of  Nineveh  and 
Babylon^  which  appeared  in  the  beginning  of  1853,  we  already  find  the 
correct  interpretation  of  several  Assyrian  names  of  kings,  countries,  to^vns, 
and  gods,  and  even  the  correct  rendering  of  the  substance  of  connected  his- 
torical inscriptions,  which  Layard  owed  to  the  information  communicated  in 
the  interval  by  Henry  Rawlinson  and  the  Irishman,  E.  Hincks,  who  had  also 
brought  great  acuteness  to  bear  on  this  department  of  study.  The  numerous 
fresh  historical  documents  which  Layard  brought  with  him  could  not  have 
appeared  at  a  more  favourable  time ;  above  all,  the  first  of  the  chests  con- 
taining Asshurbanapal's  library  could  not  have  entered  London  at  a  better 
moment.  For,  once  a  basis  was  established  for  the  reading  of  the  cuneiform 
writing  of  the  Babylonian  and  Assyrian  languages,  all  that  was  needed  to 
advance  along  the  path  so  successfully  entered  upon  was  new  texts,  and 
these  now  began  to  flow  in,  in  abundauce.c 


Bas-kelief  representing  Tiglathpileser  hi 

(Found  at  Nimrud.  —  Layard) 

H.   W. VOL,  I.   2ll 


610  THE   HISTORY  OP  MESOPOTAMIA 


LATER    DISCOVERIES   IN   BABYLONIA    AND   ASSYRIA 

The  work  of  exploration  rested  entirely  between  the  years  1855  and 
1872.  Great  progress  was  made,  however,  in  the  decipherment  of  inscrip- 
tions and  the  popularisation  of  the  results,  and  the  mind  of  the  public  was 
prepared  to  appreciate  the  greatness  of  the  work  that  was  to  follow. 

The  importance  of  George  Smith's  decipherment  in  1872  of  the  Baby- 
lonian story  of  the  Deluge  was  at  once  recognised,  and  led  to  his  being  sent 
to  Nineveh  in  January,  1873,  under  the  auspices  of  the  Daily  Telegraph. 
As  soon  as  he  had  discovered  some  further  fragments  of  the  deluge  story, 
however,  the  newspaper  was  satisfied,  and  he  was  recalled.  On  a  second 
expedition,  sent  out  in  the  same  year  by  the  British  Museum,  Smith  made 
no  startling  discoveries.  Smith's  work,  while  small  in  amount  when  com- 
pared with  that  of  the  early  explorers,  brought  to  light  much  valuable 
material,  and  aroused  great  enthusiasm  in  England.  The  British  Museum 
sent  him  on  a  third  expedition  in  1876;  but  he  was  prevented  from  making 
any  excavations,  and  died  of  fever  on  his  way  back. 

The  next  expedition,  that  of  Hormuzd  Rassam  in  1877,  resulted,  among 
other  things,  in  the  identification  of  the  site  of  Sippar,  and  the  discovery 
of  numerous  interesting  inscriptions  and  of  some  beautifully  ornamented 
inscribed  bronze  plates  that  had  adorned  the  gates  of  the  palace  of 
Shalmaneser  II. 

In  this  same  year,  1877,  M.  Ernest  de  Sarzec,  then  just  appointed  French 
consul  at  Bassorah  on  the  Persian  Gulf,  began  that  series  of  brilliant 
explorations  which  he  has  carried  on  more  or  less  continuously  ever  since. 
His  enthusiasm  for  archseological  research  was  backed  by  an  extensive 
knowledge  of  the  conditions  of  the  country,  and  his  efforts  were  rewarded 
with  an  unusual  degree  of  success  from  the  very  start. 

The  first  four  years  were  devoted  to  an  extensive  and  systematic  exca- 
vation of  Telloh,  a  great  mound  about  five  miles  from  the  Shatt-el-khai, 
in  southern  Babylonia,  and  now  identified  with  the  ancient  Shirpurla.  The 
first  season  was  marked  by  the  discovery  of  two  large  terra-cotta  cylinders, 
twenty-four  inches  long  and  twelve  in  diameter.  The  inscriptions  on  these 
cylinders,  which  contained  fully  two  thousand  lines  each,  were  the  longest 
then  known  from  an  early  period.  By  the  end  of  the  four  seasons  of  work  a 
great  temple  liad  been  uncovered,  one  hundred  and  seventy -five  by  one  hun- 
dred feet  in  dimensions,  and  built  on  a  mound  from  sixteen  to  twenty  feet 
high.  The  bricks  of  the  outer  wall,  which  was  five  feet  thick,  were  one  foot 
square  and  bore  the  name  Gudea.  The  objects  found  in  the  interior  of  the 
temple  have  proved  very  important  to  early  Babylonian  history.  One  room 
contained  eight  statues  of  an  early  period,  all  headless,  however,  having  been 
mutilated  by  barbarians  of  a  later  time. 

Scarcely  less  important  was  De  Sarzec's  discovery  in  1894  of  a  chamber 
in  whicli  were  found  thirty  thousand  tablets.  While  a  considerable  pro- 
portion of  them  were  religious  documents,  most  of  these  tablets  were 
commercial,  agricultural,  and  industrial  archives. 

The  Louvre  has  profited  greatly  by  the  work  of  De  Sarzec,  for  a  large 
part  of  his  discoveries  has  found  its  way  thither. 

The  American  expeditions  have  been  among  the  most  successful  ones 
in  this  field.  The  Wolfe  expedition  of  1884-1885  —  so  called  from  Miss 
Catherine  Lorillard  Wolfe,  who  defrayed  its  expenses  —  confined  its  work 
to  a  thorough  exploration  of  the  whole  field,  not  only  visiting  the  sites 
of  previous  excavations,  but  examining  many  new  mounds  as  well.     The 


APPENDIX  B.    EXCAVATIONS  IN  MESOPOTAMIA 


611 


succeeding  expeditions  have  been  sent  out  under  the  auspices  of  tlie  Univer- 
sity of  Pennsylvania.  The  first  one,  in  1888-1889,  under  the  direction  of 
Dr.  John  P.  Peters,  with  Professors  H.  V.  Hilprecht  and  R.  F.  Harper  as 
Assyriologists,  began  excavations  at  Niffer,  the  site  of  ancient  Nippur. 
They  had  many  difficulties  with  native  tribes  and  Turkish  officials,  but 
succeeded  in  making  a  trigonometrical  survey  of  all  the  mounds  and  obtain- 
ing a  great  number  of  antiquities  of  all  sorts.  Dr.  Peters,  however,  modestly 
characterises  the  expedition  as  "  more  or  less  of  a  failure." 

In  1890  work  was  begun  again.  Thousands  of  tablets  and  various 
kinds  of  objects  were  obtained,  and  were  all  sent  to  the  Imperial  Museum 
at  Constantinople.  Professor  Hilprecht  was  sent  to  Constantinople  to 
catalogue  the  finds.  He  did  the  work  with  great  skill  and  tact,  and  the 
Sultan  repaid  the  University  of  Pennsylvania  for  his  services  by  the  gift  of 
a  large  part  of  the  collection. 

The  third  expedition  was  sent  out  in  1893  under  the  direction  of  Mr. 
J.  H.  Haynes,  who  had  been  the  business  manager  of  the  first  two.  With 
a  single  brief  interruption  of  two  months  in  1894  he  carried  on  the  work 
steadily  until  1896,  accomplishing  what  no  European  had  ever  ventured  to 
attempt  before.  This  expedition  and  the  fourth  one,  which  set  out  under 
Haynes  in  1899  and  was  joined  by  Hilprecht  in  1900,  procured  many 
thousands  of  tablets  and  antiquities  of  other  kinds.  These  finds  have 
enriched  the  store  of  Babylonian  literature  with  vast  quantities  of  texts, 
religious,  commercial,  and  historical. 

The  first  German  expedition,  in  1897,  like  the  first  American,  simply 
explored  Bab3donia  and  Assyria.  Then  in  1899  Dr.  Robert  Koldewey,  who 
had  been  a  member  of  the  first  expedition,  accom- 
panied by  Dr.  Bruno  Meissner,  went  out  under 
the  auspices  of  the  German  Orient  Society.  They 
went  to  work  at  the  mound  of  El-Kasr,  Babylon, 
which  covers  the  remains  of  the  palace  of  Nebu- 
chadrezzar. Their  first  success  was  in  the  find- 
ing of  a  new  Hittite  inscription  and  many  tablets 
of  the  Neo-Babylonian  period.  Great  results  may 
be  expected  from  their  future  work. 

The  Turks,  themselves,  have  naturally  the  best 
opportunity  for  carrying  on  the  work  of  explora- 
tion, for  they  can  count  upon  the  support  instead 
of  the  opposition  of  the  officials,  and  can  keep  the 
natives  under  control.  Thus  far  one  expedition 
has  been  sent  out.  It  was  under  the  direction 
of  Father  Scheil,  a  distinguished  Assyriologist,  a 
French  Dominican.  Its  complete  success  shows 
that  if  the  Turkish  government  can  once  be 
aroused  to  the  importance  of  the  work,  greater 
discoveries  may  be  expected. 

One  of  the  most  important  discoveries  of  cunei- 
form inscriptions  was  made  at  Tel-el- Amarna  in  Egypt  in  1888.  From  these 
tablets,  which  are  letters  and  despatches  of  Amenhotep  III  and  Amenhotep 
IV  and  of  many  monarchs  of  western  Asia,  much  valuable  chronological 
material  has  been  obtained,  as  well  as  much  light  upon  social  relations. 

The  great  discoveries  of  the  past  thirty  years  are  but  an  inspiration  to 
further  exploration.  The  work  is  bound  to  be  carried  on  until  the  buried 
cities  have  been,  completely  brought  to  light  again.o** 


AssYKiAN  Stele 


612 


THE  HISTORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA 


THE   RESULTS    OF   THE   EXCAVATIONS 

We  have  followed  the  story  of  the  excavations  in  Babylonia  and  Assyria 
with  some  detail  because  of  the  unique  character  of  the  record.  It  remains 
now  to  examine  the  results  of  these  excavations  in  their  bearings  upon  the 
story  of  history.  For,  of  course,  it  is  the  material  supplied  by  the  workers 
in  this  held  rather  than  the  work  itself  which  has  pertinence  in  the  present 
connection. 


AilAlAlAlAi.Uli.ii*AAAAiMAMig 


^i7rn'^i'^nTvtvr-^ivwn%Mm^wvT-itvrvwM 


Hlnti.ng  Sci;.\e  from  a  Bas-kelief  in  the  Palace  uf  Asshuknazikpal 

Great  numbers  of  historical  documents  have  been  restored  to  us,  sufficing, 
as  has  already  been  suggested,  to  rebuild  the  history  of  the  all  but  forgotten 
nations.  Such  historical  documents  as  are  not  to  be  found  in  connection 
with  Greece  or  Rome,  or  even  of  the  civilisation  of  the  Middle  Ages  down 
to  about  the  tenth  century  A.D.,  are  supplied  us  from  the  ruins  of  the 
Babylonian  and  Assyrian  cities.  These  documents,  as  already  pointed  out, 
are  in  the  form  of  inscriptions  on  fragments  of  brick.  These  inscriptions, 
in  an  altogether  unknown  character,  were  at  first  enigmatic,  but  oriental 
scholarship  soon  availed  to  decipher  them.  The  story  of  this  decipherment 
must  be  outlined  here  for  comparison  with  the  account  of  the  decipherment 
of  the  Egyptian  hieroglyphics,  which  has  already  been  presented.  In  no 
other  cases  except  these  two  has  the  historian  been  called  upon  to  deal  with 
a  great  mass  of  documents  written  in  an  absolutely  dead  language.  It  must 
be  remembered  that  the  so-called  dead  languages  of  the  classical  Avorld  were 
never  really  forgotten.  All  through  the  Middle  Ages  there  were  number- 
less scholars  who  liad  an  expert  knowledge  of  Greek  and  Latin.  Indeed, 
these  languages  were  the  current  medium  of  scholarly  intercourse  through- 
out the  dark  ages.  But  the  Babylonian  and  Assyrian  languages,  like  the 
Egyptian,  were  dead  in  the  fullest  significance  of  the  term  ;  that  is  to  say, 
they  were  utterly  unknown  to  any  human  being  for  a  period  of  more  than 
two  thousand  years.  Their  restoration  was  one  of  the  marvels  of  nineteenth- 
century  scholarship  ;  and  while  the  details  of  this  feat  of  scholarship  do  not 
properly  come  within  the  province  of  the  historian  in  the  narrower  sense, 
they  have  such  universal  interest  that  we  shall  do  well  to  present  at  least 
their  outline  here. 

Before  turning  to  the  story  of  decipherment,  however,  it  will  be  well  to 
gain  an  idea  as  to  the  number  and  the  variety  and  character  of  the  historical 
documents  in  question.     And  perhaps  the  best  way  to  do  this  will  be  to 


APPENDIX   B.     EXCAVATIONS   IN   MESOPOTAMIA  613 

take  a  glance  at  the  contents  of  the  Assyrian  collections  in  the  British 
Museum,  giving  particular  attention  to  the  marvellous  library  of  King 
Asshurbanapal,  one  of  the  last  of  the  great  rulers  of  Assyria — a  remarkable 
collection  of  books,  the  discovery  of  which  has  been  already  referred  to  in 
the  previous  section.  Nothing  could  give  one  a  more  vivid  realisation  of 
the  character  of  this  ancient  oriental  civilisation  than  the  most  casual 
glance  at  the  sample  books  from  this  old  library.  Having  inspected,  how- 
ever casually,  this  marvellous  set  of  documents,  one  is  prepared  to  take  up 
the  chronological  history  of  the  Babylonians  and  the  Assyrians  with  a  fresh 
interest  based  upon  the  comprehension  that  this  people,  so  long  regarded  as 
scarcely  more  than  mythical,  possessed  a  civilisation  strangely  comparable 
in  many  essential  features  to  the  civilisation  of  our  own  time.« 

TREASURES   FROM   NINEVEH 

The  most  casual  wanderer  in  the  British  Museum  can  hardly  fail  to 
notice  two  pairs  of  massive  sculptures,  in  the  one  case  winged  bulls,  in  the 
other,  winged  lions,  both  human-headed,  which  guard  the  entrance  to  the 
Egyptian  hall,  close  to  the  Rosetta  stone.  Each  pair  of  these  weird  crea- 
tures once  guarded  an  entrance  to  the  palace  of  a  king  in  the  famous  city  of 
Nineveh.  As  one  stands  before  them  his  mind  is  carried  back  over  some 
twenty -seven  intervening  centuries,  to  the  days  when  the  "  Cedar  of 
Lebanon  "  was  "  fair  in  his  greatness  "  and  the  scourge  of  Israel.  A  wave 
of  emotion  sweeps  over  one  when  he  first  sees  them,  and  Byron's  stirring 
lines,  reminiscent  of  school-day  oratory,  ring  in  the  memory: 

The  Assyrian  came  down  like  tlie  wolf  on  the  fold, 
And  his  cohorts  were  gleaming  in  purple  and  gold, 
And  the  sheen  of  their  spears  was  like  stars  on  the  sea. 
When  the  blue  wave  rolls  nightly  on  deep  Galilee. 

The  Assyrian  !  The  ruler  of  Nineveh !  For  two  thousand  five  hundred 
years  he  was  only  a  name  and  a  memory ;  yet  here  stand  great  monuments 
to  testify  to  the  reality  of  his  sometime  greatness. 

These  huge  lions  are  pertinent  in  the  present  connection  because  of  the 
inscriptions  that  are  graven  across  their  pedestals.  A  glance  reveals  the 
strange  characters  in  which  these  records  are  written,  graven  neatly  in 
straight  lines  across  the  stone,  and  looking,  to  casual  inspection,  like  nothing 
else  so  much  as  random  flights  of  arrow-heads.  The  resemblance  is  so  strik- 
ing that  this  is  sometimes  called  the  arrow-headed  cliaracter,  though  it  is 
more  generally  known  as  the  wedge  or  cuneiform  character.  A  strange 
writing  this.  It  seems  almost  incredible  that  it  can  really  be  susceptible  of 
interpretation  and  translation  into  a  modern  language.  And,  indeed,  the 
feat  of  interpreting  it  was  one  of  the  greatest  achievements  of  nineteenth- 
century  scholarship  ;  but  of  this  we  shall  have  more  to  say  in  a  moment. 

But  importance  aside,  what  an  interest  must  now  attach  to  objects  with 
such  a  history  as  belongs  to  these  !  The  very  sculptures  before  us,  for 
example,  were  perhaps  seen  by  Jonah  when  he  made  that  famous  voyage  to 
Nineveh  some  seven  or  eight  hundred  years  B.C.  A  little  later  the  Babylo- 
nian and  the  Mede  revolted  from  Assyrian  tyranny,  and  descended  upon  the 
fair  city  of  Nineveh,  and  almost  literally  levelled  it  to  the  grouiul.  But 
these  great  sculptures,  among  otlier  things,  escaped  destruction,  and  at  once 
liidden  and  preserved  by  the  accumulating  ddbris  of  the  centuries,  they 
stood   there  age    after   age,   their  very  existence    quite    forgotten.     When 


614  THE  HISTORY   OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

Xenophon  marched  past  their  site  with  the  ill-starred  Expedition  of  the  Ten 
Thousand,  in  tlie  year  400  B.C.,  he  saw  only  a  mound  which  seemed  to 
mark  the  site  of  some  ancient  ruin  ;  but  so  ephemeral  is  fame  that  the  Greek 
did  not  suspect  that  he  looked  upon  the  site  of  that  city  which  only  two 
centuries  before  had  been  the  mistress  of  the  world. 

So  ephemeral  is  fame  !  And  yet  the  m»ral  scarcely  holds  in  the  sequel ; 
for  we  of  to-day,  in  this  new,  undreamed-of  Western  world,  behold  these 
mementoes  of  Assyrian  greatness,  fresh  from  their  twenty-five  hundred 
years  of  entombment,  and  with  them  records  which  restore  to  us  the  history 
of  that  long-forgotten  people  in  such  detail  as  it  was  not  known  to  any 
previous  generation  since  the  fall  of  Nineveh.  For  two  thousand  five  hun- 
dred years  no  one  saw  these  treasures  or  knew  that  they  existed.  One 
hundred  generations  of  men  came  and  went  without  once  pronouncing  the 
names  of  Kings  Asshurnazirpal  or  Asshurbanapal.  And  to-day,  after  cen- 
turies of  oblivion,  these  names  are  restored  to  history,  and,  thanks  to  the 
character  of  tlieir  monuments,  are  assured  a  permanency  of  fame  that  can 
almost  defy  time  itself.  It  would  be  nothing  strange,  but  rather  in  keeping 
with  their  previous  mutations  of  fortune,  if  the  names  of  Asshurnazfirpal 
and  Asshurbanapal  should  be  familiar  household  words  to  future  genera- 
tions that  have  forgotten  the  existence  of  an  Alexander,  a  Ccesar,  and  a 
Napoleon.  For  when  Macaulay's  prospective  New  Zealander  explores  the 
ruins  of  the  British  jNIuseum,  the  records  of  the  ancient  Assyrians  will  pre- 
sumably be  there  unscathed,  to  tell  their  story  as  they  have  told  it  to  our 
generation,  although  every  manuscript  and  printed  book  may  have  gone  the 
way  of  fragile  textures. 

But  the  past  of  the  Assyrian  sculptures  is  quite  necromantic  enough 
without  conjuring  for  them  a  necromantic  future.  The  story  of  their  resto- 
ration is  like  a  brilliant  romance  of  history.  Prior  to  the  middle  of  the 
nineteenth  century  the  inquiring  student  could  learn  in  an  hour  or  so  all 
that  was  known  in  fact  and  in  fable  of  the  renowned  city  of  Nineveh.  He 
had  but  to  read  a  few  chapters  of  the  Bible  and  a  few  pages  of  Diodorus  to 
exhaust  the  important  literature  of  the  subject.  If  he  turned  also  to  the 
pages  of  Herodotus  and  Xenophon,  of  Justin  and  ^Elianus,  these  served 
chiefly  to  confirm  the  suspicion  that  the  Greeks  themselves  knew  almost 
nothing  more  of  the  history  of  their  famed  oriental  forerunners. 

The  current  fables  told  of  a  first  king  Ninus  and  his  wonderful  queen, 
Semiramis  ;  of  Sennacherib,  the  conqueror  ;  of  the  effeminate  Sardanapalus, 
who  neglected  the  warlike  ways  of  his  ancestors,  but  perished  gloriously  at 
the  last,  with  Nineveh  itself,  in  a  self-imposed  holocaust.  And  that  was  all. 
How  much  of  this  was  history,  how  much  myth,  no  man  could  say  ;  and 
for  all  any  one  suspected  to  the  contrary,  no  man  could  ever  know.  And 
to-day  the  contemporary  records  of  the  city  are  before  us  in  such  profusion 
as  no  other  nation  of  antiquity,  save  Egypt  alone,  can  at  all  rival.  Whole 
libraries  of  Babylonian  documents  are  at  hand  that  were  written  twenty  or 
even  thirty  centuries  before  our  era.  These,  be  it  understood,  are  the  origi- 
nal books  themselves,  not  copies.  The  author  of  that  remote  time  speaks  to 
us  directly,  hand  to  eye,  without  intermediary  transcriber.  And  there  is 
not  a  line  of  any  Hebrew  or  Greek  inscriptions  of  a  like  age  that  has  been 
j)reserved  to  us  ;  there  is  little  enough  that  can  match  these  ancient  books 
by  a  thousand  years.  When  one  reads  of  INIoses  or  Isaiah,  Homer,  Hesiod, 
f>r  Herodotus,  he  is  but  following  the  transcription  —  often  unquestionably 
faulty,  and  probably  never  in  all  parts  perfect  —  of  successive  copyists  of 
later  generations.     The  oldest  known  copy  of  the  Bible,  for  example,  dates 


APPENDIX  B.    EXCAVATIONS   IN  MESOPOTAMIA 


615 


from  the  fourth  century  A.D.  — 1000  years  after  the  last  Assyrian  records 
were  made,  and  read,  and  buried,  and  forgotten. 

As  to  the  earlier  Mesopotamian  records,  they  date  back  some  5000  — 
perhaps  7000  —  years  B.C.:  at  least  1000  years  before  the  period  assigned 
by  Archbishop  Usher's  long-accepted  Chronology  for  the  creation  of  the 
world  itself.  Solomon,  who  lived  about  1000  B.C.,  is  accredited  with  the 
declaration  that  "of  the  making  of  many  books  there  is  no  end."  Modern 
exegesists  tell  us  that  it  was  not  Solomon,  but  a  later  Alexandrian  inter- 
loper, who  actually  coined  the  phrase  ;  but  nevertheless  it  appears  that  the 
saying  would  have  been  perfectly  intelligible,  in  Mesopotamia,  not  merely 
to  Solomon's  contemporaries,  but  to  generations  that  lived  long  before  the 


Bas-relief  from  an  Assyrian  Palace,  showing  Assyrian  Soldiers,  Prisoners  being  flayed 
ALIVE,  Cuneiform  Inscriptions,  etc. 


Jewish  nation,  as  such,  came  into  existence.  At  all  events,  there  was  at 
least  one  king  of  Assyria  —  namely,  Asshurbanapal  —  who  lived  only  a  few 
generations  after  Solomon,  and  whose  palace  boasted  a  library  of  some 
10,000  volumes — a  library,  if  you  please,  in  which  the  books  were  num- 
bered and  shelved  systematically,  and  classified,  and  cared  for  by  an  oflicial 
librarian.  From  this  library,  records  have  come  to  us  during  the  past  half- 
century  that  have  reconstructed  the  history  of  Asiatic  antiquity. 

If  you  would  care  to  see  some  of  these  strange  documents,  you  have  but 
a  little  way  to  go  from  the  site  of  the  winged  lion  here  in  the  British  Museum. 
Meantime,  there  are  other  sculptures  here  which  you  can  hardly  pass  un- 
noticed. As  we  pass  the  human-headed  lions  and  enter  the  hall  of  Asshur- 
nazirpal,  we  shall  see  other  evidences  of  Assyrian  greatness  that  might  easily 
lead  our  thoughts  astray  from  the  writing.  Here,  forming  the  wall,  are  bas- 
reliefs  on  which  the  famous  scene  of  the  lion  hunt  is  shown ;  a  little  farther 


616 


THE  HISTORY   OF  MESOPOTAMIA 


on  are  all  manner  of  war  scenes  ;  and  there  some  domestic  incidents,  the 
making  of  bread  or  a  like  comestible,  and  its  baking  in  an  oven ;  and  there 
again  is  the  interior  of  a  stable  with  a  man  gravely  grooming  a  horse  much 
as  it  might  be  done  in  any  stable  to-day. 

All  these  must  not  be  allowed  to  distract  our  attention,  for  these  graphic 
illustrations  have  nothing  directly  to  do  with  writing.  Here,  however,  at 
the  end  of  the  hall,  are  some  other  bas-reliefs  more  pertinent  to  our  present 
in([uiry.  •  That  winged  god,  for  example,  carrying  a  fawn,  has  a  line  flight 
of  arrows  across  the  background  and  figures  alike,  differing  in  the  latter  re- 
gard from  the  lion  we  have  just  left.  In  the  hall  just  beyond  are  some  illus- 
trations of  a  different  combination  of  picture  and  text.  Here  is  the  famous 
obelisk  of  Shalmaneser,  which,  like  all  the  things  thus  far  noted  in  the  As- 
syrian collection,  was  found  by  Sir  Henry  Layard  at  Nineveh.  It  is  virtu- 
ally an  illustrated  book,  telling  in  word  and  text  of  the  conquest  of  many 
countries  by  King  Shalmaneser  II. 

The  figures  of  the  upper  row  report  the  payment  of  tribute  by  "  Sua  of 
Gilzani,  who  brought  silver,  gold,  lead,  vessels  of  copper,  horses,  and  drome- 
daries." It  will  be  observed,  of  course,  that  only  one  side  of  the  obelisk  is 
here  shown.  The  other  three  sides  in  each  case  depict  other  phases  of  the 
payment  of  the  tribute  by  the  same  conquered  enemy.  The  second  tier  of 
figures  is  of  peculiar  interest,  because  it  shows  the  payment  of  tribute  by 
"  Yaua,  the  son  of  Khumri."  This  is,  as  the  Bible  student  interprets 
it,  "Jehu,  the  son  of  Omri."  The  conquered  Israelite  brings  "silver 
and  gold,  lead  and  bowls,  dishes,  cups,  and  other  vessels  of  gold,"  and 
the  forms  of  these  vessels,  as  well  as  the  costumes  of  the  Hebrews  them- 
selves, are  well  shown  in  the  illustrations.  The  third  row  of  figures  rep- 
resents the  "payment  of  the  tribute  of  the  land  of  Musri,  consisting  of 
dromedaries,  buffaloes,  elephants,  apes,  and  other  animals."  The  grotesque 
figures  of  the  alleged  apes,  with  their  altogether  human  heads,  are  suggestive 
as  showing  how  these  strange  foreign  animals  appealed  to  the  imagination 
of  the  Assyrian  artist,  causing  him  to  depart  from  that  fine  realism  which 
he  brought  to  bear  upon  the  delineation  of  more  familiar  animals.  The 
fourth  set  of  pictures  shows  the  payment  of  tribute  of  the  land  of  Sukhi, 
and  the  fifth  a  not  dissimilar  tribute  from  the  country  of  Patin.  The  in- 
scriptions at  the  top  and  base  of  the  obelisk  give  details  of  the  conquests, 
recording  among  other  things  how  Shalmaneser  captured  1121  chariots  and 
470  battle  horses  and  the  whole  camp  of  Hazael,  king  of  Damascus. 

Perhaps  the  most  curious  example  of  economy  of  material  in  a  makeshift 
book  that  the  Assyrian  collection  at  the  British  Museum  has  to  show,  is 
illustrated  in  the  figure  of  the  god  Nabu,  which  forms  part  of  the  Nineveh 
collection,  and  which  stands  in  the  hall  just  beyond  the  obelisk  of  Shal- 
maneser. Here,  as  a  glance  at  the  illustration  will  show,  the  skirt  of  the 
robe  of  the  human  figure  is  used  as  a  ground  for  an  elaborate  inscription. 
The  effect  is  rather  decorative  and  distinctly  unique.  This  figure  has  the 
further  interest  of  affording  an  illustration  of  what  the  Assyrian  artist 
could  do  when  he  adopted  the  expedient,  for  him  unusual,  of  working  in 
the  round.  The  great  masterpieces  of  Assyrian  art  were  modelled  in  bas- 
relief.  Occasionally,  however,  the  artist  attempted  the  full  figure,  as  in 
the  present  case  ;  but  it  can  hardly  be  claimed  that  the  success  of  this  is 
at  all  comparable  with  that  attained  by  the  other  method.  There  are  low 
reliefs  in  the  hunting  scenes  contained  in  the  dining-hall  of  Asshurbanapal, 
as  represented  here  in  the  British  JNluscum,  that  are  real  works  of  art.  The 
wounded  lioness  dragging  her  haunches,  the  hunted  goats,  the  pacing  wild 


H 


APPENDIX  B.     EXCAVATIONS   EN"   MESOPOTAMIA 


617 


^B 


I 

/■■ 

M-  ■ 

' 

^^. 

—— -^ ' 

■'I  ■  -- 

-■ '- 

■       i'.^^- 

-  - 

l*  -- 

"  '^.:. 

i'i''"-- 

h  ■■■ 

■  ■ 

^fcil-- 


asses,  are  veritable  masterpieces.  No  such  claim  can  be  made  for  the  god 
Nabu  or  for  any  other  full  statue  that  the  excavations  of  Nineveh  have 
revealed.  But  on  the  other  hand  the  texture  of  the  skirt  of  this  god  gives 
it  an  abiding  interest  of  a  unique  character. 

A  further  interest  attaches  to  this  statue,  as  to  many  others  of  the 
Assyrian  monuments,  because  of  its  bearing  upon  the  religion  of  that 
famous  people.  Until  the  discovery  of  these  long-buried  monuments,  prac- 
tically all  that  was  known  of  the  religion  of  the  Babylonians  and  Assyrians 
was  contained  in  the  pages  of  Herodotus.  Strange 
tales  he  tells  of  what  he  saw  in  the  temples  of  Baby- 
lon, where,  as  he  alleges,  all  the  women  of  the  city, 
of  whatever  class  or  rank,  were  obliged  at  least  once 
in  a  life-time  to  prostitute  themselves  for  hire.  The 
inscriptions  on  the  monuments  tell  us  nothing  of 
such  practical  phases  of  worship  as  this,  but  they 
do  show  that  the  Assyrians  were  an  intensely  reli- 
gious people,  closely  comparable  in  that  regard  to 
their  cousins  the  Hebrews.  Their  religion,  too,  it 
would  appear,  was  of  that  firmly  grasped  self- 
sufficient  kind  which  puts  aside  all  doubt  ;  which 
assumes  as  a  primordial  fact  that  one's  own  view 
is  right  ;  that  one's  gods  are  the  only  true  gods,  and 
that  all  the  outside  world  must  be  regarded  as  one's 
proper  prey.  A  further  illustration  of  this  phase 
of  the  subject  will  claim  our  attention  when  we 
come  to  examine  the  religious  writings  of  the  Assyr- 
ians a  little  more  in  detail. 

Another  illustration  of  a  curiously  Assyrian  com- 
bination of  art  and  letters  is  shown  in  the  sculptured 
lion  that  guards  the  entrance  to  the  next  hall.  This 
lion  is  a  memento  of  the  same  reign  as  that  human- 
headed  one  at  the  other  doorway,  but  it  is  very  different  in  workman- 
ship, and  clearly  the  product  of  another  artist.  For  one  thing  it  is  a 
veritable  lion,  not  a  mythical  compound  beast,  except,  indeed,  tliat  it  shares 
with  the  other  the  peculiarity  of  a  fifth  leg.  Assyrian  tastes  seem  to  have 
required  that  four  legs  should  be  visible  from  whatever  point  of  view  the 
statue  of  an  animal  was  regarded  ;  hence  the  anomaly.  For  the  rest,  this 
gigantic  beast  shows  many  points  of  realistic  delineation,  and  it  is  artisti- 
cally full  of  interest.  The  head  in  particular  expresses  feeling  in  a  most 
unequivocal  way. 

But  the  most  curious  characteristic  of  this  sculpture  is  the  way  in  which 
the  writing  is  carried  from  the  slab  right  across  tlie  body  of  the  animal 
itself,  and  also  across  its  front  legs.  Perhaps  this  was  done  at  the  command 
of  the  king,  merely  as  a  convenient  expedient  that  all  the  desired  records  of 
the  conquest  might  be  given  a  place,  but  the  effect  at  a  little  distance  is 
curiously  as  if  the  artist  had  striven  to  get  the  feelirig  of  hair  in  a  stiff  and 
formal  manner,  in  keeping  with  the  conventional  rendering  of  tlie  mane. 
Again  it  has  been  suggested  that  the  writing  has  been  carried  across  the 
body  of  the  lion  to  safeguard  it.  There  was  a  not  unusual  custom  among 
ancient  monarchs  of  scraping  out  the  inscription  of  a  ])redecessor  and  sup- 
planting it  with  one's  own.  So  great  a  monarch  as  Ramses  II,  in  Egypt, 
did  not  scruple  to  do  this,  and  a  remarkable  case  is  shown  on  an  Arabian 
temple  where  the  conscienceless  monarch  actually  substitutes  his  own  name 


Obelisk  of  Shalmaneser  II 
(Now  in  the  British  Museum) 


616  THE  HISTOEY   OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

on  are  all  manner  of  war  scenes  ;  and  there  some  domestic  incidents,  the 
maldni^  of  bread  or  a  like  comestible,  and  its  baking  in  an  oven ;  and  there 
again  fs  the  interior  of  a  stable  with  a  man  gravely  grooming  a  horse  much 
as  it  might  be  done  in  any  stable  to-day. 

All  these  must  not  be  allowed  to  distract  our  attention,  for  these  graphic 
illustrations  have  nothing  directly  to  do  with  writing.  Here,  however,  at 
the  end  of  the  hall,  are  some  other  bas-reliefs  more  pertinent  to  our  present 
inquiry.  •  That  winged  god,  for  example,  carrying  a  fawn,  has  a  fine  flight 
of  arrows  across  the' background  and  figures  alike,  differing  in  the  latter  re- 
gard from  the  lion  we  have  just  left.  In  the  hall  just  beyond  are  some  illus- 
trations of  a  different  combination  of  picture  and  text.  Here  is  the  famous 
obelisk  of  Shalinaneser,  which,  like  all  the  things  thus  far  noted  in  the  As- 
syrian collection,  was  found  by  Sir  Henry  Layard  at  Nineveh.  It  is  virtu- 
ally an  illustrated  book,  telling  in  word  and  text  of  the  conquest  of  many 
countries  by  King  Shalmaneser  II. 

The  figures  of"  the  upper  row  report  the  payment  of  tribute  by  "  Sua  of 
Gilzani,  who  brought  silver,  gold,  lead,  vessels  of  copper,  horses,  and  drome- 
daries." It  will  be  observed,  of  course,  that  only  one  side  of  the  obelisk  is 
here  shown.  The  other  three  sides  in  each  case  depict  other  phases  of  the 
payment  of  the  tribute  by  the  same  conquered  enemy.  The  second  tier  of 
figures  is  of  peculiar  interest,  because  it  shows  the  payment  of  tribute  by 
"Yaua,  the  son  of  Khumri."  This  is,  as  the  Bible  student  interprets 
it,  "Jehu,  the  son  of  Omri."  The  conquered  Israelite  brings  "silver 
and  gold,  lead  and  bowls,  dishes,  cups,  and  other  vessels  of  gold,"  and 
the  forms  of  these  vessels,  as  well  as  the  costumes  of  the  Hebrews  them- 
selves, are  well  shown  in  the  illustrations.  The  third  row  of  figures  rep- 
resents the  "payment  of  the  tribute  of  the  land  of  Musri,  consisting  of 
dromedaries,  buffaloes,  elephants,  apes,  and  other  animals."  The  grotesque 
figures  of  the  alleged  apes,  with  their  altogether  human  heads,  are  suggestive 
as  showing  how  these  strange  foreign  animals  appealed  to  the  imagination 
of  the  Assyrian  artist,  causing  him  to  depart  from  that  fine  realism  which 
he  brought  to  bear  upon  the  delineation  of  more  familiar  animals.  The 
fourth  set  of  pictures  shows  the  payment  of  tribute  of  the  land  of  Sukhi, 
and  the  fifth  a  not  dissimilar  tribute  from  the  country  of  Patin.  The  in- 
scriptions at  the  top  and  base  of  the  obelisk  give  details  of  the  conquests, 
recording  among  other  things  how  Shalmaneser  captured  1121  chariots  and 
470  battle  horses  and  the  whole  camp  of  Hazael,  king  of  Damascus. 

Perhaps  the  most  curious  example  of  economy  of  material  in  a  makeshift 
book  that  the  Assyrian  collection  at  the  British  Museum  has  to  show,  is 
illustrated  in  the  figure  of  the  god  Nabu,  which  forms  part  of  the  Nineveh 
collection,  and  which  stands  in  the  hall  just  beyond  the  obelisk  of  Shal- 
maneser. Here,  as  a  glance  at  the  illustration  will  show,  the  skirt  of  the 
robe  of  the  human  figure  is  used  as  a  ground  for  an  elaborate  inscription. 
The  effect  is  rather  decorative  and  distinctly  unique.  This  figure  lias  the 
further  interest  of  affording  an  illustration  of  what  the  Assyrian  artist 
could  do  when  he  adopted  the  expedient,  for  him  unusual,  of  working  in 
the  round.  The  great  masterpieces  of  Assyrian  art  were  modelled  in  bas- 
relief.  Occasionally,  however,  the  artist  attempted  the  full  figure,  as  in 
the  present  case  ;  but  it  can  hardly  be  claimed  that  the  success  of  this  is 
at  all  comparable  with  that  attained  by  the  other  method.  There  are  low 
reliefs  in  the  hunting  scenes  contained  in  the  dining-hall  of  Asshurbanapal, 
as  represented  here  in  the  British  Museum,  that  are  real  works  of  art.  The 
wounded  lioness  dragging  her  haunches,  the  hunted  goats,  the  pacing  wild 


APPENDIX   B.     EXCAVATIONS  IN   MESOPOTAMIA  619 

civilisations  as  the  Grecian  have  utterly  perished ;  much  as  the  flint  imple- 
ments of  the  cave-dweller  come  to  us  unchanged,  while  the  iron  implements 
of  a  far  more  recent  age  have  crumbled  away. 

Consider  even  in  the  most  casual  way  the  mere  samples  that  are  exhibited 
here  in  the  museum.  This  first  case,  the  label  tells  us,  contains  tablets  — 
sample  leaves,  if  you  will  —  from  the  famous  "  Creation  "  and  "  Deluge  " 
series.  That  is  to  say,  from  the  book  which  has  been  called  the  Chaldean 
Genesis,  and  which  excited  such  a  furor  of  attention  when  George  Smith  of 
the  British  Museum  first  deciphered  part  of  its  contents,  because  it  seemed 
to  give  so  striking  a  clew  to  the  origin  of  the  sacred  book  of  the  Hebrews. 
The  Hebrew  legends  are  very  differently  received  to-day  from  what  they 
were  even  fifty  years  ago,  thanks  to  the  advance  of  science ;  but  these  Chal- 
dean stories  of  the  creation  and  destruction  of  mankind  still  have  absorbing 
interest  as  historical  documents  in  the  story  of  the  mental  evolution  of  our 
race,  both  for  what  they  teach  of  the  ideas  of  remote  generations  of  men,  and 
for  what  they  taught  the  generation  of  our  immediate  predecessors  about  the 
true  status  of  comparative  mythology. 

It  will  be  recalled  that  the  Assyrians  were  Semites  closely  related  to  the 
Hebrews.  Indeed,  tradition  held  that  Father  Abraham,  in  common  with  the 
ancestors  of  the  Assyrians,  came  from  the  land  of  the  Chaldeans.  It  is  not 
surprising,  therefore,  to  find  that  these  sacred  books  of  the  Assyrians  are 
replete  with  the  same  traditions  and  give  expression  to  much  the  same  cast 
of  thought  as  the  sacred  books  of  the  Hebrews.  Thus,  here  we  have  a  closely 
comparable  account  of  the  creation  of  the  world  out  of  primeval  chaos  and  of 
the  destruction  of  all  but  a  favoured  few  in  a  universal  deluge.  Even  the 
story  of  the  sending  out  from  the  ark  of  first  one  bird  and  then  another, 
until  finally  the  raven  found  a  place  to  alight,  when  the  ark  itself  had 
stranded  on  a  mountain  top,  is  reproduced  with  such  closeness  of  detail  as 
practically  to  demonstrate  a  common  origin  of  the  two  traditions. 

Here,  again,  is  a  story  of  how  Sargon,  an  early  king  of  Agade,  was  cast 
away,  Moses-like,  in  a  basket,  to  be  rescued  from  the  waters  of  the  Euphrates 
by  a  compassionate  discoverer  of  his  plight.  There  is  even  a  tablet  which 
gives  intimations  of  the  story  of  the  building  of  the  Tower  of  Babel.  And 
with  it  all  there  is  imbued  the  same  black,  dreadful  view  of  life  that  actuated 
the  authors  of  the  Old  Testament.  Always  we  are  made  to  feel  the  threat 
of  the  angry  deity ;  always  this  religion  is  a  religion  of  fear.  Generosity, 
brotherly  love,  compassion,  morality  —  in  a  broad  sense  these  words  play  but 
little  part  in  the  terminology  of  the  Semite.  The  Semitic  conqueror  was 
notorious  for  his  cruelty.  He  loved  to  persecute  his  victim,  to  crucify  him, 
to  flay  him  alive.  The  writers  of  the  Hebrew  and  of  the  Assyrian  books 
alike  record  these  deeds  without  a  shudder.  They  show  to  the  psychologist 
a  race  lacking  in  imagination,  which  is  the  mother  of  sympathy,  but  imbued 
through  and  through  with  egotism.  The  legends  of  the  sacred  books  give 
further  evidence  of  these  same  traits.  Here  before  us,  among  the  other  tab- 
lets just  noted,  are  the  famous  stories  of  the  descent  of  Ishtar,  the  (loddess 
of  Love,  into  the  nether  regions,  and  of  the  trials  and  perils  wliieh  she 
encountered  there,  and  those  that  fell  upon  the  outside  world  because  of  her 
absence.  It  is  recorded  that  when  finally  a  messenger  was  sent  from  a  supe- 
rior power  demanding  her  release,  the  powers  of  the  nether  world  gave  her 
up  unwillingly,  but  retained  the  innocent  messenger  to  torture  in  her  stead  ; 
and  it  probably  never  occurred  to  the  mind  of  the  Assyrian  soothsayer  that 
it  might  have  been  within  the  power  of  the  superior  gods  to  release  the  inno- 
cent messenger  as  well. 


620  THE  HISTORY  OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

Another  famous  set  of  tablets  records  the  adventures  of  Gil-gamish,  whose 
heroic  trials  and  mighty  deeds  suggest  the  Hercules  of  the  Greeks.  All  in 
all,  these  religious  and  mythological  texts  give  us  the  closest  insight  into 
the  moral  nature  of  the  Assyrian,  not  merely  during  the  period  of  Asshur- 
hanapal,  but  for  many  generations  before,  since  these  sacred  books  are  in 
the  main  but  copies  of  old  Babylonian  ones,  dating  from  the  most  remote 
periods  of  antic^uity. 

Tiie  tablets  of  the  next  case  illustrate  a  different  phase  of  Assyrian 
mental  activity.  They  are  virtually  books  of  reference,  and  schoolbooks 
—  that  is,  "  Grammatical  Tablets,  Lists  of  Cuneiform  Signs,  Explanatory 
Lists  of  Words,  etc.  — drawn  up  for  use  in  the  Royal  Library  at  Nineveh." 
They  include  a  tablet  of  "  words  and  phrases  used  in  legal  documents,  to 
serve  as  grammatical  examples ;  one  column  being  in  the  Sumero-Accadian 
language,  the  other  an  Assj^rian  translation ;  also  lists  of  a  verbal  formation, 
and  an  explanatory  list  of  words  "  —  a  dictionary,  if  you  please  !  Even  more 
remarkable  is  a  tablet  giving  a  list  of  picture  characters  with  the  archaic 
forms  of  cuneiform  signs  to  which  they  were  thought  to  correspond ;  this 
list  being  supplemented  by  another  in  which  the  archaic  forms  themselves 
are  interpreted  with  the  "  modern "  equivalent.  This  tablet  shows  that, 
in  the  belief  of  the  ancient  Assyrian,  the  cuneiform  character  had  been 
developed,  at  a  remote  epoch,  from  a  purely  historical  writing  (as  was 
doubtless  the  case),  but  that  the  exact  line  of  this  development  had  faded 
from  the  memories  of  men  in  the  latter-day  epoch  of  the  seventh  century  B.C. 

In  the  case  beyond  are  tablets  with  lists  of  "  Names  of  Birds,  Plants, 
Bronze  Objects,  Articles  of  Clothing,  etc.,  for  reference  as  an  aid  to  writing 
literary  compositions."  Then  lists  of  officials,  and  other  documents  relating 
to  the  history  of  Babylonia-Assyria,  including  historical  inscriptions  of  Sen- 
nacherib. Beyond,  a  set  of  letters,  public  and  private,  mostly  inscribed  on 
oval  bits  of  clay,  three  or  four  inches  long,  and  sometimes  provided  with 
envelopes  of  the  same  material.  Of  this  numerous  collection  of  letters,  the 
one  that  attracts  most  popular  attention  is  that  in  which  King  Sennacherib 
refers  to  certain  objects  given  by  him  to  his  son  Esarhaddon.  This  is  com- 
monly known  as  the  "will  of  Sennacherib."  Near  this  is  another  letter  that 
is  interesting  because  it  is  provided  with  a  baked-clay  envelope,  into  which 
the  letter  slipped  as  a  kernel  of  a  nut  into  its  shell.  The  envelope  bears  the 
inscription,  "  To  the  King,  my  Lord,  from  Asshur  Ritsua,"  and  it  is  authen- 
ticated by  two  imi)ressions  of  the  writer's  seal. 

This  use  of  seals,  by-the-bye,  is  quite  general,  particularly  in  the  case  of 
official  documents.  Sometimes,  as  in  the  case  of  a  contract  tablet  shown 
here,  the  witness,  in  lieu  of  seal,  gives  the  stamp  of  his  finger  nail,  this  being 
equivalent,  I  suppose,  to  "  John  Doe,  his  mark."  It  is  hardly  to  be  sup- 
posed that  the  average  Assyrian  could  write  any  more  than  the  average 
Greek  or  Roman  could,  or,  for  that  matter,  the  average  European  of  a 
century  ago.  The  professional  scribe  did  the  writing,  of  course,  whence  the 
necessity  for  seals  to  assure  authenticity  of  even  ordinary  letters.  Doubtless 
the  art  of  gem  engraving,  which  the  old  Chaldeans  carried  to  amazing  per- 
fection, followed  by  the  Greeks  and  Romans,  has  been  allowed  to  decline  in 
recent  generations  largely  because  the  increasing  spread  of  education  — 
not  to  mention  gummed  envelopes  —  made  seals  less  and  less  a  necessity. 
Perhaps  the  art  may  be  revived  in  the  age  of  the  typewriter.  But  if  one 
stops  to  speak  of  seals,  he  could  hardly  be  restrained  from  rushing  off  to  the 
wonderful  collection  in  the  gem  department  of  the  British  Museum,  where 
the  Grieco-Roman  intaglios  would  drive  all  thought  of  other  collections 


APPENDIX  B.     EXCAVATIONS   IN   MESOPOTAMIA  621    4 

from  his  head,  —  thougli  even  there  the  Cyprian  finds  would  lead  him  back 
irrevocably  to  the  Babylonian  model,  —  whereas,  for  the  moment,  our  true 
concern  is  not  with  seals  of  any  sort,  but  with  the  documents  they  are 
purposed  to  authenticate. 

These  documents  are  of  the  strangest  assortment ;  and  yet  not  strange, 
so  precisely  similar  are  they  to  the  official  records  of  modern  communal 
existence.  Thus  here  is  one  tablet,  of  about  the  year  G50  B.C.,  recording 
the  sale  of  a  house.  There  another  tells  of  the  leasing  of  certain  property, 
for  a  term  of  six  years,  for  twelve  shekels  of  silver.  And,  capping  the 
climax,  here  are  tablets  recording  the  loan  of  money,  veritable  notes,  with 
even  the  rate  of  interest  —  twenty  per  cent  —  carefully  prescribed.  One 
learns  that  the  money  broker  did  a  thriving  business  in  old  Nineveh.  How 
near  to  us  those  days  are,  after  all ! 

And  nearer  yet  they  seem  when  we  pass  to  the  cases  of  the  tablets  of 
omens  and  forecasts  based  upon  the  position  of  the  stars  and  planets,  the 
actions  of  animals  and  reptiles,  the  flight  of  birds,  and  the  appearance  of 
newly  born  offspring.  For  when  superstition  is  in  question  all  races  are 
kin,  and  all  times  are  contemporary.  The  European  of  to-day  who  shudders 
when  he  sees  the  moon  over  his  left  shoulder,  is  brother  in  spirit  to  the 
Assyrian  astrologer  who  used  this  "astrolabe"  to  forecast  the  events  of  his 
own  immediate  future.  And  these  incantations,  religious  and  magical  rites, 
prayers,  hymns,  litanies  —  do  they  not  make  it  clear  that  the  Assyrian  was 
indeed  our  elder  brother?  Does  this  lifted  veil  then  show  us  a  vista  of  three 
millennia,  or  only  of  as  many  generations  ?  At  least  it  serves  to  bring  home 
to  us  —  and  I  doubt  if  any  other  exhibit  could  do  it  as  forcibly  —  how  slow, 
how  snail-like  is  the  rate  of  human  progress.  Yet,  after  all,  how  vain  this 
moralising;  for  who  does  not  know  that  the  day  when  Nineveh  saw  its 
prime  was  only  the  yesterday  of  human  civilisation  ?  If  one  doubted  it 
before,  he  can  doubt  no  longer,  since  he  has  wandered  down  the  rooms  in 
which  the  relics  from  the  library  of  Asshurbanapal  are  exhibited,  glancing 
thus  casually  at  the  accommodating  English  labels. 

Naturally,  the  stock  of  material  bearing  upon  this  topic  has  been  con- 
stantly increased  by  new  explorations,  notably  by  those  of  Oppert  at  Nineveh, 
and  of  De  Sarzec  at  Telloh,  by  which  the  French  Government  has  supple- 
mented the  early  collections  of  the  pioneer  of  the  work,  Botta ;  by  various 
German  exploring  companies ;  and,  more  recently,  by  the  American  exploring 
expedition  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania,  under  Dr.  John  P.  Peters, 
which  secured  such  important  results  at  Nippur.  But  the  greatest  repository 
of  all  still  remains  that  which  Layard  and  his  assistant  and  successor  in  the 
work,  Rassam,  followed  by  George  Smith,  secured  for  the  British  Museum. 
The  other  collections  afford  important  sidelights;  but  the  main  story  of 
Assyrian  life  and  history,  as  at  present  known  to  us,  is  told  only  by  the  books 
from  the  wonderful  library  of  the  palace  of  Asshurbanapal  at  Nineveh;  and 
these  can  be  studied  only  in  the  British  Museum,  or  in  the  publications  which 
the  workers  of  that  institution  have  from  time  to  time  given  to  the  world. 

After  glancing  at  these  documents  for  the  first  time,  none  but  a  heedless 
person  can  fail  to  have  brought  home  to  him  a  more  vivid  picture  of  the  life 
of  antiquity,  and  a  truer  historical  perspective  than  he  can  previously  have 
possessed.  For  more  than  two  thousand  years  Greek  culture  has  dominated 
the  world,  and  it  has  been  the  custom  to  speak  of  the  Greek  as  if  he  were  the 
veritable  inventor  of  art  and  of  culture;  but  these  documents  have  led 
to  a  truer  view.  Here  one  looks  back,  as  it  were,  over  the  heads  of  the 
Greeks,  and  catches  glimpses  of  a  people  that  possessed  a  high  civilisation 


622  THE  HISTORY   OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

when  the  Greeks  were  still  an  upstart  nation,  only  workings  their  way  out  of 
barbarism. 

Now  it  appears  to  be  nothing  less  than  a  law  of  nature  that  every  nation 
should  look  with  contempt  upon  every  other  nation  which  it  regards  as 
contemporary.  With  a  highly  artistic  people,  whose  chief  pride  is  their 
artistic  taste,  this  feeling  reaches  its  climax.  The  Greek  attitude  in  this 
regard  is  proverbial.  But  it  is  just  as  fixed  a  law  of  nature  that  every  nation 
should  look  with  reverence  upon  some  elder  civilisation.  The  Romans 
adopted  the  Greek  word  "barbarian,"  and  applied  it  to  all  other  nations  — 
except  the  Greeks.  The  Greeks  did  not  return  the  compliment.  For  them 
the  Romans  were  parvenus  —  parvenus  to  be  looked  on  with  hatred  and  con- 
temi)t.  I  doubt  not  the  Athenian  child  gave  the  deadliest  possible  insult  to 
liis  playfellow  when  he  called  him  a  Roman ;  just  as  the  Parisian  child  of 
to-day  reserves  the  appellation  "  anglais  "  as  the  bitterest  anathema  of  his 
vocabulary.  But  when  the  Greek  turned  his  eyes  in  the  other  direction,  and 
looked  out  upon  Egyptian  and  Babylonian  civilisation,  he  was  gazing  into 
the  past,  and  his  contempt  changed  to  reverence,  precisely  as  with  the 
Frenchman  of  to-day,  who  looks  back  with  reverence  upon  the  civilisation 
of  ancient  Greece  and  Rome,  while  utterly  contemning  all  phases  of  the 
nineteenth-century  civilisation  save  his  own. 

It  was  gladly  admitted  by  the  Greeks  that  these  oriental  civilisations 
had  flowered  while  Greek  culture  was  yet  in  the  bud.  Solon,  the  law-giver, 
was  reported  to  have  travelled  in  Egypt,  and  to  have  been  mildly  patronised 
by  the  Egyptian  priests  as  the  representative  of  an  infant  race.  Herodotus, 
though  ostensibly  writing  of  the  Persian  war,  devotes  whole  sections  of  his 
history  to  Egypt,  and  accepts,  as  did  his  countrymen,  the  Egyptian  claims 
to  immense  antiquity  without  a  scruple.  Plato  even  resided  for  some  years 
in  Egypt,  as  Diodorus  tells  us,  in  the  hope  of  gaining  an  insight  into  the 
mysteries  of  oriental  philosophy. 

Regarding  the  Assyrio-Babylonians,  apparently  hardly  any  story  was  too 
fanciful  to  gain  a  measure  of  credence  with  the  classical  world.  Herodotus, 
to  be  sure,  only  credits  the  Assyrians  with  ruling  for  five  hundred  and 
twenty  years  before  the  overthrow  of  Nineveh  ;  and  Diodorus,  following 
Ctesias,  raises  the  figure  only  to  about  one  thousand  four  hundred  years. 
But  these  figures  were  probably  based  on  a  vague  comprehension  that 
Assyria  proper  had  a  relatively  late  period  of  flowering,  as  was,  indeed,  the 
fact ;  and  the  rumours  regarding  the  age  of  Babylonian  civilisation  as  a  whole 
may  be  best  illustrated  by  recalling  that  Cicero  thought  it  necessary  to 
express  his  scepticism  regarding  a  claim,  seemingly  prevalent  in  his  time, 
that  Babylonian  monuments  preserve  astronomical  observations  dating  back 
over  a  period  of  two  hundred  and  seventy  thousand  years.  Pliny,  on  the 
other  hand,  quoting  "  Epigenes,  a  writer  of  first-rate  authority,"  claims  for 
tlie  astronomical  records  only  a  period  of  seven  hundred  and  twenty  years, 
noting  also  that  Berosus  and  Critodemus  still  further  limit  the  period  to 
four  hundred  and  eighty  years.  But  the  very  range  of  numbers  shows  how 
utterly  vague  were  the  notions  involved  ;  and  Pliny  himself  draws  the 
inference  of  "  the  eternal  use  of  letters  "  among  the  Bab3donians,  indicating 
that  even  the  minimum  period  took  the  matter  beyond  the  range  of  western 
history. 

But  for  that  matter  nothing  could  be  more  explicit  than  the  testimony  of 
Diodorus,  who,  writing  some  three  centuries  after  what  we  now  speak  of  as 
the  "golden  age"  of  Greece,  plainly  indicates  that  not  Greece  but  Meso- 
potamia was  looked  to  in  his  day  as  the  classic  land  of  culture.     And  we 


APPENDIX  B.     EXCAVATIONS   IN  MESOPOTAMIA  623 

of  to-day  are  enabled  —  the  first  of  any  generation  in  our  era  —  to  catch 
glimpses  of  the  data  on  which  that  estimate  was  based,  and  to  understand, 
by  the  witness  of  our  own  eyes,  that  the  fabled  glory  of  ancient  Assyria 
was  no  myth,  but  a  very  tangible  reality. 


Assyrian  Letter  of  Baked  Clay  and  Fragment  of  its  Broken  Envelope 

(Now  in  the  British  Museum) 


HOW   THE   ASSYRIAN   BOOKS   WERE   READ 

But  all  along  we  have  followed  the  story  of  these  strange  books,  taking 
for  granted  their  meaning  as  interpreted  on  the  labels,  and  ignoring  for 
the  moment  the  great  marvel  about  them,  which  is  not  that  we  have  the 
material  documents  themselves,  but  that  we  have  a  knowledge  of  their 
actual  contents.  The  flights  of  arrow-heads  on  wall,  on  slab,  or  tiny  brick 
have  surely  a  meaning;  but  how  has  any  one  guessed  that  meaning? 
These  must  be  words  —  but  what  words  ?  The  hieroglyphics  of  the 
Egyptians  were  mysterious  in  all  conscience  ;  yet,  after  all,  their  symbols 
have  a  certain  suggestiveness,  whereas  there  is  nothing  that  seems  to 
promise  a  mental  leverage  in  the  unbroken  succession  of  these  cuneiform 
dashes.  Yet  the  Assyrian  scholar  of  to-day  can  interpret  these  strange 
records  almost  as  readily  and  as  surely  as  the  classical  scholar  interprets  a 
Greek  manuscript.  And  this  evidences  one  of  the  greatest  triumphs  of 
nineteenth-century  scholarship  ;  for,  since  almost  two  thousand  years,  no 
man  has  lived,  previous  to  our  century,  to  whom  these  strange  inscriptions 
would  not  have  been  as  meaningless  as  they  are  to  the  most  casual  stroller 
who  looks  on  them  with  vague  wonderment  here  in  the  museum  to-day. 
For  the  Assyrian  language,  like  the  Egyptian,  was  veritably  a  dead  language; 
not,  like  Greek  and  Latin,  merely  passed  from  practical  everyday  use  to 
the  closet  of  the  scholar,  but  utterly  and  absolutely  forgotten  by  all  the 
world.  Such  being  the  case,  it  is  nothing  less  than  marvellous  that  it 
should  have  been  restored. 

It  is  but  fair  to  add  that  this  restoration  probably  never  would  have 
been  effected  with  Assyrian  or  with  Egyptian  had  the  language,  in  dying, 
left  no  cognate  successor;  for  the  powers  of  modern  linguistry,  though 
great,  are  not  actually  miraculous.  But,  fortunately,  a  language  once  de- 
veloped is  not  blotted  out  in  toto;  it  merely  outlives  its  usefulness  and  is 
gradually  supplanted,  its  successor  retaining  many  traces  of  its  origin.  So, 
just  as  Latin,  for  example,  has  its  living  representatives  in  Italian  and  the 
other  Romance  tongues,  the  language  of  Assyria  is  represented  by  cognate 
Semitic  languages.  As  it  chances,  however,  these  have  been  of  aid  rather 
in  the  later  stages  of  Assyrian  study  than  at  the  very  outset ;  for  the  first 
clew  to  the  message  of  the  cuneiform  writing  came  through  a  slightly 
different  channel. 

Curiously  enough,  it  was  a  trilingual  inscription  that  gave  the  clew,  as 
in  the  case  of  the  Rosetta  stone  ;  though  with  a  very  striking  difference 
withal.  The  trilingual  inscription  now  in  question,  instead  of  behig  a 
small  portable  monument,  covers  the  surface  of  a  massive  bluff  at  Behistun, 


624  THE   HISTORY   OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

in  western  Persia.  Moreover,  all  three  of  its  inscriptions  are  in  cuneiform 
character,  and  all  three  are  in  languages  that,  at  the  beginning  of  the  nine- 
teenth century,  were  absolutely  unknown.  This  inscription  itself,  as  a 
striking  monument  of  unknown  import,  had  been  seen  by  successive  genera- 
tions. Tradition  ascribed  it,  as  we  learn  from  Ctesias,  through  Diodorus,  to 
the  fabled  Assyrian  queen,  Semiramis.  Tradition  is  quite  at  fault  in  this  ; 
but  it  is  only  recently  that  knowledge  has  availed  to  set  it  right.  The 
inscription,  as  is  now  known,  was  really  written  about  the  year  515  B.C.,  at 
the  instance  of  Darius  I,  king  of  Persia,  some  of  whose  deeds  it  recounts  in 
the  three  chief  languages  of  his  widely  scattered  subjects. 

The  man  who,  at  the  actual  risk  of  life  and  limb,  copied  this  wonderful 
inscription,  and,  through  interpreting  it,  became  the  veritable  "  Father  of 
Assyriology,"  was  the  English  general.  Sir  Henry  Rawlinson.  His  feat  was 
another  British  triumph  over  the  same  rivals  who  had  competed  for  the 
Rosetta  stone  ;  for  some  French  explorers  had  been  sent  by  their  govern- 
ment, some  years  earlier,  expressly  to  copy  this  inscription,  and  had  reported 
that  to  reach  the  inscription  was  impossible.  But  British  courage  did  not 
find  it  so,  and  in  1835  Rawlinson  scaled  the  dangerous  height  and  made 
a  paper  cast  of  about  half  the  inscription.  Diplomatic  duties  called  him 
away  from  the  task  for  some  years,  but  in  1848  he  returned  to  it,  and  com- 
pleted the  copy  of  all  parts  of  the  inscription  that  have  escaped  the  ravages 
of  time.  And  now  the  material  was  in  hand  for  a  new  science,  which 
General  Rawlinson,  assisted  by  a  host  of  others,  soon  began  to  elaborate. 

The  key  to  the  value  of  the  Behistun  inscription  lies  in  the  fact  that  its 
third  language  is  ancient  Persian.  It  appears  that  the  ancient  Persians  had 
adopted  the  cuneiform  character  from  their  western  neighbours,  the  Assyri- 
ans, but  in  so  doing  had  made  one  of  those  essential  modifications  and  im- 
provements which  are  scarcely  possible  to  accomplish  except  in  the  transition 
from  one  race  to  another.  Instead  of  building  with  the  arrow-heads  a  mul- 
titude of  syllabic  characters,  including  many  homophones,  as  had  been,  and 
continued  to  be,  the  custom  of  the  Assyrians,  the  Persians  selected  a  few  of 
these  characters,  and  ascribed  to  them  phonetic  values  that  were  almost 
purely  alphabetical.  In  a  word,  while  retaining  the  wedge  as  the  basal 
stroke  of  their  script,  they  developed  an  alphabet ;  making  that  last  won- 
derful analysis  of  phonetic  somids  which  even  to  this  day  has  escaped  the 
Chinese,  which  the  Egyptians  had  only  partially  effected  and  which  the 
Phoenicians  were  accredited  by  the  Greeks  with  having  introduced  into  the 
western  world.  In  addition  to  this  all-essential  step,  the  Persians  had  intro- 
duced the  minor,  but  highly  convenient,  custom  of  separating  the  words  of 
a  sentence  from  one  another  by  a  particular  mark,  differing  in  this  regard 
not  only  from  the  Assyrians  and  the  Egyptians,  but  from  the  early  Greek 
scribes  as  well. 

Thanks  to  these  simplifications,  the  old  Persian  language  has  been  prac- 
tically restored  about  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century,  through  the 
efforts  of  the  German,  Grotefend;  and  further  advances  in  it  were  made 
just  at  this  time  by  Burnouf  in  France,  and  Lassen  in  Germany,  as  well  as  by 
Rawlinson  himself,  who  largely  solved  the  problem  of  the  Persian  alphabet 
independently.  So  the  Persian  portion  of  the  Behistun  inscription  could  at 
last  be  partially  deciphered.  This,  in  itself,  however,  would  have  been  no 
very  great  aid  towards  the  restoration  of  the  languages  of  the  other  portions, 
had  it  not  chanced  fortunately  that  the  inscription  is  sprinkled  with  proper 
names.  Now,  proper  names,  generally  speaking,  are  not  translated  from  one 
language  to  another,  but  transliterated  as  nearly  as  the  genius  of  the  Ian- 


APPENDIX   B.     EXCAVATIONS   IN   MESOPOTAMIA  625 

guage  Avill  permit.  It  was  the  fact  that  the  Greek  word  "  Ptolemaios  "  was 
transliterated  on  the  Rosetta  stone,  that  gave  the  first  clew  to  the  sounds 
of  the  Egyptian  characters.  Had  the  upper  part  of  the  Rosetta  stone  been 
preserved,  on  which,  originally,  there  were  several  other  names.  Young 
would  not  have  halted  where  he  did  in  his  decipherment. 

But  fortune,  which  had  been  at  once  so  kind,  and  so  tantalising  in  the 
case  of  the  Rosetta  stone,  had  dealt  more  gently  with  the  Behistun  inscrip- 
tion ;  for  no  fewer  than  ninety  proper  names  were  preserved  in  the  Persian 
portion,  and  duplicated,  in  another  character,  in  the  Assyrian  inscription. 
A  study  of  these  gave  a  clew  to  the  sounds  of  the  Assyrian  characters. 
The  decipherment  of  this  character,  however,  even  with  this  aid,  proved 
enormously  difticult,  for  it  was  soon  evident  that  here  it  was  no  longer  a 
question  of  a  nearly  perfect  alphabet  of  a  few  characters,  but  of  a  syllabary 
of  several  hundred  characters,  including  many  homophones,  or  different 
forms  for  representing  the  same  sound.  But  with  the  Persian  translation 
for  a  guide  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  Semitic  languages,  to  which  family  the 
Assyrian  belonged,  on  the  other,  the  appalling  task  was  gradually  accom- 
plished, the  leading  investigators  being  General  Rawlinson,  Professor  Hincks, 
and  Mr.  Fox  Talbot,  in  England ;  Professor  Jules  Oppert  in  Paris  ;  and 
Professor  Eberhard  Schrader  in  Germany ;  though  a  host  of  other  scholars 
soon  entered  the  field. 

This  great  linguistic  feat  was  accomplished  about  the  middle  of  the  cen- 
tury. But  so  great  a  feat  was  it,  that  many  scholars  of  the  highest  standing, 
including  Ernest  Renan  in  France,  and  Sir  George  Cornwall  Lewis  in  England, 
declined  at  first  to  accept  the  results,  contending  that  the  Assyriologists  had 
merely  deceived  themselves  by  creating  an  arbitrary  language.  The  matter 
was  put  to  the  test  in  1855,  at  the  suggestion  of  Mr.  Fox  Talbot,  when  four 
scholars,  one  being  Mr.  Talbot  himself,  and  tlie  others  General  Rawlinson, 
Professor  Hincks,  and  Professor  Oppert,  laid  before  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society 
their  independent  translations  of  an  hitherto  untranslated  Assyrian  text. 
A  committee  of  the  society,  including  England's  greatest  historian  of  the 
century,  George  Grote,  broke  the  seals  of  the  four  translations,  and  reported 
that  they  found  them  unequivocally  in  accord  as  regards  their  main  purport, 
and  even  surprisingly  uniform  as  regards  the  phraseology  of  certain  pas- 
sages ;  in  short,  as  closely  similar  as  translations  from  the  obscure  texts  of 
any  difficult  language  ever  are.  This  decision  gave  the  work  of  Assyriolo- 
gists an  official  status,  so  to  say,  and  the  reliability  of  their  method  has  never 
since  been  in  question. 

Thus  it  has  come  about  that  these  inscribed  bricks  from  the  palace  of 
Asshurbanapal,  which,  when  the  first  of  them  was  discovered,  were  as  mean- 
ingless as  so  many  blank  slabs,  have  been  made  to  deliver  up  their  message. 
And  a  marvellous  message  it  is,  as  we  have  already  seen. 

Merely  to  have  satisfied  a  vague  curiosity  as  to  the  past  traditions,  how- 
ever, would  be  but  a  small  measure  of  the  intellectual  work  which  the 
oriental  antiquities  have  had  a  large  share  in  accomplishing.  Their  message 
has  been  one  of  truly  world-historic  import.  Thanks  to  these  monuments 
from  Egypt  and  Mesopotamia,  the  student  of  human  civilisation  has  to-day 
a  sweep  of  view  that  hitherto  has  been  utterly  withheld  from  him.  Until 
the  crypts  by  the  Nile  and  the  earth  mounds  by  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates 
gave  up  their  secrets,  absolutely  nothing  was  known  to  scholarship  of  the 
main  sweep  of  civilisation  more  anciently  than  about  the  sixth  century  B.C. 
Beyond  that  all  was  myth,  fable,  unauthenticated  tradition.  And  now 
the  indubitable  monuments  of  civilisation  carry  us  back  over  a  period  at 

H.   W. VOL.  I  2S 


C2C  THE   HISTORY   OF  MESOPOTAMIA 

least  three  times  as  great.  Archbishop  Usher's  famed  Chronology,  which  so 
long  dominated  tlie  ideas  of  men,  is  swept  away,  and  we  learn  from  evidence 
graven  in  stone  and  baked  indelibly  in  bricks  that  in  the  year  4004  B.C., 
which  our  Bible  margins  still  point  out  as  the  year  of  Creation,  vast  com- 
munities of  people,  in  widely  separated  portions  of  the  earth,  had  attained  a 
high  degree  of  civilisation.  In  the  year  when  the  proverbial  first  man  wan- 
dered naked  in  Eden,  the  actual  man  lived  with  thousands  of  his  fellow-men 
in  vast  cities,  where  he  built  houses  and  temples,  erected  wonderful  monu- 
ments, practised  such  arts  as  glass-making,  sculpture,  and  painting,  and 
recorded  his  thoughts  in  written  words.  And  from  that  day  to  this 
stretches  the  thread  of  civilisation,  unbroken  by  any  universal  flood  or  other 
cataclysm. 

Now,  to  be  sure,  we  are  told  that  Archbishop  Usher  and  his  kith  and 
kin  were  but  gullible  and  misguided  enthusiasts,  to  have  thought  they  de- 
tected chronological  sequence  where  none  such  existed  ;  but  it  was  rank 
heresy  to  have  propounded  such  a  view  until  the  new  monuments  gave  us 
the  rudiments  of  a  true  chronology.  Other  evidence  had,  indeed,  proven 
the  antiquity  of  the  earth  and  of  man  himself,  but  the  antiquity  of  civilisa- 
tion still  depends  upon  these  oriental  monuments  alone  for  its  demonstration. 
The  chronology  of  ancient  history  has  no  other  authenticated  source  ;  and 
chronology,  as  Professor  Petrie  has  said,  is  "the  backbone  of  history."  To 
be  sure,  the  exact  chronology  of  remote  antiquity  is  not  by  any  means  as 
fixed  and  secure  as  might  be  desired.  The  antiquarian  in  dealing  with  the 
remoter  epochs  must  count  by  centuries  rather  than  by  years.  But  the 
broad  outlines  of  the  question  are  placed  beyond  cavil.  So  long  as  the  dan- 
ger mark  of  the  flood  year  stared  the  investigator  in  the  face,  every  foot  of 
earlier  chronology  was  controversial  ground,  and  each  remoter  century  must 
battle  for  recognition.  But  now,  thanks  to  the  accumulation  of  evidence, 
all  that  is  past,  and  the  most  ardent  partisans  of  Hebrew  records  vie  with 
one  another  in  tracing  back  the  evidences  of  civilisation  in  Egypt  and  Meso- 
potamia, by  centuries  and  by  millennia.  It  is  thought  by  Professor  Hil- 
precht,  that  the  more  recent  excavations  by  the  Americans  at  the  site  of 
Nippur  have  carried  the  evidence  back  to  6000  or  perhaps  even  7000  years 
B.C.,  and  no  one's  equanimity  is  disturbed  by  the  suggestion,  except,  pos- 
sibly, that  of  the  Egyptologist,  whose  records  as  yet  pause  something  like  a 
thousand  years  earlier,  and  who  feels  a  certain  jealousy  lest  his  Egyptian  of 
seven  thousand  years  ago  should  be  proven  an  uninteresting  parvenu. 

But  note  how  these  new  figures  disturb  the  balance  of  history.  If  our 
forerunners  of  eight  or  nine  thousand  years  ago  were  in  a  noonday  glare  of 
civilisation,  where  shall  we  look  for  the  much-talked-of  "  dawnings  of  his- 
tory "  ?  By  this  new  standard  the  Romans  seem  our  contemporaries  in 
latter-day  civilisation ;  the  "  golden  age  "  of  Greece  is  but  of  yesterday  ; 
the  Pyramid  builders  are  only  relatively  remote.  The  men  who  built  the 
temple  of  Bel,  at  Nippur,  in  the  year,  let  us  say,  5000  B.C.,  must  have  felt 
themselves  at  a  pinnacle  of  civilisation  and  culture.  As  Professor  Mahaffy 
has  suggested,  the  time  of  the  Pyramids  may  have  been  the  veritable  autumn 
of  civilisation.  Where,  then,  must  we  look  for  its  spring-time  ?  The  answer 
to  that  question  must  come,  if  it  comes  at  all,  from  what  we  now  speak  of  as 
prehistoric  archaeology;  the  monuments  from  Memphis  and  Nippur  and 
Nineveh,  covering  a  mere  10,000  years  or  so,  are  records  of  later  history.; 


BRIEF   REFERENCE-LIST   OF  AUTHORITIES   BY   CHAPTERS 

[The  letter  "  is  reserved  for  Editorial  Matter] 

Chapter  I.     Land  and  People 

^  G.  Weber,  Allgemeine  Weltgeschichte.  —  "  Eduard  Meyer,  OescMcIite  des  Alterthums.— 
^  F.  HoMMEL,  Geschichte  Babyloniens  und  Assyriens.  — «  R.  W.  Rogers,  History  of  Babylonia 
and  Assyria.  — -''  J.  P.  Peters,  Nippur. 

Chapter  II.     Old  Babylonian  History 

''  Hugo  Radau,  Early  Babylonian  History  down  to  the  IVth  Dynasty  of  Ur.  —  <"  A.  H. 
Sayce,  from  the  article  "  Babylonia  and  Assyria,"  in  the  New  Volumes  of  the  Ninth  Edition  of 
the  Encyclopcedia  Britannica.  —  <*  E.  A.  T.  W.  Budge,  Babylonian  Life  and  History. 

Chapter  III.     The  Rise  of  Assyria 

^  H.  Winckler,  Geschichte  Babyloniens  und  Assyriens.  —  "  Eduard  Meyer,  Oeschichte 
des  Alterthums.  — «*  E.  Babelon,  Histoire  de  V Orient.  — *  C.  P.  Tiele,  Babyloiiisch-Assyrische 
Oeschichte. 

Chapter  IV.     Four  Generations  of  Assyrian  Greatness 

^  C.  P.  Tiele,  Babylonisch-Assyrische  Oeschichte.  —  <=  Herodotus,  The  History  of  Herodo- 
tus (translated  from  the  Greek  by  William  Beloe). — »  E.  A.  T.  W.  Budge,  Annals  of  Shal- 
maneser  II,  Sennacherib,  and  Asshurbanipal. 

Chapter  V.    The  Decline  and  Fall  of  Assyria 

''  R.  W.  Rogers,  History  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria.  —  "  C.  P.  Tiele,  Babylonisch-Assyri- 
sche Oeschichte. 

Chapter  VI.     Renascence  and  Fall  of  Babylon 

^  F.  HoMMEL,  Oeschichte  Babyloniens  und  Assyriens. 

Chapter  VII.    Manners  and  Customs  of  Babylonia-Assyria 

''  A.  H.  Layard,  Nineveh  and  its  Remains.  —  "  Herodotus,  The  History  of  Herodotus 
(translated  from  the  Greek  by  William  Beloe). —  '^  Strabo,  The  Oeography  of  Strabo  (tvans- 
lated  from  the  Greek  by  J.  Falconer  and  H.  C.  Hamilton),  —  *  A.  II.  L.  Heeren.  Historical 
Researches  into  the  Politics,  Intercourse,  a7id  Trade  of  the  Principal  Nations  of  Antiquity 
(Asiatic  Nations).  — f  Joachim  Menant,  La  Bibliotheque  du  Palais  de  Ninive. 

Chapter  VIII.    The  Religion  op  the  Babylonians  and  Assyrians 

b  Joachim  Menant,  La  Bibliotheque  du  Palais  de  Ninive.  —  "  L.  W.  King,  Babylonian 
Religion  and  Mythology.  — f' F.  Jensen,  Cosmologie  der  Babylonier.—*  II.  Gunkel,  Schopf- 
ung  und  Chaos  in  Urzeit  und  Endzeit.  —i  L.  W.  King,  Seven  Tablets  of  Creation.  —  '^  Eber- 
hard  Schrader,  Die  Eeilinschriften  und  Das  Alte  Testament,  Srd  edition.  —  "  A.  Jeremias, 
Izdubar  Nimrod.  —  <»  C.  P.  Tiele,  Babylonisch-Assyrische  Oeschichte. 


658  BRIEF   REFERENCE-LIST  OF  AUTHORITIES   BY   CHAPTERS 

CllAPTKR    IX.       UaBYLOXIAX    AND    ASSYRIAN  CL'I.ITRE 

«- A.  II.  Layarp,  ^^inel'eh  and  its  Jiemains.—'  Henry  Smith  Williams.  "The  Influence 
of  Mwlern  Research  on  the  Scope  of  World  History."  Prefatory  Kssay  in  Volume  III  of  the 
New  Volumes  of  the  Ninth  Edition  of  the  h'twyclopcedia  Britannica.  —-^  DiouoKvs  SicuLus, 
The  Historical  Library  (translated  from  the  Greek  by  G.  Booth). —  ' Eduard  Mkyer, 
Geschichte  des  Alterthums.  — /Edward  Hincks,  from  an  article  "  On  the  Assyrio-Babylonian 
Measures  of  Time.'"  in  Volume  XXIV  of  the  'Transactions  of  the  Royal  Irish  Academy.  1874. 
—  0  Joachim  Mknant,  Z,a  BihUotheque  du  Palais  de  Kinive.  — '  C.  P.  Tikle,  Babylonisch- 
Assyrische  Geschichte.  — '  G.  Naoel.  in  Beitraije  zur  Assynologie,  Vol.  TV.  —  J  M.  Montgomery, 
Briefe  aus  der  Zeit  Ilammurabis.  —  '' C.  Johnston,  in  the  "Epistolary  Literature  of  the 
Assyrians  and  Babylonians  "  in  the  Journal  of  the  American  Oriental  Society.  Vol.  XVIII.— 
'  Friedricu  1)elitzsch.  article  "Beitrii,£^e  zur  Erkliirung  der  babylonisch-assyrischen  Brief- 
litteratur"  in  Btitrdge  zur  Assyriulogie,  Vol.  I.  — '"  F.  Lenormaxt.  llistoire  ancienne  de 
rOrient. 

Appendix  A.     Classical  Traditions 

f>  Isaac  Preston  Cory,  Ancient  Fragjnenfs.  —  "  Diodori's  Siculus.  77/c  Historical  Library, 
(translated  from  the  Greek  by  G.  Booth). —<*  Claudius  ^Elianus,  The  Variable  History  of 
^&ianus  (.translated  from  the  Greek  by  A.  Fleming). 

Appendix  B.     Excayations  in  Mesopotamia  and  Their  Results 

'•  A.  IT.  TiAYARD,  Nitieveh  and  its  Remains.  —  «•  F.  ITommel,  Geschichte  Babyloniens  und 
Assyriens  —  '*  R.  W.  Rooers.  History  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria.  —J  Henry  Smith  Williams, 
ITie  History  of  the  Art  of  Writing. 


A   GENERAL    BIBLIOGKArilY   OF    MESOPOTAMIAN    11IS'R)RV 

BASED  ON  THE  WORKS  QUOTED,  CITKO,  OR  EDITOUr ALLY  CONSITLTED  IN 
THE  PREPARATION  OF  THE  PRESENT  HIS'POKV,  WITH  CLUTICAL  AND 
BIOGRAPHICAL   NOTES 

^lianus.  Claudius,  The  VaviaWo  History  of  .IClianus.  Translated  l>y  A.  Fl(Mniii,£^. 
London.  l.")7(!.  —  Ainsworth,  W.,  Kestvirohos"  in  Assyria.  Babylonia,  and  ("lialdfa.  Lon- 
don. 18-12:  Chaldeans  of  Central  Knrdcstan.  —  Amia'ucl.  A.,  in"  de  Sar/,eo"s  Deconvcrtes  en 
Clialdee.  Paris.  ISll.  2  vols.;  (in  eoUab.  with  F.  Scheil)  l^es  inscriptions  do  Sahnanasar. 
Paris,  1890.  —  Aures.  A.,  Traito  de  nititrologio  assyrienne.     Paris,  18!)1. 

Babelon,  E.,  INIanuel  d'archeol.  orientale.  Paris,  1888.  —  Bertin,  (!.,  Habylonian 
Chronology  and  History.  London.  189:2 ;  The  Pre-Akkadian  Semites.  London,  is.sc.  _ 
Bewsher.  Lieut.,  INIesopotatnia :  Sheriat-el-Beyta  to  Tell  Ibrahim.  —  Bezold,  C.,  'I'he  Tell- 
el-.\marna  Tablets  in  the  British  ^luseum.  London,  1892;  Cataloj^ue  of  the  Cuneiform 
Tablets  in  the  Kuyunjik  collection  in  the  British  Museum.  London,  1889;  lU)erblick 
iiber  die  babylonisch-assyrische  Literatur.  Leijxsic.  188t).  —  Billerbeck,  .\.,  Susa.  lA'ipsic, 
180;i.  —  Birch.  8.,  Records  of  the  Past.  Loudon.  1870,  12  vols.  —  Bonavia.  K.,  Flora  of  tho 
Assyrian  AKiuuiuents.  London,  1894.  —  Boscawen,  W.  St.  C,  Lectures  on  the  History  of 
Assyria.  London.  188t);  Assyria  and  Babylonia.  Londtni,  18;Ui.  —  Botta,  P.  E.,  and 
Flandrin.  L..  Momiments  de  Ninive.     Paris,  1819-18.30,  f)  vols. 

Paul  Eiiiil  Botta  was  born  at  Turin  December  0,  1802,  and  died  at  Acheres,  near 
Poissy,  France,  March  29th,  1870.  He  was  French  consul  at  Alexandria,  and  in  1812  wsis 
transferred  to  the  ofhce  of  vice-cousxd  at  Mosul,  of  whicli  he  was  the  first  titulary  consul. 
In  December,  1812,  lie  studied  the  tumulus  which  covered  tho  right  bank  of  the  Tigris 
opposite  Mosul;  superficially  explored  Kuyunjik;  and  then  at  Khorsabad  discovered 
(from  March  to  October,  184;))  the  remains  o(  the  town  and  i>alace  of  Doursaryonkin, 
founded  by  Sargon  II,  king  of  Ass}Tia.  The  objects  fountl  during  these  discoveries  were 
transinnied  to  France  in  1840,  and  form  the  main  contents  of  the  JMusce  Assyrien  of  the 
Louvre. 

Brandis,  J..  tUnn-  den  historischen  Gewinn  aus  der  Entzifferung  der  Assyr.  Inschriften. 
Berlin,  18.">().  —  Brown,  F.  T.,  Assyriology.  New  York,  1885.  —  Bruce,  P.,  Three  Inscrip 
tions  of  Nabopolassar,  King  of  BabykMiia.  R.c.  625-()04 ;  In  Amer.  Jour,  of  Sem.  Lang., 
vol.  It),  p.  178.  Chicago.  1900.  —  Brunnow,  R.  E.,  Classified  List  of  All  Simple  and  Com- 
pouiui  Cuneiform  Ideographs.  Leyden.  1887-1889.  —  Briiston,  C.  A.,  Les  inscriptions  a.s.syri- 
ennes  et  I'Ancien  Testament.  Paris,  187.').  —  Budge,  E.  A.  W.,  Babylonian  Life  and 
History.  London,  1884;  The  History  of  Esar-Haddon.  London,  188t);  Annals  of  Shal- 
manasser  H,  Sennacherib  and  Assurbani- Pal.  London,  1880;  A  Guide  to  the  Babylonian 
and  Assyrian  Antiq.  of  the  British  Museum.     London,  1900. 

Cara,  P.  C.  de,  Cli  Ilethei-Pelasgi.  Rome,  189.").  — Cartwright,  J.,  Travels  through 
Syria,  Mesopotamia,  etc.  London,  itill.  —  Cassas.  L.  F.,  Voyage  Pittores(|ue  en  Syrie. 
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1870,  —  Clercq,  L.  de,  Antiquites  assyriennes.  Paris,  1888.  —  Cloquet,  L.,  Lart  monu- 
mental des  egyptiens  et  des  assyriens.     Paris,  189(). 

Delattre.  .\.  J.,  Esquisse  de  geographie  assyrienne.  Paris,  1883;  Les  inscriptions  his- 
toriques  de  Ninive,  etc.  Paris,  1879;  L'Asie  occid.  dans  les  inscriptions  a.ssyrienne.s. 
Brussels,  188,");  L'assyriologie  depuis  onze  ans.  Paris,  1891;  L'exactitiide  en  histoiro 
d'apres   un   Assyriologiste.     Louvain,  1888.  —  Delitzach,  Friedrich,  Die   Entst«huug  des 

629 


628  BRIEF   REFERENCE-LIST   OF   AUTHORITIES   BY   CHAPTERS 

Chapter  IX.     Babylonian  and  Assyrian  Culture 

b  A.  II.  Ijayard,  Nineveh  and  its  Bema ins.  —"  Henry  Sjhtb  Williams,  "The  Influence 
of  Modern  Research  on  the  Scope  of  World  History,"  Prefatory  Essay  in  Volume  III  of  the 
New  Volumes  of  the  Ninth  Edition  of  the  Encyclopitidia  Urifannica.  —<i  Diodorvs  Siculus, 
The  Historical  Library  (translated  from  the  Greek  by  G.  Booth).  —  *  Eduard  jMeyer, 
Oeschichte  des  Alterthums.  — /Edward  Hincks,  from  an  article  "  On  the  Assyrio- Babylonian 
Measures  of  Time,"  in  Volume  XXIV  of  tlie  Transactions  of  the  Royal  Irish' Academy,  1874. 
—  »JoACHi.M  Mknant,  Za  Bibliotheque  du  Palais  de  Ninive.  — '  C.  P.  Tiele,  Babylo7tisch- 
Assyrische  Oeschichte.  — '  G.  Naoel,  in  Beitrdge  zur  Assyriologie,  Vol.  TV.  — i  M.  Montgomery, 
Briefe  aus  der  Zeit  JIammurabis.  —  *^  C.  Johnston,  in  the  "Epistolary  Literature  of  the 
Assyrians  and  Babylonians"  in  the  Journal  of  the  American  Oriental  Society,  Vol.  XVIII. — 
'  FiiiEURicu  Delitzsch,  article  "Beitrage  zur  Erkliirung  der  babylonisch-assyrischen  Brief- 
litteratur"  in  Beitrdge  zur  Assyriologie,  Vol.  I.  — '"  F.  Lenormant,  Eistoire  ancie7me  de 
I'Orient. 

Appendix  A.     Classical  Traditions 

*>  Isaac  Preston  Cory,  Ancient  Fragments.  —  "  Diodortis  Siculus.  Tlie  Historical  TAbrary, 
(translated  from  the  Greek  by  G.  Booth).  —  d  Claudius  ^lianus,  The  Variable  History  of 
^lElianus  (translated  from  the  Greek  by  A.  Fleming). 


Appendix  B.     Excavations 


Mesopotamia  and  Their  Results 


*"  A.  n.  Layard,  Nineveh  and  its  Remains.  —  <"  F.  Rommel,  Oeschichte  Babyloniens  und 
Assyriens  —  <*  R.  W.  Rogers,  History  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria.  — J  Henry  Smith  Williams, 
77ie  History  of  the  Art  of  Writing. 


A   GENERAL    BIBLIOGRAPHY   OF    MESOPOTAMIAN    HISTORY 

BASED  ON  THE  WORKS  QUOTED,  CITED,  OR  EDITORIALLY  CONSULTED  IX 
THE  PREPARATION  OF  THE  PRESENT  HISTORY,  WITH  CRITICAL  AND 
BIOGRAPHICAL   NOTES 


^lianus,  Claudius,  The  Variable  History  of  iElianus.  Translated  by  A.  Fleming. 
London,  1576.  —  Ainsworth,  W.,  Kesearches  in  Assyria,  Babylonia,  and  Chaldea.  Lon- 
don, 1842  ;  Chaldeans  of  Central  Kurdestan.  —  Amiaud,  A.,  in  de  Sarzec's  Decouvertes  en 
Chaldee.  Paris,  1844,  2  vols.;  (in  coUab.  with  F.  Scheil)  Les  inscriptions  de  Sahnanasar. 
Paris,  1890.  —  Aures,  A.,  Traite  de  metrologie  assyrienne.     Paris,  1891. 

Babelon,  E.,  Manuel  d'archeol.  orientale.  Paris,  1888.  —  Bertin,  G.,  Babylonian 
Chronology  and  History.  London,  1892 ;  The  Pre-Akkadian  Semites.  London,  1886.  — 
Bewsher,  Lieut.,  Mesopotamia:  Sheriat-el-Beyta  to  Tell  Ibrahim.  —  Bezold,  C,  The  Tell- 
el-Amarna  Tablets  in  the  British  Museum.  London,  1892;  Catalogue  of  the  Cuneiform 
Tablets  in  the  Kuyunjik  collection  in  the  British  Museum.  London,  1889;  tJberblick 
liber  die  babylonisch-assyrische  Literatur.  Leipsic,  1886.  —  Billerbeck,  A.,  Susa.  Leipsic, 
1893.  —  Birch,  S.,  Records  of  the  Past.  London,  1873,  12  vols.  —  Bonavia,  E.,  Flora  of  the 
Assyrian  Monuments.  London,  1894.  —  Boscawen,  W.  St.  C,  Lectures  on  the  History  of 
Assyria.  London,  1886;  Assyria  and  Babylonia.  London,  1836.  —  Botta,  P.  E.,  and 
Flandrin,  E.,  Monuments  de  Ninive.     Paris,  1849-1850,  5  vols. 

Paul  Einil  Botta  was  born  at  Turin  December  6,  1802,  and  died  at  Acheres,  near 
Poissy,  France,  March  29th,  1870.  He  was  French  consul  at  Alexandria,  and  in  1842  was 
transferred  to  the  office  of  vice-consul  at  Mosul,  of  which  he  was  the  first  titulary  consul. 
In  December,  1842,  he  studied  the  tumulus  which  covered  the  right  bank  of  the  Tigris 
opposite  Mosul ;  superficially  explored  Kuyunjik ;  and  then  at  Khorsabad  discovered 
(from  ]\Iarch  to  October,  1843)  the  remains  of  the  town  and  palace  of  Doursaryonkin, 
founded  by  Sargon  II,  king  of  Assyria.  The  objects  found  during  these  discoveries  were 
transported  to  France  in  1846,  and  form  the  main  contents  of  the  Muse'e  Assyrien  of  the 
Louvre. 

Brandis,  J.,  Uber  den  historischen  Gewinn  aus  der  Entzifferung  der  Assyr.  Inschriften. 
Berlin,  1856.  —  Brown,  F.  T.,  Assyriology.  New  York,  188.5.  —  Bruce,  P.,  Three  Inscri^v 
tions  of  Nabopolassar,  King  of  Babylonia,  B.C.  625-604;  In  Amer.  Jour,  of  Sem.  Lang., 
vol.  16,  p.  178.  Chicago,  1900.  —  Briinnow,  R.  E.,  Classified  List  of  All  Simple  and  Com- 
pound Cuneiform  Ideographs.  Leyden,  1887-1889.  —  Bruston,  C.  A.,  Les  inscriptions  assyri- 
ennes  et  I'Ancien  Testament.  Paris,  1875.  —  Budge,  E.  A.  W.,  Babylonian  Life  and 
History.  London,  1884;  The  History  of  Esar-IIaddon.  London,  1880;  Annals  of  Shal- 
manasser  II,  Sennacherib  and  Assurbani-Pal.  London,  1880;  A  Guide  to  the  Babylonian 
and  Assyrian  Antiq.  of  the  British  Museum.     London,  1900. 

Cara,  P.  C.  de,  Gli  Hethei-Pelasgi.  Rome,  1895.  — Cartwright,  J.,  Travels  through 
Syria,  Mesopotamia,  etc.  London,  1611.  —  Cassas,  L.  F.,  Voyage  Pittoresque  en  Syrie. 
Paris,  1799.  —  Cavaniol,  II.,  Les  monuments  en  Chalde'e,  en  Assyrie  et  k  Babylone.  Paris, 
1870,  —  Clercq,  L.  de,  Antiquites  assyriennes.  Paris,  1888.  —  Cloquet,  L.,  L'art  monu- 
mental des  egyptiens  et  des  assyriens.     Paris,  1896. 

Delattre,  A.  J.,  Esquisse  de  geographie  assyrienne.  Paris,  1883 ;  Les  inscriptions  his- 
toriques  de  Ninive,  etc.  Paris,  1879;  L'Asie  occid.  dans  les  inscriptions  assyriennes. 
Brussels,  1885;  L'assyriologie  depuis  onze  ans.  Paris,  1891;  L'exactitude  en  histoire 
d'apres   un  Assyriologiste.     Louvain,  1888.  —  Delitzsch,  Friedrich,  Die   Eutstehung  des 


630     A   GENERAL   BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  MESOPOTAMIAN   HISTORY 


altestens  Schriftsystems.  Leipsic,  1897;  Handel,  Recht  und  Sitte  im  alten  Babylouien  (in 
Velhagea  and  Rinsing's  Monatshefte,  Jahr.  13,  Vol.  II,  p.  47.  Berlin,  1899);  Assyrische 
Studien.     Leipsic,  1871. 

Friedrich  JJelitzsck,  the  son  of  Franz  Delitzsch,  was  born  at  Erlangen,  September  3, 1850. 
Professor  of  Assyriology  in  the  University  of  Berlin,  he  devoted  himself  to  the  study  of 
Assyriology,  and  attained  a  wide  reputation  as  an  Assyriologist.  He  was  appointed  Pro- 
fessor of  Assyriology  at  tlie  University  of  Leipsic.  His  writings  have  been  mostly  upon 
the  subject  of  Assyria  and  ancient  Assyrian  life,  and  he  has  made  some  translations  from 
the  works  of  other  historians,  notably  George  Smith's  Chaldean  Account  of  Genesis.  He 
made  a  deep  sensation  in  Germany  in  19U2  by  his  lecture  on  "Babel  and  the  Bible,"  in 
which  he  pointed  out  the  sinularity  of  the  story  of  ]\Ioses  in  the  bulrushes  to  the  ancient 
legend  of  the  birth  of  Sargon  I,  king  of  Babylon ;  noted  the  Babylonian  custom  of  resting 
every  seventh  day,  the  word  being  shabattu  (whence  Sabbath),  and  many  other  points  in 
which  the  Babylonian  influence  is  shown  in  the  Bible. 

Dieulafoy,  J.,  La  Perse  et  la  Chaldee.  Paris,  1887.  —  Diodorus,  S.,  The  Historical 
Library,  London,  17U0.  —  Duncker,  M.,  Geschichte  des  Alterthums.  Leipsic,  1878,  6  vols. 
English  translation  :  The  History  of  Antiquity.     London,  1880,  6  vols. 

Edwards,  C,  The  Witness  of  Assyria.  London,  1893.  —  Epping,  C,  Astronomisches 
aus  Babylon.  Freiburg,  1889.  —  Evans,  G.,  An  Essay  on  Assyriology.  London,  1883. — 
Evetts,  B.  T.  A.,  Cylinders  of  Sennacherib.  London,  1889;  Inscription  of  the  Reign  of 
Evil-Merodacb,  Neriglissar  and  Laborosoarchod.     Leipsic,  1892. 

Feer,  II.  L.,Les  Ruines  de  Ninive«  Paris,  18G4.  —  Ferguson,  J.,  The  Palaces  of  Niniveh 
and  Persepolis  Restored.  London,  1857.  —  Fontane,  M.,  Histoire  Universelle.  Paris,  1881- 
1889,  6  vols. 

Marius  Fontane  was  born  at  Marseilles,  September  4,  1838.  He  was  destined  to  follow 
a  commercial  career,  and  was  sent  by  a  French  house  in  Marseilles  to  represent  it  in  the 
Orient.  While  there  he  was  brought  into  relations  with  M.  Ferdinand  de  Lesseps,  and 
became  his  private  secretary.  Through  the  efforts  of  M.  de  Lesseps,  Fontane  was  succes- 
sively associated  as  secretary-general  to  the  Suez  and  Panama  Canal  Companies.  M.  Fontane 
was  early  drawn  into  literary  work,  and  in  spite  of  his  official  duties  found  time  to  devote 
much  attention  to  political  economy,  religion,  learning,  and  history  in  all  its  branches.  In 
his  Universal  History  he  devotes  much  space  to  questions  of  race  and  primitive  religions  in 
the  historical  evolution  of  humanity.  ]^Iarius  Fontane  has  come  into  prominence  largely 
through  his  writings  on  the  subject  of  history,  but  also  through  his  explorations  in  the 
countries  lying  about  the  Isthmus  of  Suez. 

Fradenburg,  J.  N.,  Fire  from  Strange  Altars.  Cincinnati,  1891.  — Fraser,  J.  B.,  Meso- 
potamia and  Assyria,  from  the  Earliest  Ages  to  the  Present  Time.     New  York,  1892. 

Gatschet,  A.  S.,  Historic  Documents  from  the  XlVth  Century  B.C.  (In  Amer.  Anthropol- 
ogist, vol.  10,  p.  121.  Washington,  1897.)  —  Ginzel,  F.  K.,  Die  astronoinischen  Kentnisse  der 
Babylonier  und  ihre  culturhistorische  Bedeutung.  Leipsic,  1901.  —  Goss,  W.  II.,  Hebrew 
Captives  of  the  Kings  of  Assyria.  London,  1890.  —  Guyard,  S.,  Melanges  d'Assyriologie. 
Paris,  1883.  —  Goodspeed,  George  S.,  A  History  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria.    New  York,  1903. 

Hal^vy,  J.,  Documents  religieux  de  I'Aasyrie.  Paris,  1882;  La  nouvelle  Evolution  de 
I'accadisme.  Paris,  1878 ;  Aper^u  grammatical  sur  I'allographie  assyro-babylonienne.  Paris, 
1885;  Essai  sur  les  inscriptions  du  Safa.  Paris,  1882;  Recherches  critiques  sur  I'origine  de 
la  civilisation  babylonienne.     Paris,  1876. 

Joseph  Ifdlf'vi/,  of  Jewish  origin,  was  born  at  Adrianople,  December  15,  1827.  He  came 
to  study  at  Paris,  and  became  a  naturalised  Frenchman.  In  18G8  he  visited  northern 
Abyssinia  to  study  the  Jewish  religion  of  the  Falashas.  (The  Falashas  are  a  Hamitic 
tribe  which  professes  the  Jewish  religion,  and  claims  descent  from  Hebrew  immigrants  who 
followed  the  queen  of  Sheba.)  In  1869  he  was  sent  to  Yenuni  on  a  mission  of  the  Academie 
des  Inscriptions  et  Belles  Lettres.  He  remained  there  two  years,  and  brought  back  six 
hundred  and  eighty-three  Sabaic  inscriptions.  In  1872  he  received  a  gold  medal  from  the 
Societe  de  Geographic  and  the  Volney  prize  from  the  Institut.  He  afterwards  became 
I'rofessor  of  Ethiopian  at  the  f^cole  pratique  des  hautes  etudes.  He  was  one  of  the  most 
active  collaborators  in  the  Journal  Asiatique,  and  wrote  frequently  on  the  most  disputed 
questions  concerning  the  philology  and  the  archaeology  of  the  East  to  the  Academie  des 
Inscriptions.  His  theories  as  to  the  origins  of  the  Mesopotaraian  peoples  and  languages 
made  a  profound  impression  on  all  the  scholarly  world,  and  while  they  have  met  with 
bitter  opposition  they  ar«  entitled  to  all  the  consideration  that  is  due  to  such  deep  and 
tireless  research. 


11 


WITH   CRITICAL   AND   BIOGRAPHICAL  NOTES 


633 


assyriologiqHes,2nd  series;  Etudes  accadiennes.  Paris,  1879-1880;  Chaldean  Magic  :  Origin 
and  Development.  London,  1877  ;  Premieres  civilisations.  Paris  ;  in  collab.  with  Cheva- 
lier, E.,  A  Manual  of  the  Ancient  History  of  the  East.  London,  1869-1870,  2  vols. ;  in 
collab.  with  Babelon,  E.,  Histoire  aucienne  de  I'Orient.     Paris,  1881-1886. 

Fran{'ois  Lenormant  was  born  in  Paris  17th  January,  1837 ;  died  there  10th  December,  1883. 
His  education  was  private.  Early  in  life  he  showed  a  special  aptitude  and  liking  for  the 
study  of  the  oriental  languages.  He  travelled  extensively  in  Egypt,  Turkey,  and  Greece, 
and  became  prominent  for  his  researches  in  the  Accadian  languages.  In  187-4  he  was 
appointed  Professor  of  Archaeology  at  the  Bibliotheque,  Paris.  The  son  of  an  archaeologist 
of  distinguished  merit,  Lenormant  grew  up  in  an  atmosphere  of  scholarship,  and  early 
evinced  a  keen  taste  for  all  that  pertained  to  archseology.  He  entered  the  field  of  Assyri- 
ology  in  its  infancy,  and  soon  became  known  as  a  leader  among  the  masters  in  that  fiekl, 
and  his  early  death  was  regarded  everywhere  as  one  of  the  severest  blows  which  oriental 
archaeology  could  have  received.  Lenormant  was  regarded  by  his  fellow-workers  as  having 
a  peculiar  genius  for  his  task,  and  his  taste  for  literaiy  work  was  no  less,  keen  than  his 
scholarship.  The  fact  that  his  great  work  on  Oriental  History  was  at  once  translated  into 
English  vouches  for  its  popular  intere.st.  Unfortunately  he  did  not  live  to  complete  his  still 
more  important  work  on  the  same  subject,  to  which  the  last  years  of  his  life  were  devoted. 

Lincke,  A.  A.,  Bericht  iiber  die  Fortschritte  der  Assyriologie,  1886-1893.  Leipsic,  1891. — 
Lindl,  E.,  Die  Datenliste  der  ersten  Dynastie  von  Babylon;  in  Beitrage  zur  Assyi'iologie. 
Leipsic,  1901.  —  Loftus,  W.  K.,  Chaldea  and  Su.siana.  London,  1857.  —  Lotz,  W.,  Die 
Imschriften  Tiglathpileser  I.  Leipsic,  1880. —  Lyon,  G.,  Keilschrifttexte  Sargon's,  Konigs 
von  Assyrien,  722-705  v.  C.     Leipsic,  1883. 

Maccalester,  S.  H.,  Babylon  and  Nineveh.  Boston,  1892.  —  Macphail,  S.  E.,  Monu- 
mental witness  to  Old  Testament  History.  London,  1879.  —  Martin,  G.,  La  campaigne  de 
Sennakerib  en  Palestine,  etc.  Montauban,  1892.  —  Martin,  F.,  Textes  religieux  assyriens 
et  babyloniens,  Paris,  1900.  —  Maspero,  6.  C.  C,  Histoire  ancienne  des  peuples  de  I'Orient. 
Paris,  1886  ;  Tlie  Struggle  of  the  Nations.  London,  1896  ;  The  Dawn  of  Civilisation.  Lon- 
don, 1897;  Life  in  Ancient  Assyria.  London,  1892.  —  Meissner,  B.,  Beitrage  zum  altbaby- 
lonlschen  Privatrecht.  Leipsic,  1893.  —  Menant,  J.,  Babylone  et  la  Clialdce.  Paris,  1875  ; 
Decouvertes  assyriennes.  La  Bibliotheque  du  palais  de  Ninive.  Paris,  1880;  Empreintes 
de  cachets  assyrio-chaldeens  releves  au  Musee  britannique  sur  des  contrats  d'interet  prive. 
Paris,  1883 ;  Les  pierres  grave'es  de  la  Haute- Asie.  Recherches  sur  la  glyptique  orientale. 
Paris,  1883,  1886  ;  Les  noms  propres  assyriens  ;  recherches  sur  la  formation  des  expressions 
ideograph iques.  Paris,  1861;  Hammourabi  (King  of  Babylon)  Inscriptions.  Paris,  1873; 
Les  langues  perdues  de  la  Perse  et  de  i'Assyrie.  Paris,  1890 ;  Annales  des  rois  d'Assyrif. 
Paris,  1874 ;  Ninive  et  Babylone.    Paris,  1888  ;  Les  fausses  antiquites  de  I'Assyrie.    Paris,  1888. 

Joachim  Menant  was  born  at  Cherbourg,  France,  16th  April,  1820.  The  life  of  this  famous 
orientalist  furnishes  yet  another  illustration  of  the  practical  man  of  affairs  who  finds  also 
time  for  the  most  abstruse  scholarship.  Throughout  a  long  life  until  1890,  when  at  the  ripe 
age  of  three  score  years  and  ten,  he  was  retired  with  the  title  of  Honorary  Councillor. 
Menant  lived  the  practical  everyday  life  of  a  magistrate,  and  practised  this  profession  with 
such  assiduity  and  judgment  as  to  attain  the  highest  distinction.  Yet,  at  the  same  time,  he 
found  leisure  hours  enough  to  make  himself  everywhere  recognised  as  one  of  the  most 
accomplished  of  As.syriologists.  A  comparatively  young  man,  when  the  discoveries  of 
Botta  and  Layard  and  their  successors  first  brought  the  Assyrian  treasures  to  the  attention 
of  the  world,  Menant  seemed  from  the  very  first  to  have  been  seized  with  a  desire  to  inves- 
tigate the  strange  inscriptions  from  Nineveh.  He  was  among  the  first  who  undertook  the 
investigation  of  the  strange  cuneiform  writing  and  from  then  till  now  he  has  kept  well  in 
the  van  of  the  constantly  growing  company  of  Assyriologists.  The  list  of  his  works  is 
little  more  than  a  succession  of  papers  on  one  or  another  of  the  subjects  most  intimately 
connected  with  this  field.  Most  of  them  are  of  a  technical  character,  and,  therefore,  have 
necessarily  appeared  only  to  a  limited  audience.  In  one  or  two  instances,  however,  and 
notably  in  the  case  of  the'little  book  on  the  library  of  Asshurbanapal.  he  has  descended  to  the 
popular  level,  and  has  shown  himself  capable  of  handling  the  most  abstruse  topics  in  a  way 
to  make  them  delightfully  interesting  to  the  lea.st  scholarly  of  readers.  Strange  to  say,  this 
beautiful  little  book  has  never  been  hitherto  tran.slated  into  English,  and  a  like  neglect  has 
attended  nearly  all  the  other  publications  of  the  author.  It  is  dilficult  to  find  an  exjilanation 
of  this  neglect  unless  it  be  the  author's  well-known  attitude  towards  the  status  of  the  ancient 
Hebrew  records.  On  more  than  one  occasion  he  has  expressed  the  opinion  that  to  .single 
out  the  Jews  among  the  peoples  of  antiquity  as  the  one  important  race  of  their  time  is 
wofully  to  distort  the  prespective  of  history.  Needless  to  say  such  an  opinion  as  this 
throws  one  counter  to  the  prejudices  of  a  large  proportion  of  people,  including  the  mass  of 
Assyriologists  among  the  rest. 


C32     A  GENERAL   BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF   MESOPOTAMIAN  HISTORY 

naturally  belongs  to  the  advanced  school  of  Assyriologists,  and  his  work  may  be  looked  to 
with  confidence  for  an  expression  of  the  furthest  present  advance  of  research.  In  particular, 
Professor  Ilonnnel  is  distinguished  as  an  ardent  champion  of  the  Babylonian  or  Chaldean 
origin  of  tlie  Phoenician  alpiiabet  in  opposition  to  tlie  theory  of  de  Rouge,  which  ascribed 
to  It  an  Eg)T3tian  origin.     iMost  of  Hommel's  publications  are  to  be  had  only  in  the  original 

Howorth,  H.  II.,  The  Early  History  of  Babylonia  (in  Engl.  Hist.  Rev.,  vol.  13,  pp.  1, 
200.  vol.  11,  p.  0:2'),  vol.  10,  p.  1);  On  the  Earliest  Inscriptions  from  Chaldea  (in  Proc.  Soc. 
Bil.'l.  Archeol.,  vol!  21,  p.  289,  London,  1899). 

Jastrow,  ISI.,  The  Religion  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria.  Boston,  1898 ;  Xabopolassar  and 
the  T.Miipli'  to  till'  Siin-yod  at  Sippar  (in  Amer.  Jour,  of  Sem.  Lang. ;  Chicago,  1899,  vol.  15, 
p  (J5)  —Jensen,  P.,  Kish  (in  Ztschr.  fiir  Assyriologie ;  Berlin,  1901,  vol.  15):  Assyrisch- 
babylon,  Mythen  und  Epen  (in  Keilschrftl.  Bibl. ;  Berlin,  1900,  vol.  6)  :  Die  Cosmologie  der 
Babvlonier.  Strassburg,  1890.  — Johnson,  C,  The  Fall  of  the  Assyrian  Empire  (in  studies 
in  honour  of  B.  L.  Gildersleeve;  Baltimore,  1902,  p.  113)  :  The  Fall  of  Nineveh  (in  Amer. 
Orient.  Soc.  Jour.;  New  Haven,  1901,  vol.  22,  pt.  1,  p.  20).  — Justinius,  Justin's  History 
of  tiie  World.  London,  1875.  —  Jeremias,  A.,  Hdlle  und  Paradies  bei  den  Babyloniern. 
Leipsic,  1900. 

Kaulen,  F.,  Assvrien  und  Babylonien,  nach  den  neuesten  Entdeckungen.  Freiburg, 
1891,  4th  ed.  — ^^ Kennedy,  J.,  Early  Commerce  of  Babylonia  with  India,  etc.  London,  1898. 
—  King,  L.  W.,  Babylonian  Religion  and  JNIythology,  London,  1899;  Letters  and  Inscrip- 
tions of  Hammurabi,  etc.     London,  1898-1900,  3  vols. 

Leonard  William  King  was  born  in  London,  December  8,  1869,  and  educated  at  Rugby 
and  King's  College,  Cambridge.  As  assistant  in  the  department  of  Egyptian  and  Assyrian 
Antiquity  of  the  British  Museum,  he  has  made  very  extensive  studies  in  the  literature  of 
Babvlonia  and  Assyria.  He  has  collected  and  arranged  many  series  of  cuneiform  inscrip- 
tions, besides  adding  much  to  the  literature  on  both  Babylonia  and  Assyria.  His  writings 
are  for  the  most  part  rather  technical. 

Kinns,  S.,  Graven  in  the  Rock.  London,  1891.  —  Knudtzon.  J.  A.,  Assyr.  Gebete  an 
den  Sonnengott.  Leipsic,  1893,  2  vols.  —  Kohler,  J.,  and  Peisser,  F.  E.,  Aiis  dem  babylo- 
nischen  Rechtleben.  Leipsic,  1890.  —  Koldewey,  R.,  in  Zeitschrift  fiir  Assyriologie. 
Dec,  1887.  —  Krall,  J.,  Grundriss  der  altorieutalischen  Geschichte.  Wien,  1899. — 
Kriiger,  J.,  (Geschichte  der  Assyrier  und  Iranier,  vom  XIII,  bis  zum  V.  Jahrh.  v.  C. 
Frankfurt,  1856. 

Langlois.  Y.,  Le  Dunuk-Dasch,  tombeau  de  Sardanapale  k  Tarsovo  (in  Rev.  Archeol. ; 
Paris,  1853,  vol.  10).  —  Laurent,  A.,  La  Magie  et  la  Divination  de  I'Orient.  Paris,  1894. — 
Layard,  A.  II.,  Xineveh  and  its  Remains.  London,  1849,  2  vols. ;  Nineveh  and  Babylon. 
London,  1853;  Early  Adventures  in  Persia,  Susiana  and  Babylonia.  London,  1887;  Monu- 
ments of  Nineveh.     London,  1849-1854. 

Sir  A  ustin  Henry  Layard  was  born  in  Paris,  of  English  parentage,  March  5,  1817.  He 
spent  the  years  of  his  early  youth  in  Florence.  On  returning  to  England  he  began  the  study 
of  law.  In  1839  he  took  an  extended  tour,  chiefly  within  the  Turkish  Empire.  Here  he 
learned  Persian  and  Arabic.  In  1842  he  spent  some  months  in  exploring  the  antiquities  of 
south-western  Persia.  It  was  during  this  expedition  that  he  became  interested  in  the  excava- 
tions being  made  at  the  supposed  site  of  Nineveh  by  M.  Botta.  In  1845  he  returned  to 
Mosul  and  began  his  series  of  researches.  The  material  that  he  gathered  in  this  expedition 
greatly  enriched  the  oriental  department  of  the  British  JMuseum;  and  by  means  of  the 
cuneiform  inscriptions  found  the  ancient  oriental  history  was  completely  reconstructed.  In 
1852  he  made  a  second  series  of  excavations  in  Assyria,  adding  largely  to  his  former  dis- 
coveries. The  same  year  he  was  elected  to  Parliament.  In  1854  he  visited  Crimea,  witness- 
ing some  battles  there.  He  was  chosen  lord  rector  of  Aberdeen  University  in  1855,  and  in 
1866  became  a  trustee  of  the  British  Museum.  Shortly  after  this  he  was  elected  foreign 
member  of  the  Institute  of  France.  In  1869,  Ambassador  to  Spain;  in  1878,  to  Constanti- 
nople. He  died  July  5, 1894.  The  name  of  this  famous  Englishman  will  always  be  indelibly 
associated  with  the  origin  of  the  science  of  Assyriology.  To  Layard  it  Vas  chiefly  due  that 
the  once  famous  but  long  almost  forgotten  city  of  Nineveh  was  exhumed  and  its  buried 
treasures  given  to  the  world.  The  story  of  these  exhumations  is  a  part  of  the  history  of 
A&syria-Babylonia,  and  has  already  been  told. 

Lehmann,  C,  Altbabylon,  Maass  und  Gewicht.  Berlin,  1889;  Beitrage  zur  alten 
Geschichte.  Leipsic,  1901';  Shamasshumukin,  Konig  von  Babylonia,  668-669  v.  C.  Leipsic, 
1892;  Zwei  Ilauptprobleme  der  altorieutalischen  Chronologie  und  ihre  Losung.  Leipsic, 
1898.  —  Lenormant,  F.,  Les  dieux  de  Babylone  et  de  I'Assyrie.     Paris,  1877;   Lettres 


WITH   CRITICAL   AXD   BIOGRAPHICAL  NOTES 


6.35 


Pinches,  T.  G.,  Religious  Ideas  of  the  Babylonians.  London,  1893;  Notes.  London, 
ISO^;  Sumerian  or  C'r}-ptography  (in  Royal  Asiatic  Soc.  Jour.;  1900,  p.  75,  1900);  The 
Babylonian  and  Ass^Tian  Cylinder-Seals  of  the  British  Museuno  (in  Jour.  Brit.  Archeol. 
Assoc. ;  vol.  41,  p.  390,  London,  188.5).  The  Bronze  Gates  of  Balawat  in  Aasyria  (in  Jour. 
Brit.  Archeol.  Assoc.  ;  vol  3.5,  p.  233,  London,  1879)  ;  The  Temples  of  Ancient  Babylonia 
(in  Proc.  Soc.  Bibl.  Archeol.,  vol.  22,  p.  358,  London,  190<)).  —  Place,  V.,  Xinive  et  I'Assyrie. 
raris,  1867-1890.  —  Pognon,  H.,  Inscription  de  Meron-Xerar,  roi  d'Ass^-rie.  Paris,  1884. 
Les  inscriptions  babyloniennes  du  Wadi  Brissa.  Paris,  1887.  —  Pr^vost-Paradol,  L.  A., 
Essai  sur  rhistoire  universelle.    Paris,  1890,  2  vols. 

Radau,  H..  Early  Babylonian  History.  Xew  York,  1900.  — Ragozin,  Z.  A.,  The  Story 
of  Chaldea  (Stories  of  the  Nations).  London,  1888;  Media,  Babylon  and  Persia.  London, 
1889  ;  Assyria.  London,  18>i8.  —  Ranwolf,  L.,  Journey  into  Syria,  Armenia,  Mesopotamia. 
—  Rassam,  H.,  Excavations  and  Discoveries  in  Assyria.  London;  Asshur  and  the  Land 
of  Nimrod.     Cincinnati,  1897 ;   Babylonian  Cities.     London,  1883. 

Hormuzd  Rassam  was  born  of  Chaldean  Christian  parents  at  Mosul,  Turkev,  in  1826. 
In  1845  he  became  acquainted  with  Austin  H.  Layard,  who  was  then  exploring  Assyrian 
ruins,  and  becoming  much  interested  in  the  work  of  Layard,  he  accompanied  hi'm  to 
England  in  1847,  continuing  his  studies  in  that  country.  In'l864  he  was  sent  by  the  British 
Government  on  a  mission  to  Abyssinia  to  secure  the  release  of  .several  Europeans  who  were 
held  prisoners  by  King  Theodore,  but  he  was  himself  imprisoned  for  two  years  by  that 
king.  Shortly  after  securing  his  release  he  visited  the  Babylonian-Assyrian  region  for 
the  British  Museum,  and  while  on  this  expiedition  and  others  following*  he  made  many 
important  discoveries.  Notable  among  these  discoveries  are  the  bronze  gates  of  Balawat, 
from  the  time  of  Shalmaneser  II  (858— S24  B.C.),  and  the  Abu-Habba  tablet,  recording  the 
restoration  of  the  temple  by  Nabu-apal-iddin,  a  contemfKjrary  of  Shalmaneser  II.  The  name 
of  Rassam  is  associated  with  that  of  Layard,  and  with  the  early  history  of  Assyriology. 
Rassam  was  primarily  an  exyjlorer;  he  assisted  Layard  in  his  earlier  work  at  Nineveh, 
and  himself  carried  on  the  investigations  for  the  British  Government  after  Layard  had 
been  called  to  other  fields.  Rassam  has  never  become  an  Assyriologist  in  the  technical 
acceptance  of  the  term,  contenting  himself  generally  with  securing  the  material  on  which 
the  investigations  of  numerous  scholars  have  been  based.  The  greatest  single  feat  which  he 
accomplished  was  the  discovery  of  the  now  famous  library  of  Assh urban apal.  He  has  himself 
told  the  story  of  his  discoveries  in  books  that  are  not  so  widely  known  as  they  deserve  to  be. 

Ra"wlinson.  G..  The  Five  Great  Monarchies  of  the  Ancient  Worid.  2nd  ed.  London, 
1871;  A  ^Manual  of  Ancient  History.  Oxford,  1869:  Herodotus.  London,  1858-75, 4  vols. ; 
Papers  in  Jour.  Royal  Asiatic  Soc. ;  vols.  X,  XI,  XH.  London,  1885 ;  The  Cuneiform 
Inscriptions  of  Western  Asia.     London,  1861-1891. 

George  Rawlinson  (brother  of  Sir  Henry  Rawlinson)  was  bom  at  Chadington,  Oxford- 
shire, England,  in  1815.  He  was  educated  at  Swansea  and  at  Ealing  School.  He  graduated 
from  Trinity  College,  Oxford,  with  classical  honours,  in  1838.  He  was  elected  Fellow  of 
Exeter  College  in  L840.  In  1859,  as  Bampton  Lecturer,  he  delivered  his  famous  lecture  on 
Historical  Eridences  of  the  Truth  of  the  Scriptural  Records.  He  was  chosen  Camden  Pro- 
fessor of  Ancient  History  in  1861,  and  in  1872  was  made  Canon  of  Canterbury.  His 
historical  ^vritings  cover  nearly  the  entire  history  of  the  Ancient  Orient.  Some  one  has 
said  of  Canon  Rawlinson  that  his  scholarship  is  of  a  peculiarly  German  t}-pe.  and  the 
criticism  would  seem  to  be  essentially  just.  Few  other  Englishmen  of  our  generation  have 
covered  so  wide  a  field  of  history,  and  covered  it  so  thoroughly  as  has  Professor  Raw- 
linson. The  whole  field  of  south-western  Asia  in  antiquity  he  has  made  j:>eculiarly  his  own. 
and  in  a  series  of  widely  circulated  books  he  has  imparted  his  knowledge  to  the  world, 
some  of  them,  as  that  on  the  Parthian  Monarchy,  dealing  with  nations  that  other  his- 
torians had  very  much  neglected.  All  of  this  work,  as  has  been  said,  is  based  upon 
scholarly  investigations  that  might  justly  be  said  to  be  profound.  \t  in  his  estimate  of 
certain  portions  of  this  hbtory,  in  particular  as  regards  the  newer  ideas  of  the  chronolopr 
of  the  remoter  periods,  Professor  Rawlinson  has  hardly  kept  pace  with  the  leaders  of  the 
newest  generation,  this  is  certainly  not  more  than  one  should  expect  in  one  whose  memories 
carry  him  back  to  the  very  beginnings  of  the  "  time  "  controversy.     The  Canon  died  in  1902. 

Rawlinson.  H.  C,  Outline  of  the  History  of  Assyria.  Ivondoii.  18.52.  —  Records  of 
the  Past  (Birch.  S.).  London,  1873, 12  vols.  — Revue  d'Assyriologie.  Paris,  1886.  etc.  — 
Rich.  C.  1..  Babylonia  and  Persepolis:  Memoirs  on  the  Ruins  of  Babylon.  London,  1818. — 
Robertson.  H.  S.,  Voices  of  the  Past  from  Assyria  and  Babylonia.  London,  1900.  —  Rogers. 
R.  W.,  History  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria.     London,  1901,  2  vols. 

Sachau.  E.,  Pveise  in  Syrien  und  Mesopotamien.  Leipsic.  1885 ;  Am  Euphrat  und  Tigris. 
Leipsic,  1900.  —  Sarzec,  ^.  C.  £.,  de,  Decouvertw  en  Chald^e.     Paris,  1884-1893,  2  vols. 


^ 


634     A   GENERAL  BIBLIOGRAPHY   OF  MESOPOTAMIAN   HISTORY 


Menard.  L.,  Ilistoire  des  anciens  peuples  de  rOrient.  Paris,  1883.  —  Meyer,  E., 
GesL-hiclite  des  Alterthums.  Stuttgart,  1S84,  et«.,  5  vols.,  in  progress.  —  Monaco,  A., 
Orientalia.  Rome,  1801.  —  Muecke.  Ch.,  Von  Euphrat  zum  Tiber.  Untersuchungen  zur 
alien  Ge-schichte.  Leipsic,  181)i).  —  Mueller-Simonis,  P.,  Relations  des  missions  scienti- 
tiques.  Washington,  1892.  —  MUrdter,  F.,  Gesch.  Babyloniens  und  Assyriens.  Stutt- 
gart, 1891. 

Niebuhr.  B.  G..  Lectures  on  Ancient  History.  London,  1852,  2  vols.  —  Niebuhr,  M., 
Geschichte  Assurs  und  Babels.  Berlin,  1854.  — Niebuhr,  C,  Die  erste  Dynastie  von 
liabel  (in  Vorderasiat.  Ges.  Mitt.,  vol.  3,  ji.  43).  Berlin,  1897;  Studien  zur  Geschichte  des 
alten  Orientes.  Leipsic,  1894;  Die  Chronologie  der  Geschichte  Israels,  Aegyptens,  Babylo- 
niens und  Assyriens  von  2000-700  v.  Chr.  Leipsic,  1895.  —  Nikel,  J.,  Herodot  und  die 
Keilschriftforschung.     Paderborn,  1896. 

Oppert,  J.,  Babylone  et  Chaldee.  Paris,  1874 ;  L'immortalite  de  1  ame  chez  les  Chaldeens. 
Paris,  1875 ;  The  Real  Chronology  of  the  Babylonian  Dynasties.  London,  1888  (in  coUab. 
with  J.  Menant)  ;  Documents  iuridiques  de  I'Assyrie  et  de  la  Chaldee.  Paris,  1877  ;  Histoire 
des  empires  de  Chaldee  et  d'Assyrie.  Versailles,  1865  (in  collab.  with  J.  Menant)  ;  Pastes 
do  Sargon.  Paris,  1863  ;  Expedition  scientifique  en  M^sopotamie.  Paris,  1859-1863,  2  vols. ; 
Fragments  mythologiques.  Paris,  1882;  Fragments  de  cosmogonie  chaldeenne.  Paris,  1879; 
La  taxation  de  la  Chronologie  des  derniers  rois  de  Babylone.  Paris,  1893;  La  condition  des 
esclaves  k  Babylone.  Paris,  1888;  Les  inscriptions  assyriennes  des  Sargonides  et  les  fastes 
de  Ninive.     Paris,  1863. 

Jules  Oppert  was  born  at  Hamburg,  9th  July,  1825.  Professor  Oppert  is  a  German  by  birth 
but  a  Parisian  by  adoption.  His  whole  oriental  studies  have  been  not  alone  made  in  Paris, 
but  many  of  them  under  the  direct  auspices  of  the  French  Government,  so  that  Frenchmen 
are  perhaps  justified  in  claiming  him  almost  as  a  fellow-countryman.  Professor  Oppert  has 
that  compreliensive  scholarship  which  is  characteristic  rather  of  the  German  than  the 
Frenchman.  He  is  a  philologist  and  linguist  of  the  broadest  type.  Unfortunately  for  the 
general  public  the  German  cast  of  his  mind  shows  itself  still  further  in  his  apparent  con- 
tempt for  the  literary  graces.  He  is  a  scholar  who  works  for  scholars,  and  it  is  but  seldom 
that  he  has  written  anything  which  comes  well  within  the  grasp  of  the  general  public.  His 
Ls,  therefore,  a  name  which  one  meets  everywhere  in  pursuing  the  literature  of  Assyriology, 
but  the  results  of  whose  investigations  must  usually  come  to  the  general  reader,  as  it  were, 
through  an  interpreter. 

Peiser,  F.  E.,  Keilinschriftliche  Aktenstiicke.  Berlin,  1890;  Studien  zur  Oriental. 
Alterthumskunde.  Berlin,  1897.  (In  Vorderasiat,  Ges.  Mitt.  1897,  4  vols.)  ;  Babylon, 
Vertrage.  Berlin,  1890;  A  Sketch  of  Babylonian  Society  (in  Smithsonian  Institute.  An- 
nual Report,  1898.  Washington,  1899).  —  Parrot,  G.,  A  History  of  Art  in  Assyi'ia.  London, 
1884. — Peters,  J.  P.,  Nippur,  or  Explorations  and  Adventures,  etc.  New  York  and  Lon- 
don, 1897,  2  vols. ;  Some  Recent  Results  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania,  Excavations 
at  Nippur  (in  Amer.  Jour,  of  Archeol.,  vol.  10,  pp.  13,  352,  439,  Princeton,  1895)  ;  The 
Seat  of  the  Earliest  Civilisation  in  Babylon  and  the  Date  of  its  Beginnings  (in  Amer. 
Orient.  Soc.  Jour.,  New  Haven,  1896). 

Dr.  John  Punnett  Peters  was  formerly  professor  of  Hebrew  in  the  University  of  Pennsyl- 
vania; at  present  rector  of  St.  Michael's  Protestant  Episcopal  Church,  New  York  City. 
For  more  than  a  generation  after  the  discoveries  of  Botta  and  Layard  and  their  suc- 
cessors in  Mesopotamia  had  been  furthered  by  companies  of  English  and  French  and 
German  explorers,  America  had  taken  no  part  in  the  work,  but  in  1880,  the  University 
of  Pennsylvania  determined  to  make  amends  for  this  neglect  by  sending  out  a  fully 
equipped  exploring  party.  The  leader  of  this  movement,  and  the  man  who  i)ersonally 
conrlucted  the  explorations  of  the  first  two  years  in  the  field,  was  Professor  J.  P.  Peters. 
Througli  his  energetic  efforts  the  numberless  difficulties  that  such  an  enterprise  involves 
were  overcome,  and  some  most  important  discoveries  were  made.  The  chief  of  these  was 
the  location  of  the  Babylonian  city  of  Nippur,  the  site  of  that  ancient  temple  of  Bel,  which 
was,  as  Dr.  Peters  points  out,  to  many  generations  of  old  Babylonians  and  Assyrians  what 
the  temple  of  Jerusalem  has  been  to  the  peoples  of  Christendom.  His  discoveries  at  Nippur 
have  added  greatly  to  the  work  that  has  been  carried  on  at  Babylon  and  Nineveh,  and 
"  helped  to  carry  our  knowledge  of  civilised  man  two  thousand  years  farther  back  than  was 
known  less  than  half  a  century  ago."  At  Nippur  he  discovered  what  is  probably  the  oldest 
known  temple  in  the  world.  Both  his  expeditions  met  with  very  bitter  and  determined 
op])osition  from  government  officials  and  wanderi:ag  inhabitants  in  the  vicinity  of  Nippur, 
and  it  is  mainly  du«  to  his  fearltss  determination  that  successful  excavations' were  finally 
mad«. 


WITH   CRITICAL   AND   BIOGRAPHICAL   NOTES 


637 


Spiegel,  F.,  Die  altpersischeu  Keilinschriften  2nd  ed.  Leipsic,  188L  —  Strabo,  The 
Geography  of  Strabo.  London,  1854,3  vols.  —  Strassmaier,  J.  N.,  liabylonische  Texte. 
Leipsic,  1889;  Inschriften  von  Nabuchodonosor,  Kdnig  von  Babylon  (G00-.501).  Leipsic, 
1889.  —  Streck,  M.,  Die  alte  Landschaft  Babylonien  nach  den  arabischen  GeogTaphen' 
Leyden,  1900,  2  vols.  -^ 

Talbot,  W.  H.  Fox  (in  Records  of  the  Past).  London,  1856,  18  vols. ;  Inscription  of 
Tiglath  Pileser  I,  King  of  Assyria,  B.C.  1150  (in  Jour.  Royal  Asiatic  Soc).     London,  1857. 

William  Henry  Fox  Talbot  was  born  11th  February,  1800,  at  Laycock  Abbey,  near  Chippen- 
ham, England.  He  was  educated  at  Harrow  and  at  Trinity  College,  Cambridge,  gaining  the 
Porson  prize  there  in  1820.  Contributed  papers  to  the  Royal  Society  in  1822,  and  in  the  same 
year  began  a  series  of  optical  researches  and  experiments  which  afterward  played  an  import- 
ant part  in  photography.  In  connection  with  his  scientific  studies  he  devoted  much  of  his 
time  to  the  study  of  archeology,  and  in  later  life  gave  his  entire  time  to  it.  He  shares  the 
honour  with  Sir  Henry  Rawlinson  and  Dr.  Hincks  of  being  one  of  the  first  to  decipher 
the  cuneiform  inscriptions  of  Nineveh.  He  died  at  Laycock  Abbey,  17th  September,  1877. 
Talbot  was  a  master  in  the  field  of  Assyriology.  He  was,  indeed,  one  of  the  first  to  gain 
distinction  in  this  line,  and  in  a  peculiar  sense  one  of  the  founders  of  the  science. 

Taylor,  W.  C,  Students'  Manual  of  Ancient  History.  London,  1882.  —  Tiele,  C.  P., 
History  of  Assyria.  London,  1886  ;  Eastern  Asia  according  to  the  most  recent  Discoveries. 
London,  1891 ;  Comparative  History  of  Egyi^tian  and  Mesopotamian  Religion ;  Babyl.-assyr. 
Geschichte.     Gotha,  1886-1888,  2  vols,  (in  Records  of  the  Past).     London,  1873,  18  vols. 

Cornells  Petrus  Tiele  was  born  at  Leyden,  Holland,  16th  December,  1830.  He  was  educated 
in  the  university  of  that  city^  giving  especial  attention  to  the  study  of  philosophy  and  history. 
In  1877  he  was  appointed  to  the  chair  of  History  and  Religion  in  the  University  of  Leyden. 
His  numerous  publications  on  history  and  philosophy  have  been  widely  translated.  Pro- 
fessor Tiele  enjoys  the  distinction  somewhat  rare  among  his  countrymen  of  a  quite  cosmo- 
politan reputation.  As  an  authority  on  ancient  religious  he  has  no  superior,  and  his 
writings  are  almost  as  well  known  in  Germany,  France,  England,  and  America  as  in  his 
native  Holland. 

Valbuena,  R.  F.,  Egipto  y  Asiria  resucitados  la  parte.  Madrid,  1895.  —  Van  den 
Berg,  Jl,  Petite  histoire  ancienne  des  peuples  de  I'Orieut.  Paris,  1883.  —  Vaux,  W.  G.  W., 
Nineveh  and  Persepolis.  London,  1880.  —  Vigoroux,  F.,  La  Bible  et  les  decouvertes  en 
Assyria.     Paris,  1887. 

Wachsmuth,  C,  Einleitung  in  das  Studium  d.  alten  Geschichte.  Leipsic,  1895. — 
Wahrmund,  A.,  Babylonierthum  und  Christenthum.  Leipsic,  1882.  —  "Ward,  W.  H., 
Notes  on  Original  Antiquities.  Baltimore,  1887 ;  Report  on  the  Wolfe  Expedition  to 
Babylonia.  Boston,  1886  ;  The  Babylonian  Caduceno  (in  Amer.  Orient.  Soc.  Jour.,  vol.  14). 
New  Haven,  1890 ;  The  Story  of  the  Serpent  and  the  Tree  (in  Amer.  Antiq.  and  Orient. 
Jour.,  vol.  20,  p.  211).  Chicago,  1898.  —  Weber,  G.,  Allgenieine  Weltgeschichte.  Leip- 
sic, 1857-1880,  15  vols.  — Weiss,  J.  B.  von,  Geschichte  des  Orients.  1886.  —  Weissbaoh, 
F.  H.,  Zur  Losung  der  suraerischen  Frage.  Leipsic,  1897;  Uber  einige  neuere  Arbeiten  zur 
babyl.  pers.  Chronologie  (in  Deutsche  Morgenlaud.  Ges.  Zeitch.,  vol.  55,  p.  195.  Leipsic, 
1901).  _  Wernicke,  C.,  Geschichte  des  Alterthums.  1890.  —  Wilberf  orce,  R.  F.,  The  Five 
Empires.  London,  1899.  — Winckler,  H.,  Sammlung  von  Keilschrifttexten.  Leipsic, 
1893-1894;  Untersuchungen  zur  altorientalischen  Geschichte.  Leipsic,  1889;  Geschichte 
Babyloniens  und  Assyriens.  Leipsic,  1892;  Altorientalische  Forschungen,  Leipsic,  1893- 
1897  ;  Vblker  und  Staaten  des  alten  Orients.  Leipsic,  1900.  — Woltmann,  A.  K.,  History 
of  Painting.     London,  1880,  2  vols.  — Wood,  R.,  The  Ruins  of  Palmyra. 

Zimmern,  H.,  The  Babylonian  and  the  Hebrew  Genesis.     London,  1901. 


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